REV. MSGR FUITON J. SHEEN. D.D.
The Tactics of Communism
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Rt. Rev. Etfsgr. Fullon J. Sheen, D.D.
1'RlN.l n IMi PVIH-ISHE11 IN THE USmm :• t \H 9 ■ <) LKEHCA
THE PAUL1ST PRESS New Ydii
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THE TACTICS OF COMMUNISM By |
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{' ' ^\ ; Lltii..ARY I APR 25 1945 1 |
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&a^ 7EZJ 1 |
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Rt. Rev. Msgr. Fulton J, Sheen, D.D. |
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I. Q. What ia the ultimate goal of Com- |
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munism ? |
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Reprinted by permission of uTk* Sign" |
A, The ultimate goal of Communism is the es- tablishment "of world dictatorship of the prole- tariat." (Page 34, Program of the Communist In- ternational Workers' Library Publication, 1956.) |
2* Q, How does Communism propose to es- tablish itself?
A. By Revolution* "The Revolution does not simply happen, it must be made" (Earl Browder, What Is Communism?, p. 163.)
3. Q* Who makes the Revolution, the worker or the Communist Party?
A. The Communist Party, "The Revolution is carried out by the great masses of the toilers. The Communist Party as the vanguard of the most conscious toilers acts as their organizer and guide" (Ibid,, p. 163.)
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4. Q. Does this Revolution take plncc si- multaneously in all the countries of the world?
A. No. 'The Revolution cannot be conceived as a single event occurring simultaneously all over
the world." (Program, p, 3J.)
5. Q. How does the Revolution take place?
A. It begins with a civil war which is the con- dition of overthrowing the established order. "Revolution signifies the forcible invasion of the proletariat into the domain of property. . . . The conquest of power by the proletariat is the violent overthrow of * . . armies, police, bureaucratic hierarchy, judiciary, parliaments, etc. (Program, p. 36.)
6. Q. Will violence continue even after the civil war?
A, Yes, until everyone who is opposed to Com- munism is crushed, "After the civil war has been brought to an end, the stubborn class struggle con- tinues in the form of a struggle between the sur- vivors of previous economic systems/' (Ibid., p. 48.)
7* Q. Since Communism means the aboli- tion of nil private property what will hnppcn to the small landowners, peasant*, farmers and the like?
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A. They must be crushed with violence. The "Proletariat . . . must mercilessly suppress the slight- est opposition on the part of the village bourgeoisie
who ally themselves with the landowners." (Pro- gram, p. 49.)
8. Q. What will happen to the city people who own their own homes, e. g., the grocer, the butcher or the saleman?
A. They are to be left their property for a while "bo win them over" (Program, p. 49), but in the end all private property must be abolished. (Pro- gram, p. 30.)
9. Q. During this period of civil war when private property is confiscated in the name of the proletarian Revolution, who plays the lead- tag roles — the Communist Party or the workers whom it claims to aid?
A. "The Communist Party plays the hading rdte" (Program, p. 51, italics in original.)
10. i}. Doc» that mean there will be any oilier parly permitted in a country after the establishment of Communism?
A. No, Communism tolerates no rival parties. "The essential difference between the existence of parties in the Western world and with us Commun- ists, is that the sole possibility with Communism is
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the following: One party is in power and all the others are in jail." (Troud, November 13, 1927.) Troud is the official organ of the Central Commit- tee of the Syndicate of Soviet Workers.
11. Q* Will the Communist Parly ever really renounce its control over the workers?
A. No. The Communist Party will never re- nounce the role of its direction and its revolution- ary initiative. (International Correspondence, August 5, 1955.)
12. Q. Against which groups will Com- munism fight during the civil war in order to establish the dictatorship of the Communist Party?
A. Against (a) all forms of private property, (b) against all religions, Jewish, Protestant, Cath- olic, (c) and against all education except material- istic. "The confiscation of alt property." (Program, p. 40.) "Systematically and unswervingly combat- ing religion," (Program, p. 53.) "Reconstruct the whole of education on the basis of scientific ma- terialism." (Program, p. J4.)
13. <}, Whom do the Communists regard as the greatest forces standing in the way of world revolution?
A. The main obstacles on the road toward the establishment of the proletarian social revolution
Twe Tactics of Communism
are . . . Catholic trade unions, Y. M. C. A., Jewish Zionist organizations. . . . The American Federa- tion of Labor, etc. (Program, pp. 68 and 69.)
14. Q. Does the American Communist Party have any relation with the International Communist Party whose center is in Russia and whose head is Stalin?
A. Earl Browder, the Secretary of the Com- munist Party of the United States says no. "The Communist Party does not take orders from Mos- cow." {What Is Commnnism?3 p. 207*) This statement, however, must be judged in relation to the facts mentioned in the answers to questions 16-24.
15. Q. Must one be a member of the Inter* national Communist Party to attend its annual congresses in Moscow?
A. Yes. The Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the U. S. S. L, Decem- ber 2 J, 1935, verified Party documents of members. Only members may attend the sessions.
16. Q. Did Earl Browder ever attend a Con- gress of the International Communist Parly in Moscow?
A. Yes. On July 28, 1935, Earl Browder acted as Chairman at the Seventh Session of the Seventh
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The Tactics of Communism
Annual Congress of the International Communist Party.
17. Q. Does Earl Browder have any other relation with the International Communist Party than that of being present at one of its sessions ?
A. Yes, He is Vice-President of the Interna- tional Communist Party. During the Seventh Congress of the International Communist Party Browder was criticized for not doing more to com- munize the millions of American unemployed. So impressed was he that he agreed to participate in a special conference of Communist leaders whose aim was to propagandize the unemployed of all coun- tries.
18. Q. Did Earl Browder* while attending the Congress of the International Communis! Parly in Moscow, ever speak of the American Communist Party and the Intcraatiomil Com- munist Party aa a unit?
A. Yes. On July 18, 195 5, he questioned himself and gave answer: "How was our party able to pene- trate the masses and emerge from isolation? A great role was played by leaders in the strike move- ment and in the work of the party among the un- employed, In some of the most important strikes, the San Francisco general strike for one, the Com-
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nmnist Party had a decisive, determining influ- ence."
19. Q, Was any other member of the American Communist Party admitted as a mem- ber of the International Communist Party dur- ing its Seventh Annual Congress?
A. Yes. Comrade Darcy. (International Cor- respondence, October 7, 1935.)
20. Q. Hag the International Communist Party of Moscow ever recommended that the American Communists form a Fanner-Labor Party, and establish n League against War and Fascism?
A. Yes. The following is from the Third Inter- national of Moscow. "Under American ^conditions the creation of a mass party of toilers a 'Labor and Farmer Party' might serve as a suitable form for winning over the broad discontented masses of the toilers. Such a party would be a specific form of the mass people's front in America. . . . Such a party, of course, will be neither Socialist nor Com- munist. But it must be an ami-Fascist party, and must not be an anti-Communist party." (G. Di- mitrov, The Working Class Against Fascism, p. 45. Italics are in the original.) "In no case must the initiative or organizing the party be allowed to pass into ... an anti-Communist party, a party directed against the revolutionary movement." (Ibid,, p.
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46.) 'The Communist International attaches no conditions to unity of action except one, and that an elementary condition acceptable for all workers, namely thai unity of action can be directed against Fascism, against the offensive of capital, against the threat of war, against the class enemy. This is our condition." (lbid.,p,}4. In italics in the original.) 21. Q. Has the American Communis Party ever recommended the formulation of a Fanner-Labor Party or the establishment of Leagues against Fascism and War?
A. Yes. "¥c propose the coming together of trade unions, unemployed organizations, the Town- send Clubs, minority parties, such as Socialist and Communist, into a broad, all-inclusive Farmer- Labor Party." (Earl Browdcr, Lincoln and the Communist, p. 13.) "We must give much more support to the American League against War and Fascism, which already represents the largest united front ever built in America." (Ibid., p. 179.) [Remember the words "United Front."]
22, Q. What docs the official organ of the Executive Committee of die Communist Inter- national say of those who say they take no orders from Moscow?
A. "Those who say we do not cake orders from Moscow are against the proletarian state. It proves they arc allied to the bourgeoisie . , , and are the
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enemy of the proletariat class To receive orders
from Moscow, as Dimitrov said, is to follow the example of Lenin and Stalin." {htternaiimial Com- wunistj French edition, August 5, 193 J.)
23. Q. How can Earl Browder be a bona fide member of the International Communist Parly mid act as Chairman at its International Con- gress and still say he takes no orders from Mos- cow?
A. There is nothing to prevent him from saying it.
24. Q. Is the goal of American Comxnun- i«m different from the goal of International Communism?
A. No, in both the goal is the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship by revolution. "In the revolutionary situation the Communist Party * . • wins some of the armed forces to its side, and leads the effective majority of the population to the seizure of State power. . . . Above all they need the armed forces." (Earl Browdcr, What Is Com- mtmism?, pp. 164 and 16 J.)
25* Q. What does the word "Fascism" mean to a Communist?
A. It means anything that is anti-Communist. Browdcr identifies it with the DuPonts and a "sys- tem of murder and concentration camps for every-
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The Tactics of Communism
one who raises his voice against exploitation and oppression." (What Is Communism?, p. 106.) Di- mitrov says it is "rabid reaction and counter-revo- lution." (Working Class Against Fascism, p. 14.) Note: In order to think clearly about Communism it is well always to translate the word Fascism when- ever they use it as anti -Communist. When the Communist orator pleads for the union of the em~ ployed, or the unemployed, or the Negro, or stu- dents to fight against Fascism, remember Fascism to a Communist Is anti-Communism.
26. Q. la there a Fascist Parly in the United States?
A. No.
27. Q. la there a Communist Party in the United States?
A, Yes.
28. Q. Which then is the greater danger for America?
A. Communism. It must be borne In mind that the political problem of the world is not a choice between Communism and Fascism. There are other kinds of government besides the Fascist* for ex- ample, our own American form. Rather the strug- gle is between Communism and anti-Communism whatever forms the latter may assume.
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29* Q. Do the Communists say they are op- posed to War?
A. Yes. Hence the formation of Leagues against
War.
30. Q. Are they really opposed to War?
A. They are certainly not opposed to civil war for in the words of Lenin, Stalin and Browder: "We must turn every imperialist war into a civil war/* They are not opposed to civil wars and revolutions which lead to Communism. Wars against Com- munism to them are always wrong.
31. What do the Communists mean when they use the word "Peace"?
A. Peace means the establishment of the Com- munist regime. Peace under any other regime is inconceivable to Communism. "The fight to main- tain peace is a fight against Fascism, a fight that is essentially revolutionary." (G. Dimitrov> The United Struggle for Peacer p. 18, Workers' Library edition.) "The anti war struggle of the mas?e* must be very closely combined with the struggle against Fascism [anti-Communism] and the Fascist movement," (Resolutions of the Seventh Annual Congress, International Correspondence, Septem- ber 19, 1935, p. 1184. Brackets mine,)
32. Q. What are we to understand by Com- munism presenting itself as the Enemy of War
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The Tactics of Communism
and Fascism and the friend of the Farmer and Laborer?
A. We are to understand that Communism has changed not its principles, but its tactics. In order to understand the difference let us assume that A is a robber by profession. He decides to rob B, C and D, forcibly entering their homes, hitting each over the head with a bludgeon and then steal- ing their possessions. He succeeds with B but finds that C and D put up considerable opposition and fight him off, and thereafter carry guns to prevent a future robbery. A now decides to give up vio- lence as a means of robbery. And so he plans to rob E, F and G in a new way. He invites them to dinner, tells them that he likes their families, their children, goes to church with them, joins the same golf clubs and then is finally invited into their homes for a week-end during which he robs them. Note that the principle of A's life would have remained unchanged, but his tactics would have changed. He would have used non-violent methods ro attain his end.
Now this is what Communism is doing today. It has found that its revolutionary approach has been unsuccessful. Some countries have resisted and organized, and so, it decides to change its tactics and to use non-revolutionary approaches to attain revolutionary ends.
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33. Q. Did the change in tactics originate in America or in Rusbib?
A. In Russia. It became a definite policy at the Seventh Annual Congress of the Third Interna- tional held in Moscow, July and August, 1935. "The tactical line of the Seventh Congress corre- sponds to the present level of the movement and strength of the Communist parties/' (D. 2. Ma- nuilsky, The Work of the Seventh Congress, p. 65.)
34. Q. What is the name given to- the new tactics of Communism?
A. The "United Front" or "Common Front" or "People's Front" or "Popular Front."
35. Q, How do the Communists propose to overthrow the established order?
A. To this the Communist International replies: "The first thing that must be done, the thing with which we commence is to form a United Front." (G. Dimitrov, report delivered to International Congress, August 2, 195 J.)
36. Q. How does Communism form the United Front?
A. "By securing predominant influences in the broad mass proletarian organizations: Trade unions, factory committees, cooperative societies, sport or- ganizations, cultural organizations, etc. . , - the
16 The Tactics of Communism
masses of che urban and rural poor, over the lower strata of the intelligent, and over the so-called
little man*." (Program of the Communist Inter- national, p. 77.) "Communists must establish die closest cooperation with those Left social-democratic workers, functionaries and organizations that fight against the reformist policy and advocate a United Front with the Communist Party" {Report of the Executive Committee of the Communist Interna- tional, August I, 1935. Original in italics.)
37. Q, Do the United Front luetics mean that during an election the Communists should unite with any major party to prevent the clcc- «jon of anti^Coinmmiistic candidates, even though the Communists hate a ticket or a candi- date themselves?
A. Yes. "The Communists must seek to estab- lish a United Front with the social-democratic par- ties and trade unions (also with the organizations of the toihng workers, handicraftsmen, etc.), and exct every effort to prevent the election of reac- tionary and Fascist [anti-Communist] candidates. In face of the Fascist [anti-Communist] danger, the Communists, while reserving for themselves freedom of political agitation and criticism, partici- pate in election campaigns on a common platform and with a common ticket of the anti-Fascist front, depending on the growth and success of the United
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Front movement, also depending on the electoral system in operation." (Resolutions of the Seventh Annual Congress of the International Communist Party, International Correspondence, September 19, 1955, p. 1179. Italics and parenthesis in the original; brackets mine.)
38. Q. Would the United Front tactic* mean that Communism would seek to enter Catholic organizations in order to secure "pre- dominant influence"?
A. Yes. "It would exert a powerful influence on the ranks of the Catholics, anarchists and unor- ganized workers, even on those who had temporarily become the victims of Fascist [anti-Communist] demagogy." (G. Dimitrov, The Working Class vs. Fascism, p. 32. Italics in original; brackets mine.)
39. Q. Do the United Front tactics apply even to the Youth?
A. Yes. "The central task of the Youth Com- munist International is to establish -unity of the youth movement against Fascism and war" (O, Kuusinen in his address to the Seventh World Con- gress, "The Youth Movement and the Fight Against Fascism and the War Danger," Russian edition. Printshop No. 7, Moscow, p. 24. Italics in origi- nal.) "If the representatives of the Young Com- munists League of the United States had not known
18 The Tactics of Communism
how to approach the student youth in a comradely fashion it would have been impossible for them to have developed their great united front action among the students, the most important of which was the big student's strike against war and Fascism
°n .f '2' 19M' in Which 184'000 *"*»» ^oh part." (Ibid,, p. u.)
40. Q. Do the United Front tactics mean that the masse* are to be gradually led to revo-
A. Yes. 'The Communist Parties must advance partml slogans and demands that correspond to the everyday needs of the toilers, linking them up with the fundamental tasks of the Communist Intcrna- ™' . (Prof ara> P- «* italics in original.) Ihroughout the entire pre-t ■evolutionary period a most .mportant basic part of the tactics of the Communist Parties is the tactics of the united front. (Program, p. 82, italics in original.)
41. Q. The United Front in then only a start- ing point for Revolution?
A. Yes, The Party utilizes their minor every- day needs as a starting point from which to lead the working class to the revolutionary struggle for power. (Program, p. 80, italics in original.)
42. Q. The change in tactics then doea not mean that Communism has changed?
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A. No. "Tactics, generally may change, but the general line of the Communist International, the proletarian revolution, remains unchanged." (D, / Mmuilsky, The Work of the Seventh Congress, p, 6J.) "We must fight for the unification of all revolutionary forces on the basis of our program i »f strategy, and then pass to the offensive on all fronts." (La Correspondence Internationale, Au- Kust 3, 193 J.)
43. Q. When do the Communists propose lo reveal their revolutionary principles?
A. "When Marx's writings have had some years of influence, the next International will be directly Communist and will openly proclaim its princi- ples." (The Correspondence of Marx and Engels, p. 330.)
44. Q. What pledge did Maxim Litvinoff give on behalf of the U. S. S. R. when the United Shuck recognized Soviet Russia on November 16, 1933?
A. "To refrain, and to restrain all persons in gov- ernment service and all organizations of the gov- ernment . . . from any act, overt or covert, liable in any way whatsoever to injure the tranquillity and prosperity, order or security, of the whole or any part of the United States."
20 The Tactics of Communism
45. Q. Wliat U f .iiviMc.lT reported to have
iaicl lo fellow Communists nflcr the siSiimS of the pledge?
A. "Notice th.it the pledge did not exclude the activities of the Third International."
46. Q. Does Earl Brotrder love America?
A. He says he docs. "We Communists love our country." {IbiJ., p. 13.) See answer to question
47. Q. Do the Communists ailvocate vio- lence?
A. Tf you will forget the above quotation con. corning revolution the answer of Earl Browder is m the negative, "Communists do not advocate vio- lence.'' (Ihid., p. 166.) Sec answer to questions
24 and 4?,
4Q. Q. What is the coiulition of joining the Communist International of which Earl Brow- der is Secretary?
A 'To create everywhere an illegal organization machine which at tire decisive moment wll] be help- ful to the Communist Party in fulfilling its duty i0 the revolution." (O. Piantnisky, Twenty-one Con- ditions of Admission to the Communist Interna- tional.)
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49. Q* Did Earl Browder, despite hi-n love of America, advocate the United Front tactics to Win over the sailors and soldiers to foment revolution in America?
A. Yes. "Soldiers and sailors can be and must be won for the revolution. All revolutions have been made with weapons which the overthrown rulers have relied on for their protection/' (What is Communlm?r p. 16?> italics in original.)
50. Q. Has the International Communist Party over recommended such a method?
A, Yes. "In seeking to prepare the transforma- tion of a future imperialist war into civil war, Communists must in every country concentrate their efforts on the essential portions of the im- perialist military machine." (Thirteenth Plenary Session of the Executive Committee of the Co- mitcrn, December, 19*3, cfr„ International Corre- spondence, 1934, Nos. 1 and 2. The Communist, February, 1934, p. 140.)
51. Q. In obedience to the instruction* of ilie Communist International what periodicals are circulated to incite revolution in the Army imd Navy?
A. The Soldier's Voice, the Shipmate's Voice and the Navy Yard Worker,
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The Tactics op Communism
n5ta ?' U tLe Conui>wu»ta in virtue of the
wthin such groups as the Y. M. C. A., church groups, athletic organizations, trade unions etc etc., to whom will the control of |]ie op^ gamzation belong?
A, "In the United Front the Communists must always preserve the role of director. ... The Corn- munist Party will never renounce its role of director and its revolutionary initiative." (U Correspond- enceInternationale, August J, 193 J.)
53. Q. Do the new tactics mean that Com- rnunism has forgotten it* revolutionary goal and that .t has given way to peaceful reforn, or the continuation of American institutions?
A. No. "Only downright scoundrds ... hope- less idiots can think that by means of the United J-ront tactics Communism is capitulating to Social Democracy." (D, 2. Manuilsky, The Work of the Seventh Congress, p, J9.)
if tt'uQv **?* r?** thal make m Americans if we believe the United Front tacths?
A. See answer to question 53.
55. Q. Has Earl Browder's boot, What h Lommunum?, any relation to the Third Inte*.
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national, despite his word that he "does not lake orders from Moscow9*?
A. The official organ of the Executive Commit- tee of the Communist International states? "Com- rade Browder's book is an excellent contribution to the ideological propaganda and agitational work of the Communist Party in the United States of America. The book may be considered a direct re- sult of the work performed by the Communist In- ternational under the leadership of Comrade Di- mitrov." (Page 816, June, 1936.)
56, Q. Which do the American people fear more: the man who makes a frontal attack with a sword, or the man who runs a knife in your back?
A. The American people dislike deceit even un- der the name of tactics. It would therefore be well to be on our guard against Communismj which offi- rially states! "We want to attack our class enemies in the rear.1* (O. Kuusinen, "Youth Movement." Speech delivered at Seventh World Congress, Au- gust 17, 1935, Russian edition, p. 31.)
57. Q. How did Our Blessed Lord warn the world against such tactics?
A. "Beware of false prophets who come to you
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in the clothing of sheep, but inwardly they are ravening wolves.*1 (Matt. vii. 1 J.)
58. Q- "YHio was the first one in the history of Christianity to use the tactics of the Uniled From?
A. Judas, by betraying Our Lord with a kiss.
59. Q. Why did Judas In-tray hy a kiss?
A. Because Judas knew that Divinity was sacred, iliit iicould be overthrown only by some external mark rf affection.
60, Q, Why do Communists use the United Front tactics?
A. Because they know certain things in our American life are so sacred, namely, our govern- ment, aur right to property, our right to liberty and our right to freedom of conscience, that they can be overthrown only by a mark of affection— by pretending they arc our friends.
61. Q. How long will Communism be suc- cessful with its new tactics hi the United States?
A. M long as Americans are gullible enough to
be deceived. , im
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