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WORKS ISSUED BY
Cl)f ^nMii})t ^ofiftK
VOYAGES OF SIE JAMES LANCASTER TO THE EAST INDIES.
No. LVI.
THE VOYAGES
SIR JAMES LANCASTER, K^
EAST INDIES,
ABSTRACTS OF JOURNALS OP VOYAGES TO THE EAST INDIES,
DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY', PRESERVED
IN THE INDIA OFFICE.
VOYAGE OF CAPTAIN JOHN KNIGHT
(1606),
TO SEEK THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
fEcitcU bg
CLEMENTS E. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
LONDON : PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
1IDCCCI.XXVII.
, •'<-'
.>^
T. HICHAUPS, PlilNTEn, 87, GREAT QVUKN STBTSF.T.
COUNCIL
7'HE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
Colonel H. YULE, C.B., President.
Admikal C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNB, C.B. )
> Vice-Presidents. Majok-Genehal Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. j
W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, Esq.
Rev. Dr. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L., F.R.G.S.
J. BARROW, Esq., P.R.S.
WALTER DE GREY BIRCH, Esq.
E. A. BOND, Esq.
Admiral Sir RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B.
Captaiit CRUTTENDBN.
AUGUSTUS W. FRANKS, Esq., F.R.S,
W. E. FRERE, Esq., C.M.G.
HENRY H. HOWORTH, Esq.
JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq., F.S.A.
R. H. MAJOR, Esq., P.S.A.
Sir CHARLES NICHOLSON, Bart., D.C.L.
Admiral Sir ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
Captain PORCHER, R.N.
The Lord STANLEY op Aldeblet,
EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S.
CLEMENTS B. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B,, F.R.S., Sec. B.G.S., Honorary Secretaht.
107217
CONTENTS.
Dedication.
PAGE
lutroduction . . , , . . i
Narrative of the First Voyage of Sir James Lancaster, by
Edmund Barker, Lieutenant . . . .1
■ Narrative of the First Voyage of Sir James Lancaster, by Henry
May . . . . . .25
The Voyage of Captain James Lancaster to Pernambuco . 35
The Fii-st Voyage made to East India by Master James Lancaster
(now Knight) for the Merchants of London, Anno 1600 . 57
|
ABSTRACTS. |
||
|
The Voyage of Captains Keelinge and Hawkins- |
- I . |
. 108 |
|
it 11 5i |
II |
. Ill |
|
1) 11 17 |
III |
. 113 |
|
Tlie Voyage of Captain Sharpeigh — I |
. 120 |
|
|
II |
. 126 |
The Sixth Voyage set forth by the East India Comjmny : In- structions to the Factors . .131
Commission to Sir Henry Middletou for the Sixth Voyage . 137
CONTENTS.
The Second Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton, being the bixth set
forth by the East India Company . , , 145
Journal of the Sixth Voyage, by Thomas Love , . 147
Journal of the Sixth Voyage, kept by Nicholas Downton (1610- ^ 1613) . .161
Journal of Ralph Crosse, Purser of the Hoseamkr in the Tenth
Voyage ....,, 228
A Calendar of the Ships' Journals preserved in the India Office
(written within the seventeoutli ccutuiy) . . 263
Journal of the Voyage of John Knight to seek the North-West
Passage, 1606 . . . . .281
A List of Ships of the East India Company (employed during the
Seventeenth Century) .... 295
Index . , . . . .303
DEDICATION
COMMANDER A. DUNDAS TAYLOR
(lite H.I.N.). SUPERIXTENDEXT OF MARINE SURVEYS TO THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.
My dear Taylor,
I inscribe to you, as one who has, through a long- and useful career, been instrumental in upholding' the reputation of the Indian Navy, this volume containing the narratives of voyages of some of the earliest of your predecessors.
Lancaster, Middleton, Downton, Best, and the other famous seamen who showed England the way to ,.India, commence the long and glorious roll of public servants who made the history of the Indian Marine ; while the great names of Davis and Baffin, famous alike in the Arctic Regions and in the Indian Ocean, stand at the head of the list of Indian Marine Surveyors.
It has been your good fortune, after that most useful branch of the Public Service — the Indian Navy — had been recklessly abolished, and after the surveys had been entirely neglected for twelve years, to restore them to
h
1
DEDICATION.
efficiency. That you may succeed in maintaining that efficiency, and thus achieve a work which I know to be as neai" to your heart, as it is important to the interests of England and of India, is the earnest hope of your sincere friend and well-wisher,
Clements R. Makkham. ■
INTKODUCTION.
The Council of the Hakluyt Society have resolved to reprint the narratives of the voyages of Sir James Lancaster, from the collections of Hakluyt and Purchas, in order that they may be brought together in one volume. Lancaster was one of the leadings seamen of the reign of Elizabeth, and he commanded the two first English voyages to the East Indies. He was afterwards on the direction of the East India Com- pany ; he was a great promoter of voyages of dis- covery ; and, as such, his name was immortalised by William Baffin, who called one of the chief portals of the Arctic Eegions — " Sir James Lancaster, his Sound".
We learn from himself that, in his early years, he had been in Portugal in the capacities of a soldier and afterwards of a merchant. In 15.91 he sailed on his first voyage to the East Indies ; and two accounts of this adventurous expedition, and of its disastrous ter- mination among the West Indian Islands, were pub- lished by Hakluyt.-^ The first was written by Hakluyt from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich,^ a lieutenant; and the second by Henry May.^ Lancaster
1 Hakluyt ii, Part ii, p. 102 (2ncl edition, ii, p. 586) ; and iii, p. 571 (2nd edition, iii, p. 51).
- Page 1. 3 p^gQ 23.
b 2
U INTRODUCTION.
returned to Enojland in May 1594, after an absence of more than three years.
In the autumn of 1594, Lancaster was again in com- mand of three ships fitted out by Aldermen of London, with his old lieutenant, Edmund Barker, in the vice- admiral. On this occasion, a successful piratical attack, in which Barker lost his life, was made on the Portuguese settlement of Pernambuco. The expedition returned to Black wall in July 1595.^
In 1599, the full report of Dr. Tliorne, who resided at Seville, on the advantages of a trade with India, and other information, including that obtained by Lancaster during his first voyage, induced the mer- chants and adventurers of London to project an expe- dition, and eventually to form a Company, with the object of establishing a trade with the East Indies. A sum of £30,000 was at once subscribed. On Oc- tober 16th, 1599, Queen Elizabeth's gracious accept- ance of the voyage was reported, and the Lord Treasurer recommended Sir Edward Michelborne as principal commander. But the promoters resolved not to employ any "gentleman" in any place of charge or command in the voyage, because they desired to "sort their business with men of their own quality". All througli the autumn the preparations for the voy- age were energetically pushed forward, and a total sum of £72,000 was subscribed. On the 10th of De- cember, Captain James Lancaster was appointed General of the Fleet, witli a comniission of martial
1 Page 35. This is also a reprint from Hakluyt, iii, p. 709 (2iid edition, iv, p. 207).
I^■TIlODUCTION. 111
law from the Queen. John Middleton was in the vice-admiral, and that glorious Arctic navigator, John Davis, was Pilot-Major. The sliij)s were nearly ready for sea when, on the 31st of December, 1599, the Charter of Incorporation of the East India Com- pany was granted, being a privilege for fifteen years to certain adventurers for the discovery of the trade for the East Indies, namely, George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, and 215 knights, aldermen, and mer- chants. Alderman Sir Thomas Smith was chosen as the first Governor of the Company, and the names of James Lancaster and John jMiddleton appear among those of the twenty-four Directors.
All through the month of January 1600 the expedi- tion was being fitted out in the Thames. Each ship was provided with twelve streamers, two flags, and one ancient. Stores and provisions of all kinds were supplied, as well as merchandise, and merchants were appointed to the difi"erent ships to superintend the trading operations. The Queen gave letters of recom- mendation to the Princes of India, and presents were provided, consisting of "two fair, costly looking- glasses", a silver basin and ewer, two standing cups, four silver cups, and other things of less value. A sufiicient account of the scale of victualling, stores, armament, and merchandise for the Company's ships in the early voyages, and of their cost, has already been given by Mr, Rundall.^ Mr. Kichard Hakluyt furnished much useful information and instructions
^ Xarrat'ives of Voyages toioards the Nortli-West (Appendix), Hakluyt Society's volume for 1849.
IV INTRODUCTION.
" touching the preparing of the voyage", and also supplied three maps. The officers and others received "bills of adventure" upon the gain of the voyage. Thus the Pilot-Major, John Davis, was to have £500 if the voyage yielded two for one, £1000 if three for one, £1500 if four for one, £2000 if five for one.
The expedition sailed from Woolwich on the 13th of February 1600, with 480 men. The General, James Lancaster, was on board the Dragon. This vessel was bought from the Earl of Cumberland for £3,700, her former name having been the Malice Scourge. She was launched on the 11th of December 1599, and rechristened the Red Dragon, being a vessel of 600 tons, with a crew of 202 men.^ John Middleton was on board the vice-admiral, the Hector, of 300 tons, with a crew of 108 men. The Ascension, commanded by William Brand, was a vessel of 260 tons, with a crew of 82 men ; and the Susan, of 240 tons, under John Heyward, had 88 men. The Guest, of 130 tons, was added as a victualler.
The original manuscript journals of this memorable voyage are lost. The narrative, as given by Purchas, is now reprinted.^ It describes all the events from the departure of the expedition in February 1600, to its return to the Downs on the 11th of September 1603. The gallant commander of the expedition received the
1 There is a drawing of the Red Dragon under sail facing page 1 of Sir Henry Middletou's Voyage, being the Hakluyt Society's volume for 1855.
2 Page 57. See Purchas, lib. in, cap. iii, p. 47 ; and Harris, i, p. 62.
INTRODUCTION. V
honour of knighthood and became Sir James Lancaster. He was the founder of that English trade with the East Indies which led to the formation of the British Empire of India. He afterwards served as a Director of the East India Company in London, where his great experience was invaluable in preparing subsequent ventures, and in the general conduct of the Company's affairs. He was still actively engaged on these duties in 1618.
The second voyage set forth by the East India Company was commanded by Henry Middleton, and sailed from Gravesend on the 23rd of March 1604. Middleton was in the Dragon, with his brother David ; his second in command, Colthurst, in the Hector ; the Ascension was commanded by Roger Stiles ;^ and the Susan by AVilliam Keelinge. IMiddleton was knighted on his return in 1606. This is the only East Indian voyage of the seventeenth century of which a separate narrative was published. It appeared in 1606, being printed in London for Walter Burre ; and Mr. Bolton Corney suggests that, as Middleton had a daughter named Margaret Burre, the printer may have been his son-in-law. This very rare book was reprinted for the Hakluyt Society in 1855, and edited by Mr. Bolton Corney. The notice of the first voyage of Middleton in Purchas' is excessively meagre, only occupying two pages, probably in consequence of the separate account having been previously published.
Sir Edward IMichelborne, whose influence with the Lord Treasurer was great, but who found so little
' Died at Bantam. - Book ni, chap, v, p. 185.
VI INTRODUCTION.
favour in the City, continued to be a thorn in the side of the Company for some years. In 1601 he was "disfranchised of the freedom and. privileges of this fellowship, and utterly disabled from taking any benefit or profit thereby."^ But, in spite of the Company, Michelborne obtained a licence in June 1604, to dis- cover the countries of China and Japan and to trade with the people, notwithstanding any grant to the Company to the contrary. The great Arctic navigator John Davis sailed with him as pilot on board the 2'icjer, and was slain in a fight with Japanese junks on the 27th December 1605.^ He left behind him some valuable sailing directions for the voyage along the Sumatran coast from Achin to Tiku and Priaman. Michelborne w^as the first of the interlopers, and his conduct, during the voyage, appears to have done no credit to the English name. In 1608 the Com- pany's factor at Bantam reported, that " if any more such as he be permitted to do as he did in these parts, their state would be very dangerous", and urges the Company to " use all prevention in this point".
The printing of the four narratives of the voyages of Sir James Lancaster suggested an examination of the manuscript journals of voyages which are still preserved at the India Ofiice, and a collation of the earlier documents with the abstracts given byPurchas. In the present volume, the voyages of Lancaster are. followed by a calendar of all the manuscript journals
' Calendar of State Papers (East India), 1513-1616, para. 292. 2 See accounts of Micholborno's voyage in Purchas, vol. i, Book ni, p. 132 ; and Harris, i, p. bo.
INTKODUCTION. vii
of voyages during the seventeenth century now in the India Office, while abstracts of a few of the most in- teresting are given in considerable detail. Notices of the manuscripts will be found in the foot-notes.
I will now proceed to give some account of the materials tliat have escaped destruction, and of the abstracts given in Piirchas. On the formation of the East India Company, their historical and geographical documents were entrusted to Richard Hakluyt, who had completed his Princijml Navigations in 1600, and was made Archdeacon of Westminster in 1603. He thus had charge of the journals of all the East India voyages, from 1600 to the date of his death, in 1616. In about 1620, four years after Hakluyt's death, these journals and logs came into the hands of the Rev. tSamnel Purchas, having, in all probability, been en- trusted to him by Sir Thomas Smith, the first governor of the company, for publication. Unfortunately Pur- chas, instead of doing this, resolved to abridge and epitomise his materials, and, in this form, he published them in four folio volumes in 1625, with the well- known title Hakluyt us Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgriiiies. The Indian voyages are given in the first volume, books iii, iv, and v. This method of treatment would not, as Mr. Bolton Corney has observed, have been objectionable if due care had been taken to preserve the original manuscripts. Sir Thomas Smith died in the year that the Pilgrimes were published, on September 4, 1625, and Purchas followed him in 1G26. From that time these priceless materials for the opening chapter of the history of British India
Vlll INTRODUCTION.
have been neglected. Many of the manuscripts are lost, and those that survive are sadly injured by damp and rats. Subsequent historians have never made use of them, but have contented themselves with the meagre and careless abstracts given by Purchas.
The manuscript journals of the voyages of Lancaster and Middletou, the two first set forth by the Company, have disappeared. The oldest existing manuscripts in the India Office are fragments of three journals kept during the third voyage (1606-1609), which was commanded by Captains Keelinge and Hawkins. Pur- chas gives abstracts of two journals of this third voyage, that of Keelinge, from the document preserved in the India Ofiice. The first, in Purchas, is an abstract of Keelinge's journal, occupying 18 pages ;^ but Purchas tells us that the original was very voluminous, and that he has " beene bold so to shorten, as to expresse only the most necessary observations for sea or land afi"aires." The second, also much abridged, is the im- portant narrative of Captain Hawkins, commanding the Hector, who was the first Englishman to obtain a concession for trading from the Great Mogul. It also occupies 18 pages.~ The manuscript of the journal of Hawkins is lost.
In the present volume I have given abstracts of the three manuscripts in the India Office which relate to the third voyage.^ One consists of 4 J pages; the second of 32-| pngcs, those between the dates August 30th, 1607, and February 28th, 1608, having been torn out;
' Book IV, cap. vi, ji. 188. - Book iii, cap. vii, p. 206.
•* See pages 108 to 110.
INTRODUCTION. ix
and the fourth, of 59|- pages, being a journal kept by John Hcarn and William Finch, containinsf some sketches of coasts and headlands. It breaks off when the ships were at Socotra on their way out.
The circumstance of the second of these journals of the third voyage, w^hich was kept on board the Dragon^ having had several pages torn out, calls for special re- mark for the following reason. Mr. Rundall, who was a clerk in the India Office, in the appendix^ to the volume edited by him for the Hakluyt Society in 1849 [Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West), says that the following entry occurs in the journal of the Dragon, Captain Keelinge's ship, and in a foot-note he refers to East India MSS., showing that in 1849 the journal was intact.
1607. September 4 (at Serra Leona). Towai'ds night the kinges interp'ter came, and brought me a letter from the Portingall, wher in (like the faction) he offered me all kindly services. The bearer is a man of maruailous redie witt, and speakes in eloquent Portugues. He layt abord me.
„ 5. I sent the interpreter, according to his desier, abord the Hector, whear he brooke fast, and after came abord mee, wher we gave the tragedie of Hamlett.
„ 30. Captain Hawkins dined with me, wher my com-panions acted King Richard the Second.
„ 31. 1 envited Captain Hawkins to a ffishe dinner, and had Hamlet acted abord me, w'^^ I iimitt to heejje my inoph from idlenes and unlavfall games, or sleepe.
' Page 231.
X INTKODUCTION.
Now it is obvious that these entries are of very great literary importance, for they record one of the earliest performances of Hamlet after the first publication of that play in 1604.^ They have been abstracted from the ^manuscript volume since 1849, together with all the pages containing entries between August 30th, 1607, and February 19th, 1607(8). In the third frag- ment^ there are entries for the days on which the plays were acted, but no mention of the performance. Owing to the robbery of these leaves of the manuscript, there is now no contemporary evidence of the interesting fact that the play of Hamlet was acted by Captain Keeliuge's sailors at Sierra Leone in the autumn of 1 60 7. The only evidence is the quotation from the original document made by Mr. Kundall before the robbery took place.
The fourth East Indian expedition (1608) consisted of the Ascension, commanded by Captain Sharpeigh, and the Union, under Captain Eichard Rowles. It
1 The earliest allusion to a play of Hamlet was made by Nash in 1589. Malone did not think that this was Shakespeare's play, but an earlier performance. In 1602, "The Tragicall Historic of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark", was entered in the Stationers' Regis- ters. But the earliest known edition is that of 1603, of which two copies are extant, Mr. Furness thinks that there was an old play on the story of Hamlet which Shakespeare remodelled for the stage in 1602, and that this is the same as the edition of 1603, while the edition of 1604 is the first edition of Shakespeare's Hamlet. So great was the popularity of the play, that another edition was pi'inted in 1605, which was, no dyubt, the one used by Captain Keelinge's men. The next edition did not come out until 1611. Richard II appeared earlier, in 1597.
" An abstract of this MS. is given at page 113.
INTRODUCTION. XI
was very unfortunate. Tlie two ships were separated off the Cape ; the Ascension was wrecked in the Bay of Cambay, and the Union, after great disasters, was met at Madagascar by Sir Henry Middleton in IGIO/ Purchas ojives three documents relatino^ to the fourth voyage. The first is an abridgment of a narrative of the Ascensions cruise, by T. Jones, occupying 3 1 pages. The second is an account of a journey by one of the shipwrecked seamen, named William Nicols, who made his way overland to Masulipatam (one-fourth of a page) ; and the third is an account of the voyage of the Union by Samuel Bradshaw (1^ page). In the India Office collection there are two documents re- lating to the fourth voyage. The first^ consists of 75|- manuscript pages, of which 60^ are the journal proper, and the rest include twenty-five letters from Captain Sharpeigh, while detained at Aden. The second is comprised in 6f pages,^ being a letter from Captain Sharpeigh to the Directors. Neither of these two documents appears to have been used by Purchas.
The fifth voyage was commanded by David Middle- ton, a brother of Sir Henry. It consisted of only one ship, the Consent, of 150 tons, which sailed from Til- bury Hope on the 12th of March 1606, and returned with a full lading of cloves. Purchas only gives a very meagre abstract of 3|- pages; and there is no manuscript relating to David Middletou's voyage in the'India Office collection.
1 See page 160.
2 An abstract of it is given at page 1 20. ^ Abstract at page 126.
XIV INTRODUCTION.
by John Davy, the Master (4 pages), but there is no record of this voyage at the India Office.
The tenth voyage was commanded by Captain Thomas Best, and consisted of four ships — the Hose- ander, Hector, James, and Solomon, which sailed from Gravesend in February 1612. From this voyage dates the establishment of permanent English factories on the coast of India ; and it was Captain Best who secured a regular firman for trade from the Great Mogul. Purchas gives an extract of 10 pages from the journal of Best himself,^ and certain observations written by others employed in the voyage.^ In the India Office collection there is the manuscript journal of Captain Best, which was used by Purchas^ (46 pages), and the journal of Ralph Crosse, the purser of the Hoseander (6 7 J pages)^ besides a manuscript of 66 pages, coutaiu- iog extracts from various logs, two of which refer to Best's voyage.^
The eleventh voyage, so called, is merely that of the ship Solomo7i in Best's fleet. Purchas gives extracts from the journal of Ralph Wilson, one of the mates of the Solomon, comprising 1|- page.
The twelfth voyage was commanded by Christopher Newport,^ and left Gravesend in 1612. Newport's ship, t\iQ Expedition, of 260 tons, had the Persian ambassador
1 Lib. IV, cap. vii, p. i.jG.
2 Ihid., p. 466. 3 See page 264. * See page 248. . & See page 265.
^ Christophei' Newport comtnanded a fleet of three ships, which went to the West Indies in 1591, and burnt three towns and nine- teen -Spanish ships (Hakluyt, 2nJ edition, iii, p. 48),
INTRODUCTION. XV
on board. This was the famous Sir Eobert Sherley, with his Circassian wife Teresia, and several Eiiclish and Persian followers. Purchas gives an account of this voyage from extracts of the journal of AValter Payton, who was on board (12 pages). There is no record of this voyage at the India Office.
The next voyage was that commanded by Captain Downton, which Purchas calls the "Second Joint-Stock Voyage", but it appears to have been the first. It consisted of the Nqw Years Gift, the Hector, the Merchant Hope, and the Solomo7i; and sailed from England in March 1613. This expedition of Downton is famous for a great success gained over the Por- tuguese fleet. Purchas gives 11^ pages of extracts from the journal of Captain Downton,^ wdio died at Bantam on August 6tb, 1615; and also some notes of the voyage of Martin Pring, who served under Down- ton. Downton was succeeded by Captain Elkington; and Purchas gives an extract of two pages from that officer's journal, and another of three pages from some memoranda of Edward Dodsworth, chief mer- chant of the second joint-stock voyage under Captain Keelinge (1614-15). Dodsworth's journal of 54 manu- script pages is preserved in the India Office collection.^ There is also another manuscript journal of this voyage, kept by John Monden, master's mate of the Hector, consisting of 53 pages. ^
Purchas gives extracts from the journal of Cap- tain Walter Payton, who commanded the fleet
1 Lib. IV, cap. xi, page 500.
'■^ See page 265. 3 g^e page 2GG.
0
XVI INTRODUCTION.
which took Sir Thomas Roe out to India in 1614 (8 pages)/ of which there is no record among the India Office manuscripts.
The voyage commanded by Andrew Shilling in 1619, is memorable, because that great Arctic explorer and navigator William Baffin served in the fleet. Pur- chas gives extracts from the journal of Richard Swan, master of the Roehuch, one of the ships of Shilling's fleet.^ In the India Office there are two manuscript journals of Shilling's voyage, one by Archibald Jenni- son (37-|^ pages), and the other by Richard Swan' (68 pages), which was used by Purchas.
There are some other unimportant extracts in Purchas which are not in the India Office, and the rest of the seventeenth century manuscripts in the India Office collection have not been used by Purchas. An account of them will be found from pages 266 to 277 of the present volume.*
' Lib. IV, cap. xv, page 528.
2 Lib. V, cap. vxi, page 723. ^ See page 269.
* The following is a list of ships' journals of voyages to the East Indies from which Purchas gives extracts in his Pilgrimes. Harris copied niost of them into his collection. Those with an asterisk are still preserved at the India Office : —
1. The first voyage, commanded by Lancaster ...Vol. I, Lib.iii,cap. 3, p. 147.
2. The second voyage, „ H. Middleton , cap. 5. p. 185.
3. The third voyage, „ Keeliuge & Hawkins „ cap. 6, 7, p. 188.
4. The fourth voyage, „ Sharpeigh... 3 accounts cap. 9, p. 228.
5. The fifth voyage, „ David Middleton . . . Lib. iii, cap. 8, p. 226.
6. The sixth voyage, „ H. Middleton „ cap. 11, p. 247.
„ „ „ *N. Dowuton „ cap. 12, p. 274.
7. The seventh voyage, „ Anthony Hippon... „ cap. 13, p. 314.
„ „ „ * Journal of Floris... ,, cap. 14, p. 319.
8. The eighth voyage, „ John Saris Lib. iv, caps. 1 and 2.
9. The ninth voyage, „ Edmund Marlowe... „ cap. 5, p. 440.
INTRODUCTION. XVll
I take tliis opportunity of expressing my thanks to Mr. Handcock, of the State Paper Office, for his valuable assistance in deciphering and making ab- stracts of the earlier logs of the seventeenth century in the India Office.
The present volume concludes with a document re- lating to a very different part of the world, which was, however, very closely connected with the early history of the East India Company. This is the journal of the voyage of John Knight to seek the North- West Passage in 1606. The original manuscript was found in the India Office amongst a heap of waste paper, and was thus rescued from destruction. It is marked No. 19 of some lost series, which probably included other
10. SailingdirectionsfortheEastIndies,byJohnDavis...Lib. iv, cap. 6, p. 444.
11. Theteuthvoyage,commaudedby*Thomas Best „ cap. 7, p. 456,
„ „ „ Observations by others „ cap. 8, p. 466.
12. The eleventh voyage, „ Ral^A Wilson „ cap. 9, p. 486.
13. The tweKth voyage, „ Christopher Newport „ cap. 10, p. 448.
14. Joint-Stock voyage, „ Downton „ cap. 11, p. 500.
„ „ „ Elkiugton „ cap. 12, p. 514.
„ „ „ *Dods\vorth „ cap. 12, p. 510.
15. A voyage in 1614, „ John Milward „ cap. 14, p. 524.
1 5. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton „ cap. 15, p. 528.
16. Notes from the Journal of Alex. Childe Lib. v, cap. 2, p. 606.
17. Voyage of the Anne Royal (1618)..., „ cap. 5, p. 622.
18. Two voyages of Martin Pring „ caps. 6 and 7.
19. Proceedings of Sii- Thomas Dale „ cap. 7, p. 637.
20. Discourse of William Hore's voyage „ cap. 8, p. 656.
21. Journal of Nathaniel CourthoriJ „ cap. 9, p. 664.
,, „ „ „ cap. 10, p. 679.
22. Narrative of Captain Fitzherbert „ cap. 13, p. 697.
23. * Voyage of Captain Shilling, by Richard Swan .... „ cap. 16, p. 723.
24. Discourse of trade to the East Indies, by T. Mun „ cap. 17, p. 732.
Purchas also gives the journal of the ship Pearl, an interloper (1612), of which Samuel Castleton of London was captain, written by John Tatton, master (iii, cap. xv, p. 328).
XVUl INTRODUCTION.
priceless Arctic journals. This one has alone escaped. It was once in the hands of Purchas, for he gives ex- tracts from it occupying 4|- pages ;^ and a collation of the original manuscript with his version, affords a good example of the way in which the Rev. Samuel dealt with his materials.
Captain Way mouth's Arctic expedition and others, as well as that of Captain Knight, were despatched by the East India Company ; but Captain Knight was originally connected with the Danish expeditions to Greenland of the seventeenth century, and it will be well to glance briefly at his antecedents.
On the 2nd of May 1605, an expedition sailed from Copenhagen consisting of two ships and a pinnace, with the object of re-discovering Greenland. The com- mander was John Cunningham, a Scottish gentleman in the service of the King of Denmark, who was on board the Frost — a vessel of the burden of 40 or 50 lasts, and James Hall served under him as pilot. The Lyon carried the Vice-Admiral, a Dane named Lin- denow, and John Knight commanded the pinnace. X)n the 30th of May they sighted very high land in 59" 50' N., which they called Cape Christian, but could not approach it, owing to the quantity of ice. The Lijon here parted company to return home. The Frost and pinnace, under Cunningham, Hall, and Knight, pro- ceeded northwards, and on the 12th of June they sighted very high land on the west coast of Gi-een- land, which was named Mount Cunningham. Then, approaching the land between two capes, that to the
' Tliinl Part, lib. iv, caj). xvi, p. 127.
INTRODUCTIOX. XIX
soutli was called Cape Anne, after the Queen of Den- mark, and the other Cape Sophia, after the queen mother. Thus they entered a goodly bay, "which they named King Christian's Fjord ; and, sailing up it for several leagues, they anchored in 2 6 fathoms. Eskimos Avere met with, and Hall gives an interesting account of them, and of their country. He named a group of islets off Cape Sophia the Knight Islands. A headland was called Burnil's Cape^ (Brunei's ?) probably after the eminent Dutch navigator, Oliver Brunei, who was in the Danish service at this time. The expedition re- turned to Copenhagen in August of the same year.
John Knight then left Denmark and returned to England, and there is some reason for thinking that Oliver Brunei went with him.
Hall remained in the Danish service, and was in a second expedition with Cunningham and Lindenow. He sighted the American coast in 58° 30' N. on July 9th, 1606, and afterwards revisited Greenland, return- ing to Copenhagen in October. In a third expedition in 1607, Hall's crew mutinied, and forced him to put back. After this he left Denmark, and in 1612 took command of an expedition to Greenland, set forth by English adventurers from Hull, an account of which was written by William Baffin. They reached a bay, which Hall named Cockin's Fiord, in remembrance of Alderman Cockin; and here Baffin made some inter- esting calculations for difference of longitude. But Captain Hall was murdered by an Eskimo out of re-
• Not Caj-ie Burnit, as incorrectly given in the Admiralty chart.
XX INTRODUCTION.
venge for a relation who was kidnapped in one of the former voyages. He died on the 23rd of July, and was buried on one of the Knight Islands. The ex- pedition then returned to Hull. Baffin mentions that on the banks of a fiord, which they named Ball's River,^ there were shrubs six or seven feet high, and much angelica.
We now return to John Knight, who was employed, on his return to England, by the East India merchants to discover the North- West Passage. He sailed from Gravesend in the Hoioewell, of 40 tons, on April 18th, 1606, and it is supposed that Oliver Brunei went with him. The history of Brunei, the first of the Dutch Arctic navigators, has been elucidated with much ability and research by the historian S. j\luller, and by Lieutenant Koolemans Beynen of the Dutch Navy in his introduction to the second edition of the voyages of Barents, printed for the Hakluyt Society.^ It is certain that, after the failure of the voyage under- taken by Brunei, which sailed from Enkhuyzen in 1584, that indefatigable explorer offered his services to Christian II of Denmark, proposing to find the long- lost Greenland colonics. He probably served in Hall's first voyage, when Cape BruneP was named after him; and Lieutenant Beynen thinks it by no means impos- sible that he left Denmark with Knight, and sailed with that navigator in the Hopewell in 1606.^
^ Since incorrectly called Baal's river.
2 See Barents (2nd edition^ p. xiv.
3 Erroneonsly printed on the Admiralty chart as '* Cape Buruit". ^ Introdnction to Barents (2nd edition), p. xvi.
INTRODUCTION. XXI
The journal of Captain Knight describes the voyage of the Hopeioell across the Atlantic^ until the coast of Labrador was sighted near the position of the modern settlement of Nain. The manuscript, which is in Knight's own hand, ceases abruptly on the 26th of June. A postscript follows, describing how Captain Knight and others landed, on that day, on a great island. He, his mate, his brother, and one more, went on shore, leaving two men in the boat. They walked over a hill, and were never seen nor heard of again. The postscript in the manuscript is different from that in Purchas, the latter being much longer. The Purchas postscript describes how the people were afterwards attacked by savages; how they got out of the bay, and reached Newfoundland, where they ob- tained succour; and how they eventually arrived at Dartmouth on the 29th of September 1606. "The rest of this journal, from the death of Master John Knight, was written by Oliver Browne,^ one of the company." With these words the postscript in Pur- chas ends, and Mr. Muller suggests that the I in Brovmel has been omitted through a typographical error. There is certainly some reason for the sup- position that the writer of the melancholy postscript to Knight's voyage was identical with the Dutch navi- gator whose history has been so diligently brought to light by the historian S. Muller Fr., and by. Lieutenant Koolemans Beynen.
Arctic exploration is so important and useful, and
^ See page 281.
- Browuel is the recognised English equivalent for Brunei.
XXll INTRODUCTION.
the enterprises connected with it form such noble and heart-stirring episodes in our history, that every frag- ment relating to them should be looked upon with veneration. This old manuscript record has, therefore, been printed as a contribution towards the more com- plete history of English Arctic adventure. It fitly concludes a volume containing narratives of East Indian voyages,^ because, in its earliest and best days, much precious Arctic work was undertaken and achieved by the English East India Company.
^ Fostsc)i2)t. — William Mace of Radcliffe, the Master of Lancas- ter's ship, the Edward, in his first voyage (see pages 6 and 2Q), who was killed at the Comoro Islands, had formerly commanded an expedition of his own. In 1589 he made a voyage to the Gulf of Mexico, in the ship Dog (70 tons), and took several Spanish prizes. On one occasion, when he and some of his people went on board a ship which had surrendered, the Spaniards ti'eacherously attacked them, and Mace only escaped by jumping overboard and swimming to his own ship. See Hakluyt, iii, p. 39 (2nd edition). The Dog returned to London in the same year, 1589.
;\'r^ )
•;v
NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST VOYAGE
OP
SIE JAMES LANCASTEK
BY
EDMUND BARKER, Lieutenant.
A voyage with three tall ships — the Penelope^ Admirall ; the MarcTiant Ruijal, Vice-Admirall ; and the Edward Bonaventure, Rere-admirall, — to the East Indies, by the Cape of Buona Sperausa, to Quitangone, neere INIosambique, to the lies of Comoro and Zanzibar, on the backe- side of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori in India, to the lies of Nicubar and of Gomes Pulo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Hands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the maine land of Malacca, begunne by M. George Raymond, in the yeere 1591, and performed by ^I. James Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Edmund Barker^ of Ipswich, his lieutenant, in sayd voyage, by M. Richard Hakluyt.
Our fleet of tlie tliree tall sliips above named departed from Plimmouth tlie lOth of April, 1591, and arrived at the Canarie-islands the 25 of the same, fro whence we departed the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer. The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a faire winde at north-east, always before the winde untill the 13 of the same moneth, when we came within 8' degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where we met with a contrary winde. Here we lay off and on in the sea untill the sixt of June, on which day we passed the sayd line. While we lay thus off and on, we took a Portugal carawel laden by marchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which
B
2 OCCASIONS OF SICKNESS NEAR THE LINE.
carauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 iarres of oyle, about 100 iarres of olives, certaine barrels of capers, three fats of peason, with clivers other necessaries fit for our voyage : which wine, oyle, olives and capers were better to vs than gold. We had two men died before we passed the line, and divers sicke, which tooke their sicknesse in those hote climates ; for they be wonderful unwholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that time of the yeere : for we had nothing but Tornados, with such thunder, lightning and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres together, which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their eating of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them. After we passed the line, we had the wind still at east south-east, which caried us along the coast of Brasil, 100 leagues from the maine, till we came in 26 degrees to the southward of the line, where the wind came up to the north, at which time we did account that the Cape of Buona Espei'ansa did beare off us east and by south, betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape, we had the wind often variable, as it is vpon our coast, but for the most part so that we might lie our course. The 28 of July we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona Esperansa : vntill the 31 wee lay off and on, with the wind contrary, to double the Cape, hoping to double it, and so to have gone seventie leagues further, to a place called Agoada de S. Bras,^ before we would have sought to have put into any harbour. But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes, we thought good to seeke some place to refresh them. With which consent we bare up to the land to the northward of
> Bartolome Dias, with two vessels, sailed from Lisbon for the south in August 148G, and was the first European to double the Cape. In proceeding eastward, he reached the bay, wliich he named San Bras, where, in attempting to take in water, he was attacked by the natives. This is what Lancaster calls the Agoada (watering-place) de S. Bras.
GREAT STORE OP PENGUINS AND SEALES. 3
the Cape, and going along the shore, we espied a goodly Laie, with an iland lying to seawards of it, into which we did bcare, and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in. This baie is called Agoada de Saldanha,^ Iji^g 1^ leagues northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first of August being Sunday, we came to an anker in the baie, sending our me on land, and there came vnto them certaine blacke salvages, very brutish, which would not stay, but retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe, but onely foules, which wee killed with our pieces, which were cranes and geese : there was no fish but muskles and other shelfish, which wee gathered on the rocks. After 15 or 20 dales being here, our admii-all went with his pinnasse unto the iland which lieth off this baie, where he found great stoi'e of penguines and scales, whereof he brought good plenty with him. And twise after that we sent certain of our men, which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships. After we had bene here some time, we got here a negro, whom we compelled to march into the country with us, making signs to bring us some cattell ; but at this time we conld come to the sight of none, so we let the negro go with some trifles. Within 8 dayes after, he, with 30 or 40 other negros, brought us downe some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheepe : at which time we bought but few of the. But within 8 days after they came downe with as many more, and then we bought some 24 oxen, with as many sheepe. We bought an ox for two kniues, a stirke for a knife, and a sheepe for a knife, and some we bought for less value than a knife. The oxen be very large and well fleshed, but not fat. The sheepe are very big, and very good meat; they have no well on their backs, but haire, and have great tailes, like the sheepe in Syria. There be divers sorts of wild beasts, as the antelope
1 In 1502 Antonio de Saldaulia, on hrs way out to India, gave his name to this Agoada de Saldanha, near the Cape of Good Hope.
b2
4 CAPE DE BUONA SPERANZA DOUBLED.
(whereof M. Lancaster killed one of tlie bignes of a youg colt), the red and fallow deere, with other great beasts unknowen unto us. Here ai-e also great store of ouer- growen monkeis. As touching our proceeding upon our voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned, then with three euill manned : for here we had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there went in the Penelope with the admiral 101, and in the Edward, with the worshipfull M. Captaine Lancaster, 97. We left behind 50 men with the Roiall Marchant, whereof there were many pretty well recovered, of which ship was master and gouernoui-, Abraham Kendal,^ which for many reasons we thought good to send home. The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skurvie. Our souldiers which have not bene used to the sea, have best held out, but our mariners dropt away, which (in my judgment) pro- ceedeth of their euill diet at home.
Sixe dayes after our sending back for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha, our Admirall, M. Captaine Raimond, in the Penelope, and M. James Lancaster, in the Edward Bonauenture, set forward to double the Cape of Buona Esperansa,^ which they did very speedily. But being passed as far as Cape Dos Corrieutes,^ the 14 of Septeber we were encountered with a mighty storme and extreme gusts of wind, wherein we lost our general's companie, and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more, though we did our best endeuour to seeke him up and downe a long while, and staid for him certaine dayos at the iland of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for
> See also p. 17. But, in May's narrative, the name is given as Fox- croft.
2 Here is some confusion, as they must have doubled the Cape before reaching the Agoada de Saldanha.
2 Cape Corrientes is between Delagoa Bay and Sofala, in 24° 7' .30" S. Lat.
QUITANGONE, NEAR MOZAMlilQUE. 5
auotlier. Foure dayes after this uncomfortable separation, in the morning toward ten of the clocke, Ave had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew fuure of our men outright, their necks being wrung in sonder without speaking any word, and of 94 men there was not one untouched, whereof some were strick"en blind, others were bruised in their legs and arms, and others in their brests, so that they voided blood two dayes after, others were drawen out at length, as though they had been racked. But (God be thanked) they all recouered, sauing onely the foure which were slaine out- right. Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke, and some of the spikes, that were ten inches into the timber, were melted with the extreme heate thereof From thence wee shaped our course to the north-east, and not long after we fell upon the north-west end of the mighty island of S. Laurence;^ which one of our men espied by God's good bles- sing late in the euening by moone light, who seeing afarre off the breaking of the sea, and calling to certaine of his fellowes, asked them what it was : which eft scones told him that it was the breaking of the sea upon the shoulds. AVhereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to have incurred. Thus passing on forw^ard, it was our lucke to ouer-shoot Mozambique, and to fall in with a place called Quitangone,- two leagues to the northward of it, and we tooke three or four barkes of Moores, which barkes in their language they call 23<'<-n<jaias, laden with millio, hennes, and ducks, with one Portugall boy, going for the prouision of Mozambique.
' ISIadagascar was first made known to Europe by Marco Polo. It was seen by Lourenzo Almeida, the son of the first Portuguese Viceroy in India, in 1506 ; and called San Lorenzo, by which name it appears on the earlier Portuguese charts.
2 Qiiitangoiiha Island forms the northern boundary of Conducia Bay, and is about ten miles north of Mozambique.
6 MEN BETRAYED AT THE ILE OF COMORO.
Within few dayes following we came to an iland an hundred leagues to the north-east of Mozambique, called Comoro, which we found exceeding full of people, which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature, but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here wee desix-ed to store our selues with watei', whereof we stood in great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate ; whom the people suffered quietly to land and water, and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine satin, pinked after the Moorish fashion down to the knee, whom we entertained in the best mauer, aud had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises, using our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter, and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart, and sent our men againe for more water, who then also dis- patched their businesse and returned quietly; the third time likewise we sent them for more, which also returned with- out any harme. And though we thought our selues fur- nished, yet our master, William Mace of Radcliife, pretend- ing that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place, would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men, much against the will of our captaine, and hee and 16 of his company, together with one boat which was all that we had, aud 16 others that were a washing ouer- against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moores, and in our sight for the most part slaine, we not being able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar, the 7 of November, where shortly after wee arriued, and made us a new boat of such boards as we had within boord, and rid in the road untill the 15 of February,' where, during our aboad, wc sawe diuers pangaias or boats, which are pinned with woodden pinnes, and sowed together with palmito cordes, and calked with the huskes of cocos shels beaten.
AT ZANZIBAR. 7
whereof they make occam. At length a Portugal pangaia comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar, where they haue a small Factorie, sent a canoa with a Moore which had bene christened, who brought us a letter wherein they de- sired to know what wee were, and what we sought. We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio^ upon businesse to his friends in the Indies ; with which answere they returned, and would not any more come at us. Whereupon not long after we manned out our boat and tooke a pangaia of the Moores, which had a priest of theirs in it, which in their language they called a sherife j^ whom we used ver}' curteously ; which the king tooke in very good part, hauing his priests in great estimation, and for his deliuerance furnished us with two moueths victuals, during all which time we detained him with us. These Moores informed us of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portugals towards us, which made them beleeve that we were cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loued their safetie in uo case to come neere us. Which they did onely to cut us off from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey. While we road from the end of November until the middle of February in this harborough, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set upon a Portugal yangala with our boat, but because it was very little, and our men not able to stirre in it, we were not able to take the sayd pangaia, which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces. This place for the good-
• When Philip II seized upou Portugal iu 1580, as the heii- of King Henry the Cardinal, there were several other claimants. Philip claimed through his mother Isabella, sister of John III and of Henry. The English espoused the cause of Antonio, Prior of Crato, who was the illegitimate son of Luis, a younger brother of John III and Henry. The Braganzas descend from another brother of John III, named Duarte, and had a prior right as coming from the dauglitor of a brother, while Philip II claimed through a sister.
^ Sherif, a descendant of the I'lophct.
8 ZANZIBAR AN EXCELLENT PLACE FOR REFRESHING.
nesse of the harborougli and watering, and plentifull refresh- ing with fish, whereof we tooke great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts of fruits of the couutrey, as coCos and others which were brought us by the Moores, as also for oxen and hennes, is carefully to be sought for by such of our ships as shall hereafter passe that way. But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals ; for while we lay here the Portugal admiral of the coast from Melinda to Mozambique, came to view and to betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time advantage, in a gallie frigate of ten tunnes, with 8 or 9 oares on a side. Of the strength of which frigate and their trecherous meaning we were advertised by an Arabian Moore, which came from the king of Zanzibar diners times about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd, and after- ward by another which we caried thence along with vs: for wheresoeuer we came, our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages and states of those partes where we touched. Moreover, here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much, which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore, whereof there is good store there- about of a kind of trees some fortie foote high, which is red and tough wood, and as, I suppose, a kind of cedar. Here our surgeon, Arnold, negligently catching a great heate in his head, being on land with the master to seeke oxen, fell sicke and shortly died, which might haue bene cured by letting of blood before it had bin setled. Before our depar- ture we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankin- cense,^ as clammie as turpentine, which in melting groweth as black as pitch, and is very brittle of it selfe, but we mingled it with oilc, whei'eof wee had 300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the northward of the equinoctiall, not farre from Guinie, bound for Brasil.^ Sixe dayes before wee ' Apparently gum cojial. ^ See page 1.
ZOCOTORA. 9
departed liencc, the Cape marcliaut of the factorie wrote a letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship, as he pre- tended^ requesting a iarre of wine and a iarre of oyle^ and two or three pounds of gunpowder, which letter hee sent by a Negro, his man, and a Moore in a canoa; we sent him his demands by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along with vs, because we vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and knew somewhat of the counti-ey. By this Negro we were advertised of a small barke of some thirtie tunnes (which the Moores called a juuco), which was come from Goa thither, laden with pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that king- dome. Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East India, the ] 5 of Febi'uary aforesayd, intending if we could to haue reached to Cape Comori, which is the headland or promontorie of the maine of Malauar, and there to haue lieu off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan, Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the INIoluccos, the coast of China, and the ile of Japan, which ships are of ex- ceeding wealth and riches. But in our course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of the Red Sea along the coast of Melinde. And the windes shortening upon us to the north-east and easterly, kept us that we could not get oflF, and so with the putting in of the currents from the westward within fourescore leagues of the Ile of Zocotora, farre from our determined course and ex- pectation. But here we never wanted abundance of dolphins, bonitos, and flying fishes. Now while we found our selues thus farre to the northward, and the time being so farre spent, we determined to goe for the Bed Sea, or for the iland of Zocotora, both to refresh our selues, and also for some purchase. But while wee were in this consultation the winde very luckily came about to the north-west and caried us directly toward Cape Comori. Before we should haue doubled this cape, we were determined to touch at the Hands
10 ILANDS OF PULO PINAON.
of Mamale/ of which we had aduertisement, that one had victuals, standing in the northerly latitude of twelue degrees. Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it, which fell out partly by the obstiuacie of our master ; for the day before we fell in with part of the ilands the wind came about to the south-west, and then shifting our course we missed it. So the wind increasing southerly, we feared we should not haue bene able to haue doubled the cape, which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away upon the coast of India, the winter season and westerne monsons already being come in, which monsons continue on that coast until August. Neuertheless it pleased God to bring the wind more wes- terly, and so in the moneth of May 1592, we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India. ^ From hence, thus hauing doubled this cape, we directed our course for the Islands of Nicubar, which lie north and south with the westerne part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 de- grees to the northward of the equinoctiall. From which Cape of Comori unto the aforesayd ilands we ranne in sixe days with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of wiudes. These ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due observation of the south starre. And we fell to the south- ward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Pulo, which lie hard upon the great Hand of Sumatra, the first of June, and at the north-east side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed, hoping to haue had a pilote from Sumatra, within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on. Now the winter comming upon us with much bad weather, we directed our course from hence to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaon^ (where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth ail iland), at which ilands wee
' Manole, one of the Laccadives on the map of Ortelius of 1570. ■^ They of course passed round the Island of Ceylon. ' Penanii;.
TREES FIT FOR MASTKS. 11
arriued about tlie beginnino- of June, where we catne to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Hands ; at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen. Here we determined to stay until! the winter were ouerpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the northward, and some fiue leagues from the maiue betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August. Our refreshing in the place was very smal, onely of oisters growing on rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited ilands for their health, nevei'thelesse 26 of them died in this place, whereof John Hall, our master, was one, and M. Eainold Golding another, a marchant of great honestie and much discretion. In these ilands are abundance of trees of white wood, so right and tall, that a man may make mastes of them, being an hundred foote long. The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to sea, wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe, and of them not past a third part sailers : thence we made saile to seek some place of refreshing, and went ouer to the maine of Malacca. The next day we came to an anker in a baie, in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore. The master James Lancaster, our captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieu- tenant, and other of the companie manning the boat, went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found. And com mine: on land we found the ti'ackins: of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before ; for we sawe their fire still burning, but people we sawe none, nor any other lining creature, saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds, which are a gray kind of sea-foule, like a suite in colour, but not in beake. Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot, being very tame, and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord. The next day about two of the clockc in the.afternoone, we espied a canoa
12 SHIPS OF PEGU LADEN WITH PEPPER.
whicli came neere unto vs, but would not come aboord us, hauinsr in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom neuertheles, going afterward on land, we had friendly con- ference, and promise of victuals. The next day, in the morning, we espied three ships, being all of burthen 60 or 70 tUnnes, one of which we made to strike with our very boate ; and understanding that they were of the towne of Martabam, which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Jesuites, and a biscuit baker a Portugal, we tooke that ship and did not force the other two, because they were laden for marchants of Pegu, but hauing this one at our command, we came together to an anker. The night folowing all of the men, except twelue, which we tooke in our ship, being most of them borne in Pegu, fled away in their boate, lean- ing their ship and goods with us. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the leeward of an iland hard by, and tooke in her lading being pepper, which shee and the other two had laden, at Pera,^ which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the south. Beside the aforesaid three ships, we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and perceiu- ing her to be laden with marchants' goods of Pegu onely, we dismissed her without touching any thing.
Thus hauing staled here 10 dales and discharged her goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of September, our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie, with such relief as we had found in this ship, we weighed anker, determining to runne into the streights of Malacca, to the ilands called Pulo Sambilam," which are some -fine and fortie leagues northward of the citie of
> Perak, the second Malay State on the western side of the penin- sula of Malacca, counting from the north : bounded on the north by Quedah, and on the south by Salangore. The word jxrak means silver.
- Pulo Sanibelong is the Malay name for the Nicobare. It means " nine islands". Little Micobar Island is so called.
PORTUGALL PRIZES. 13
Malacca, to which ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China, and Japan. And when wee were there arriued, we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way. Thus hauing spent some fine dayes, upon Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan, a towne on the maine of India, ouer-against the north-east part of the He of Zeilan ; and that night we tooke her, being of 250 tunnes ; she was laden with rice for Malacca. Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe, and sent Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, and seuen more to keep this prize, who, being aboord the same, came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water ; for in the chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall 6nde good ankorage. Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes, came and ankered hard by us. The Edward being put to seeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes, was not able the next morning to fetch her vp, vntil we, which were in the prize, with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe. Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome, but our shippe was so foule that shee escaped us. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good, we turned her and all her men away except a pilot and foure Moores. We continued here vntill the sixt of October, at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca, of seuen hundred tunnes, which came from Goa ; we shot at her many shot, and at last shooting her maine-yard through, she came to an anker and yielded. We commanded her captain, master, pilot, and purses, to come on boord vs. But the captain accom- panied with one soldier onely came, and after certaine con- ference with him, he made excuse to fetch the master and purser, which he sayd would not come vnless he went for them ; but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening,
14 WARES FIT TO CARRY INTO THE INDIES.
he with all the people, which were to the number of about three hundred men. women, and children, gote ashore with two great boates, and quite abandoned the ship. At our comming aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of brasse, and three hundred buts of Canarie wine and Nipar wine, which is made of the palme trees, and rasin wine, which is also very strong ; as also all kind of haberdasher wares, as hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, veluets, taflPataes, chamlers, and silkes, abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certaine papers full of false and counterfeit stones, which an Italian brought from Venice to deceiue the rude Indians with all, abundance of playing cardes, two or three packs of French paper. Whatsoever became of the treasure which usually is brought in roials of plate in this gallion, we could not find it. After that the mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe, the captaiue, because they would not follow his commandement to vnlade those excellent wines into the Edward, abandoned her and let her driue at sea, taking out of her the choisest things that she had. And doubting the forces of Malacca, we de- parted thence to a baie, in the kingdome of Junsalaom,^ which is betweene Malacca and Pegu, eight degrees to the northward, to seeke for pitch to trimme our ship. Here we sent" our souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid galiou had left behind him with us, because he had the Malaian language, to deale with the people for pitch, which hee did faithfully, and procured vs some two or three quintals with promise of more, and certaine of the people came unto vs. We sent commodities to their king to barter for amber- griese, and for the homes of abath, whereof the king onely hath the traffique in his hands. Now this abath is a beast
> Junk Seylon or Salanga, an island twenty miles long, off the N.W. extremity of the Malay peninsula. It contains extensive tin mines, and exports also edible birds' nests, ivory, and Japan wood. It now belongs to Siam. Ilakluyt, in his "Epistle Dedicatorie", calls it "the main land of Jun^alaou".
ILANDS OF NICUBAR. 15
whicli liatli one liorno onely iu her forelioad, and is thonglit to be the female unicorne, and is highly esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against poyson. We had onely two or three of these hornes^ which are the colonr of a browue grey, and some reasonable quantitie of amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray our Portugall with our marchandise ; but he to get aboord vs, told him that we had gilt armour, shirtes of mailo and halberds, which things they greatly desire ; for hope whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he escaped the danger. Thus we left this coast and went backe againe in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Hands of Nicubar, where we arriued and found them inhabited with Moores, and after wee came to an anker the people came aboord vs in their canoas, Avith hennes, cocos, plantans, and other fruits ; and in two dayes they brought vnto vs roials of plate, giuing vs them for calicut cloth ; which roials they finde by diuing for them in the sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China, and were cast away there. They call in their language the coco, calamhe;^ the plantane, pis(m;^ a hen, iam ; a fish, iccan; a hog, hahee.^ From thence we returned the 21 of Nouember to goe for the Hand of Zeilan, and arriued there about the third of December, 1592, and ankered vpon the south side in sixe fadomes water, where we lost our anker, the place being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne along the south-west part of the sayd ilaud, to a place called Punta del Galle, where we ankered, determining there to have remained vntill the comming of the Bengala fleet of seuen or eight ships, and the fleete of Pegu of two or three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri, being a
' The Malay name is h>ir, in Javanese hdlapa. 2 Pisang, a banana in Malay.
' BaJii is the moiit general name for a hog throughout the Malayan islands.
IG PUNTA DEL GALLE.
great bale to the southward of Martabam in the kingdom of Siam ; which ships^ by diuers intelHgence which we had, were to come that way within fourteene dayes to bring com- modities to serue the Caraks, which commonly depart from Cochin for Portugall by the middest of Januarie. The commodities of the shippes which come from Bengala bee fine pauilHons for beds, wrought guilts, fine calicut cloth, pintados, and other fine workes and rice, and they make this voiage twice in the yeere. Those of Pegu being the chiefest stones, as rubies and diamants, but their chief fraiffht is rice and certaine cloth. Those of Tanaseri are chiefly fraighted with rice and Nipar wine, which is very strong, and in colour like vnto rocke water somewhat whitish, and very hote in taste like vnto aqua vitfe. Being shotvp to the place aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same, and lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but two ankers left vs, which were unstocked and in hold. Where- upon our. men tooke occasion to come home, our captaine at that time lying very sicke, more like to die than to live. In the morning we set our foresaile, determining to lie vp to the northward, and there to keepe our selues to and againe out of the current, which otherwise would haue set us off to the southward from all knowen land. Thus hauing set our foresayle, and in hand to set all our other saj^les to accom- plish our aforesayd determination, our men made answere that they would take their direct course for England, and would stay there no longer. Nowe seeing they could not bee perswaded by any meanes possible, the captaine was constrained to give his consent to returne, leaning all hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of December, 1592, wee set sayle for the Cape of Buona Esperansa, passing by the Hands of Maldiua, and leaning the mi'ghtie Hand of S. Lawrence on the starreboord, or northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the south. In our passage ouer from S.
THE ISLAND OF SANTA HELENA. 17
Lawrence to the maine we had exceeding great store of bonitos and albocores, which are a greater kind of fish ; of which our captaiue, being now recouered of his sicknesse, tooke with an hooke as many in two or three howers as would serue fortie persons a whole day. And this skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of fiue or sixe weekes, all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd, which was no small refreshing to vs. In February, 1593, we fell with the eastermost land of Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa/ some 100 leagues to the north-east of the Cape of Good Hope ; and finding the winds contrary, we spent a moneth or fiue weekes before we could double the cape. After wee had doubled it in March folowing, wee directed our course for the Hand of Santa Helena, and arriued there the third day of Aprill, where wee staidd to our great comfort nineteene dayes ; in which meane space some one man of vs tooke thirtie goodly congers in one day, and other rockie fishe and some bonitos. After our arriuall at Santa Helena, I, Edmund Barker, went on shore with foure or fiue Peguins, or men of Pegu, which we had taken, and our surgeon, where in an house by the chappell I found an Englishman, one John Legai-, of Burie, in Suffolke, who was left there eighteene moneths by Abraham Kendall,^ who put in there with the Roiall Marchant, and left him there to refresh him on the iland, being otherwise like to haue perished on shipboord ; and at our comming wee found him as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our seem- ing as might be, but crazed in mind and halfe out of his wits, as afterwai'd wee perceiued ; for whether he were put in fright of vs, not knowing at first what we were, whether friends or foes, or of sudden ioy when he vnderstood we were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee became idle-
' Delagoa Bay.
* See page 4, and note.
18 THE COMMODITIES OF SANTA HELENA.
headed, and for eight dayes space, neither night nor day, tooke any natui'all rest, and so at length died for lacke of sleepe. Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased with skuruie, and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe, in short time while they were on the iland re- coured their perfect health.
We found in this place great store of very holesome and excellant good greene figs, orenges, and lemons very faire, abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie of part- riges, gniniecocks, and other wilde foules. Our mariners, somewhat discontented, being- now watered and hauino- some provision of fish, contrary to the will of the capitaine, would straight home. The capitaine — because he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc, in Brazil — granted their request ; and about the 12 of Aprill, 1593, we departed from S. Helena, and directed our course for the place aforesayd. The next day our captaine, calling vpon the sailers to finish a fore- saile which they had in hand, some of them answered that vnlesse they might goe directly home they would lay their hands to nothing ; whereupon he was constrained to follow their humour. And from thencefoorth we directed our course for our countrey, which we kept vntill we came 8 degrees to the northward of the equinoctiall, betweene which 8 degrees and the line we spent some sixe weekes, with many calme and contrary winds at north, and some- times to the eastward, and sometimes to the westward : which losse of time and expense of our victuals, whei'eof we had very small store, made vs doubt to keepe our course : and some of our men growing into a mutinie, threatened to breake vp other men^s chests, to the ouerthrow of our victuals and all our selues, for eury man had his share of his victuals befoi'e in his owne custody, that we might be sure what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. Our capi- taine seeking to preuent this mischiefe, being aduertised by one of our companie which had bene at the He of Trinidada
THE GULF OF PARIA. 19
in ^I. Cliidle^'S voyage/ tliat there we should be sure to hanc refreshing, hereupon directed his course to that ihmd, and not knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night into the Gulf of Paria, in the beginning of June, wherein we were 8 dayes, finding the current continually setting in, and oftentimes we were in 3 fadonies water, and could find no going out until the current had put us ouer to the western side vnder the inaine land, where we found no cur- rent at all, and more deep water; and so keeping by the
1 Oue would like to know more of this romantic voyage, and of its gallant projector. John Chudleigh, commonly called Chidley, as Prince tells us and as the name is spelt by Ilakluyt, was of a very ancient family in Devonshire, long settled at Chudleigh and Broad Clist. This John Chudleigh, the navigator, was the eldest sou of Christopher Chud- leigh of Churlleigh, by Christiana, heiress of William Stretchlegh. Prince says that "he was of a right martial, bold, and adventurous spirit, and the famous actions of Drake and Cavendish ran so much in his mind, that he could not rest without undertaking to show himself the third Englishman that had circumnavigated the world, and per- formed some noble service for his country.'" He was also the friend and neighbour of John Davis, the great Arctic navigator, who, when he discovered the opening afterwards known as Hudson's Strait, called the northern point of the entrance Warwick's Foreland, and the southern Cape Chidley or Chudleigh, in 1587. N. W. Fox afterwards truly observed that, by the discovery of this entrance, "Davis did light Hudson into his straights''.
Mr. John Chudleigh fitted out his expedition at Plymouth, and sailed on the 5th of August, 1589. He commanded the Wild Man, of 300 tons, in which was Benjamin Wood, as master ; and he had with him the White Lion, of 340 tons. Captain Wheele ; and the Delight, under Captain INIerick. The object of the voyage was to pass through Magel- lan's Strait, vLsit the coast of Aranco, and then circumnavigate the world. The young leader of the exjDedition died in the Straits of Magellan, and the ships returned. There is an account of the disas- trous cruise of the Delight, written by oue of the crew named William Magroth, in Hakluyt (iv, p. 357). John Chudleigh had married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir George Speke, K.B., of White Lackington, in Somersetshire, and left two sons, George and John. The former was created a baronet in 1622, and died in 1657. The baronetcy became extinct in 1745; aud Frances, heiress of Sir George Chudleigh, Bart., of Ashton, married Sir John Chiche.ster, Bart., of Youlston.
c 2
20
IN THE WEST INDIES.
shore, the wind off the shore euery night did helpe vs out to the northwai'd. Being cleare, within foure or fine dayes after we fell with the He of Mona/ where we ankored and rode some eighteene dayes. In which time the Indians of Mona gave us some refreshing. And in the meane space there arriued a French ship of Cane, in which was captaine one Monsieur de Barbaterre, of whom we bought some two buts of wine and bread, and other victuals. Then wee watered and fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake which broke on vs as we were beating out of the Gulfe of Paria. And hauing thus made read}'' our ship to goe to sea, we determined to goe directly for Newfoundland. But before wee departed, there arose a storme, the winde being northerly, which put vs from an anker and forced us to the southward of Santo Domingo. This night we were in danger of shipwracke upon an iland called Sauona,^ which is enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off: yet it pleased God to cleare vs of them, and so we directed our course westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo, and doubled Cape Tibvron,^ and passed through the old chanell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba for the Cape of Florida. And here we met againe with the French ship of Caen, whose cap- taine could spare vs no more victuals, as he saide, but only hides which he had taken by traffike vpon those islands, wherewith we were content, and gaue him for them to his good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida, and cleere of the chanell of Bahama, we directed our course for the banke of Newfoundland. Thus running to the height of 36 degrees, and as farre to the east as the Isle of Bermuda, the 17 of September finding the winds there very variable, coutrarie to our expectation and all men's writings, we lay there a day or two, the winde being northerly and
' Mona is a small island between Puerto Rico and San Domingo. * Saona, an islet off the south-east point of San Domingo. ^ The western point of San Domingo,
MEN LEFT ON THE II-ES OF NUF.BLAS. 21
increasing continually more and more, it grewe to be a storme and a great frete of wind, which continued with us some 24 houres, with such extremitie, as it caried not onely our sayles away, being furled, but also made much water in our shippe, so that wee had six foote water in holde, and hauing freed our ship thereof with bailing, the winde shifted to the northwest and became dullerd ; but presently vpon it the extremitie of the storme was such that with the labour- ing of our ship we lost our foremaste, and our ship grewe as full of water as before. The storme once ceased, and the wind contrary to goe our course, we fell to consultation which might be our best way to saue our Hues. Our vic- tuals now being vtterly spent, and having eaten hides 6 or 7 dales, we thought it best to beare backe againe for Domi- nica and the islands adioyning, knowing that there we might haue some reliefe, whereupon we turned backe for the said islands. But before we could get thither the winde scanted vpon vs, which did greatly endanger vs for lacke of fresh water and victuals : so that we were constrained to beare up to the westward, to certaine other ilandes called the Pueblas or Cloudie Hands, towards the He of S. Juan de porto Rico, where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and fresh water, and tortoyses, which come most on lande about the full of the moone. Here hauing refreshed our selues some 17 or 18 dayes, and hauing gotten some small store of victuals into our ship, we resolued to returne againe for Moua, upon which our determination fine of our men left vs, remaining still on the lies of Nueblas, for all perswasions that we could vse to the contrary, which afterward came home in an English shippe. From these iles we departed, and arrived at Mona about the twentieth of November, 1593, and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning, the captaine, and Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, with some few others, went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes, think-
0 9
GREAT FAMINE.
ing to have gotten some foode, our victuals being all spent, and we not able to proceede any fui^tlier vntill we had ob- teyned some new supply. We spent two or three dales in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole com- panie ; and coming to go aboord, the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne, they could not come on shore with the boate, which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea, whereupon we stayed untill the next morning, thinking to have had lesse winde and safer passage. But in the night, about twelve of the clocke, our ship did driue away with line men and a boy onely in it ; our carpenter secretly cut their own cable, leaning nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing, to our great discomfort. In the middest of these miseries, reposing or trust in the goodnesse of God, which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extre- mities, we contented our selues with our poore estate, and sought meanes to preserue our Hues. And because one place was not able to sustaine vs, we tooke our leaues one of another, diuiding our selues into seuerall companies. The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purse-laine boyled in water, and nowe and then a pompion, which we found in the garden of the olde Indian, who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs, and kept himselfe continually aloft in the moun- taines. After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe, which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe, called the Luisa, whose captaine was one Monsieur Felix, vnto whom wee made a fire, at sight whereof he tooke in his topsayles, bare in with the land, and shewed us his flagge, whereby we iudged him French ; so comming along to the westerne ende of the island there he ankered, we makiug downe with all speede vnto him. At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came down to our captaine,
LANCASTER RETURNETH TO DIEPE. 23
Master James Lancaster, and went along with him to the shippe. This night he went aboord the French man, who gave him good entertainment, and the next day fetched eleueu more of vs aboord, entreating vs all very courteously. This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepe, which remayned there vntill night, expecting our other seuen mens comming downe : who, albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off, to call them, yet came not downe. Whereupon we departed thence, being deuided sixe into one ship, and sixe into another, and lean- ing this island, departed for the north side of Saint Domingo, where we remained vntill Aprill following (1594), and spent two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other merchandises of the countrey. In this, meane while, there came a shippe of Newhaven to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde us at the Isle of Mona, which was, that two of them brake their neckes with ventring to take foules vpon the cliffes ; other three wei^e slaine by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge given by our men which went away in the Edward; the other two this man of Newhaven had with him in his shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands. From this place Captaine Lancaster and his lieute- nant, Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselves in another shippe of Diepe, the captaine whereof was one John La Noe, which was readie first to come away, and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships, where they were well intreated, to come after him, on Sunday the seuenth of April, 1594, they set homewarde, and disbocking through the Caijcos,^ from thence arriued safely in Diepe, within two and fortie dayes after, on the 19 of May, where after we had stayed two dayes to refi-esh our selues, and giuen humble thanks vnto God, and vnto our friendly neighbours, we ' The Caicos Tasiage, iu the Bahamas.
24 END OF THE VOYAGE,
tooke passage for Rie, and landed there on Friday, the 24 of May, 1594, hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres, sixe weekes and two dayes, which the Portugales performe in half the time, chiefly because wee lost our fit time and season to set forth in the beginning of our voyage.
We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke that they have lately discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees, finding the sea still open to the northward ; giuing great hope of the northeast or northwest passage. Witnesse, Master James Lancaster.
NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
SIR JAMES LANCASTER,
Br HENRY MAY.
A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies, begun the 10 of April, 1591, wherein were three tall ships — the Penelope of Captaine Raimond, Admirall ; the Mei-chant Royally whereof was Captaine Samuel Foxcroft,* Vice-Admirall ; the Edward Bonaveijtnre, whereof was Captaine M. James Lancaster, Rere- Admirall, with a small pinnesse. Written by Henry May^ who, in his returne homeward by the West Indies, suffred shipwracke vpon the Isle of Bermuda, whereof liere is annexed a large description.
The tenth of April, 1591, we departed from Plymmoutli "with the ships aforesayd. In May following wee arriued at Grand Canaria, one of the fortunate islands. Also, toward the end of this month we tooke a Portugall shippe being" bound for Brasil, within three degrees to the northward of the equinoctiall, which serued greatly to our refreshing. The 29 of July following Ave came to Aguada Saldania, a good harbour neere the Cape of Buona Speranca, where we stayed about a month with the Merchant royall, which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with diuers weake men. Here we bought an oxe for a knife of threepence, a sheepe for a broken knife, or any other odd trifle of the people which were Negros, clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides, both men and women. The 8 of
' According to the preceding narrative of Barker, this captain's name was Abraham Kendall. See pages 4 and 17.
26 AT COMOKO AND ZANZIBAR.
September tte Penelope and the Edward Bonaventure weyed anker_, and that day we doubled the Cape of Buona Speranca. The 12 following" we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano. This evening we saw a great sea breake ouer our Admirall, the Penelope^ and their light strooke out : and after that we neuer saw them any more. In October following, we in the Edward, fell with the westermost part of the Isle of S. Laurence about mid- night, knowing not where we were. Also, the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone, a place on the mainland of Africa, which is two or three leagues to the northward of Mozambique, where the Portugals of the Isle of Mo(;am- bique fetch all their fresh water. Here we tooke a pangaia, with a Portugall boy in it ; which is a vessell like a barge, with one matsaile of coco nut leaues. The barge is sowed together with the rindes of trees, and pinned with wooden pinues. In this pangaia we had cei'taine corne called millio, hennes, and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth. The Por- tugall boy we tooke with vs, and dismissed the rest. From this place we went for an island called Comoro, vpon the coast of Melinde, which standeth about 11 degrees to the south of the equinoctial : in which island we sta3'ed all Nouember, finding the people blacke and very comly, but very treacherous and creull : for the day before we departed from thence, they killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace, our master, and two of his mates; the one of them being in the boat with him to fetch water, the other being on shore against our ship ; they hauiug first betrayed our boat. From hence we went for the Isle of Zanzibar, on the coast of Melinde; whereas, wee stayed and wintered vutil the beginning of February following.
The second of February, 1592, wee wayed auker, and set saile directly for the East Indies ; but hauing calmes and contrary windes, wee were vntill the moneth of June before wee could recouer the coast of India neerc Calicut; whereby
NICUBAR. 27
many of oiu' men died for want of refreshing. In the moneth of Juno wc came to an anker at the Isles of Pulo Pinaom, whereas we stayed vntill the first day of September, our men being very sicke, and dying apace. This day we set saile, and directed our course for Malaca : and wee had not bene farre at sea, but wee tooke a shippe of the king- dome of Pegu of some fourescore tunnes, with wooden ankers, and about fiftie men in her, with a pinnesse of some eighteene tunnes at her stearne, both laden with pepper. But their pinnesse stole from vs in a gust in the morning. Here we might haue taken two shippes more of Pegu, laden likewise with pepper and rice. In this moneth also we tooke a great Portugall ship of six or seuen hundred tun, laden chiefly with victuals, chests of hats, pintados, and Calicut clothes. Besides this, we tooke another Portugall ship of some hundred tun, laden with victuals, rice, calicos, pintados, and other commodities. These ships were bound for Malaca with victuals : for those of Goa, of S. Thomas, and of other places in the Indies doe victuall at, because that victuals there are very scarce.
In the moneth of Nouember, 1592, we shaped our course for the Island of Nicubar, lying certaiue leagues to the north-west of the famous Island of Sumatra ; whereas, within short time wee came to anker : and here wee had very good refreshing : for after w^ee arriued there, the people (whom we found in religion to be Mahumetans) came aboord vs in their canoes, with hennes, cocos, plantans, and other fruits : and within two dayes they brought vnto vs reals of plate, giuing vs them for Calicut cloth : which reals they found by dining in the sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugall shippes which were bound for China, and were cast away there. This was the furthest place that we were at to the south-east : and heere, be- cause our company by this time was much wasted and diminished, we resolued to turne back to the Isle of Zeilan.
28 AT SANTA HEI-ENA.
Wherefore, we wej-ed anker in the moneth of Nouember, and arriued at Zeilan about the end of the same moneth. In this island groweth great store of excellent cinamonn, and the best diamonds in the world. Here our captaine meant to stay to make vp our voyage : whereof hee con- ceiued great hope, by certaine intelligence which wee had re- ceiued ; but the company, which were in all but 33 men and boyes, being in a mutiny, and every day ready to go together by the eares (the captaine being sicke and like for to die), would not stay, but would needs go home.
The 8 of December, 1592, we set saile homeward, but some 15 dayes before we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope, we were forced to share our bread, by reason we had certaine flies in our ship, which deuoured most part of our bread before we were aware : so that when we came to sharing, we had but 31 pounds of bread a man to carry vs into England, with a small quantity of rice a day.
The last of March, 1593, we doubled the Cape of Bona SperanQa.
In April next insuing we came to anker at the Island of S. Helena ; whereas we found an English man, a tailer, which had bene there 14 moneths before we came thither : so we sending our boat on shore with some ten men, they found this English man in the chapell, who by reason of the heat of the climate, was inforced to keepe himselfe out of the sun. Our company hearing one sing in the chapell, supposing it had bene some Portugall, thrust open the doore, and went in vnto him : but the poore man, seeing so many come in vpon him on the sudden, and thinking them to be Portugals, was first in such a feare, not hauing scene any man in 14 moneths before, and afterwards knowing them to be Englishmen, and some of them his acquaintance, in such ioy, that, what betweene excessiue sudden feare and ioy, he became distracted of his wits, to our great sorowes. Here we found, of his drying, some 40 goats. The party had
IN THE WEST INDIES. 29
made him, for want of apparell, two sutes of goats' skinnes with the hairy side outwards, like vnto the sauages of Canada. Here we stayed all this moneth. This man liued vntill we came to the West Indies, and then he died.
In the moneth of June, 1593, we arriued at the Island of Trinidad, in the West Indies, hoping there to finde refresh- ing: but we could not get any, by reason that the Spanyards had taken it. Here we were irabayed betweene the island and the maine ; and, for want of victuals, the company would haue forsaken the ship : whereupon, the captains was inforced to sweare euery man not to forsake the ship vntill we should see further occasion. Out of this bay, called Boca de Dragone, it pleased God, to deliuer vs : from whence we directed our course for the Island of S. Juan de Puerto Rico, but fell with the small Isle of Mona, where we abode some fifteene dayes, finding in that place some small refreshing. And heere arriued a ship of Caen in Normandy, whereof was captaine one Monsieur Charles de la Bai'botiere, who greatly refreshed vs with bread and other prouision, which we , greatly wanted. And so we tooke our leaues the one of the other.
In July, hauing foule weather at Mona, we were forced to wey anker, and to set saile, directing our course for Cape Tiburon : and in doubling of the Cape we had a gust fi'om the shore, Avhich cai-ied away all our sailes from the yards : so that we had left but one new forecourse to helpe our selues withall : which canuas the aforesayd French- man did helpe vs with all. Also, hauing doubled the fore- sayd Cape in the distresse aforenamed, the foresayd capitan de la Barbotiere, with his pinnesse, gaue chase vnto vs againe ; who, being come nere vnto vs, I went aboord him, certifying him what distresse we were in. The gentleman replied to me againe, that there was not anything in his shippe, but what he could spare he would helpe vs withall. So, to conclude, we agreed with him for canuas. Moreover,
30 MUTINOUS COMPLOTTING.
he sayd that if we would go with him to an hai'bour called Gonnany, which is to the north of Cape Tiburon^ that then he would helpe vs with fresh victuals enough. Whei*eon I returned aboord our ship, and certified our captaine of all : who made it knowen vnto the company ; which no sooner heard of it, but they would all go in. So here we staled with the aforesaid Frenchman 15 dayes : but small refresh- ing we could get, because the Spaniards stood in some feare of the Frenchman of war, supposing our ship to be a Portu- gal, and that we were his pi'ize ; neuerthelesse, hee certified to the contrary. And, in staying so long with him, and hauing little refreshing, our company began to be in a mutiny, and made report that the captaine and I went aboord the Frenchman but to make good cheere, and had not any care of them : but I protest before God, that our care was to get victuals whereby we might haue bene gone from him. But, in the meanetime, a great part of our com- pany had conspired to take away the Frenchman's pinuesse, and with her to boord the man of warre. While these things were in complottiug, one of their consorts went aboord the Frenchman, and certified him of all the con- spiracy. Whereupon the captaine of the French ship sent for our captaine and we to come aboord to dinner : and we stayed with him all the afternoone, being inuited vnto sup- per; and, being at supper, he himselfe would not a great while come to vs : but at leng-th he came. At his commino- we asked of him what newes. Who answered vs, that either we must depart from him, or els he must goe seeke some other harborow. Whereupon, I told captaine Lancaster, who prayed me to tell him that, rather then he would be any hindrance vnto him, we would be gone. But, in the mean time, while we were thus talking together, the French- man weyed and set saile : which we percei'ued, and asked him what he meant by it. He replied to the captaine and me, that he kept vs for his security, and that our men had
HELP FROM A FRENCHMAN. 31
purposed as is aforcsayd. "When he came thwart our sliippe, it blew a prety gaile of winde : the boat being asterne of them, hauing in her two Moores and two men of Pegu, which we liad giuen them, brake away. Then was the Frenchman worse then before, and did threaten vs very sore that we should pay his voyage. In the meanetime, the Edward, seeing vs part, weyed and set saile to go for Eng- land : and they did share among them all the captaine's victuals and mine, when they saw the Frenchman keepe vs as prisoners.
So the next morning we went to seeke out the French- man's pinnesse ; which being at Laguna we shot off a piece, and so she came to vs, hauing in her three more of our com- pany, Edmund Barker, our lieutenant, and one John West, and Richard Lucland, one of the mutinous crew. The which I told the Frenchman of, and he could not deny, but there was such a thing pretended. Then I was put into the French pinnesse to seeke their boat ; and in the meane time they would go to see if they could ouertake our shippe. And the next day we should meet againe at Cape S. Nicolas ; so the next morning we met together all three of vs, but heard no newes of his boat. So he hauing Spanyards and Negros aboord of vs, requested to haue them. Our captaine desired him to send his boat aboord our shippe, and he should haue them with all his heart. So with much adoe he sent his boat and had them. Then he demanded of them if his boat were not aboord the ship. They answered no. So that then Monsieur de la Barbotiere was satisfied ; and then we were great friends again to all our ioyes.
The 12 of August, 1593, our captaine was sent aboord our ship, but before his departure he requested the captaine of the French ship that he would give me a passage home with him, to certifie the owners what had passed in all our voyage, as also the vnrulinesse of the company. And this day we tooke our leaues the one of the other; the Edward
32 SHIPWRECK AT BERMUDA.
for England, and we bare in for Gonnany, where afterwards we found the Frenchman's boat. The last of Nouember, 1593, Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a port called Laguna, in Hispaniola. The 17 of December next insuing, it was his fortune to haue his ship cast away upon the north- west part of the Isle of Bermuda about midnight ; the pilots making themselues at noone to be to the southward of the island twelue leagues, certified the captaine that they were out of all danger. So they demanded of him their wine of heighth ; the which they had. And being, as it should seeme, after they had their wine, carelesse of their charge which they tooke in hand, being as it were drunken, through their negligence a number of good men were cast away ; and I being but a stranger among 50 and odde Frenchmen and others, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them that were saved, I hope to his service and glory. We made account at the first that we were cast away hard by the shore, being hie cliffs, but we found our selues seuen leagues off; but with our boat and a raft which we had made and towed at our boat's sterne, we were saved some 26 of vs ; among whom were no more English but my selfe. Now being among so many strangers, and seeing not roome for the one halfe, I durst neither presse into the boat, nor vpon the raft, for feare lest they should haue cast me ouer- boord, or else haue killed me ; so I stayed in the ship which was almost full of water, vntill the captaine being entred the boat culled me vnto him being at hand, for that it stood vpon life or death ; and so I presently entred, leaning the better halfe of our company to the mercy of the sea. After this we rowed all the day vntil an hour or two before night yer we could come on land, towing the raft with the boat. When we came on shore, being all the day without drinke, eveiy man tooke his way to see if he could linde any ; but it was long before any was found. At length one of the pilots digging among a company of weeds found fresh water
SHIPWEECKED AT BERMUDA. 33
to all our great comfort^ being only raine water ; and this was all the fresh water that we found on the shore. But there are in this island many fine bayes^ wherein, if a man did dig, I thinke, there might be foud store of fresh water. This island is diuided all into broken islands : and the greatest part I was vpon, which might be some 4 or 5 miles long, and 2 miles and a halfe ouer; being all woods, as cedar and other timber, but cedar is the chiefest. Now, it pleased God, before our ship did split, that we saued our carpenters^ tooles, or els I thinke we had bene there to this day: and hauing recoured the aforesaid tooles, we went roundly about the cutting downe of ti'ees, and in the end built a small barke of some 18 tun, for the most part with trounels and very few nailes. As for tackling, we made a voyage aboord the ship before she split, and cut downe the shrowds, and so we tackled our barke and rigged her. In stead of pitch we made lime, and mixed it with the oile of tortoises ; and, assoone as the carpenters had calked, I and another, with ech of vs a small sticke in our hands, did plaister the morter into the seames ; and, being in April, when it was warm and fair weather, we could no sooner lay it on, but it was dry, and as hard as a stone. In this moneth of April, 1594, the weather being very hot, we were afrayd our water should faile vs, and therefore made the more haste away : and, at our departure, we were constrained to make two great chests, and calked them, and stowed them on ech side of our maine mast, and so put in our prouision of raine water, and 13 liue tortoises for our food, for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland. In the south part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs, but they are so leane that you can not eat them, by reason the island is so barren : but it yeeldeth great store of fowle, fish, and tortoises. And to the eastward of the island are very good harbours, so that a shippe of 200 tun may ride there land- locked, without any danger, with water enough. Also in
D
34 MR. MAY RETURNS HOME.
this island is as good fishing for pearles as is any in the West Indies, but that the place is subject to foule weather, as thundering, lightning, and raine : but in April and part of May we had very faire and hot weather.
The 1 1 of May it pleased God to set vs cleere of the island, to the no little ioy of vs all, after we had lined in the same almost the space of 5 moneths. An the 20 of May we fell with the land nere to Cape Briton, where we ran into a fresh water riuer, whereof there be many, and tooke in wood, water, and ballast. And here the people of the countrey came vnto vs, being clothed all in furs, with the furred side vnto their skins, and brought with them furres of sundry sorts to sell, besides great store of wild ducks : so, some of our company hauing saued some small beads, bought some of their ducks. Here we stayed not aboue foure houres, and so departed. This should seeme to be a very good countrey. And we saw very fine champion ground, and woods. From this place we ranne for the banke of New- foundland, whereas we met with diners, but none would take in a man of vs, vntill it pleased God that wee met with a barke of Falmouth, which receiued vs all for a little time ; and with her we tooke a French ship, wherein I left Cap- tain de la Barbotiere, my deere friend, and all his company, and stayed myselfe aboord the English barke : and hauing passage in the same, in the moneth of August I arriued at Falmouth, 1594.
THE VOYAGE
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES LANCASTER
lO
PEENAMBUCO.
The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. James Lancaster be- gun with three ships and a galley-frigate from London, in October 1594, and intended for Feniamhuck^ the porte-towne of Olinda, in Brasil.' In which voyage (besides the taking of nine and twenty ships and frigats) he surprized the sayd port-towne, being strongly fortified and manned ; and held possession thereof thirty dayes to- gether (notwithstanding many bolde assaults of the enemy, both by land and water), and also prouidently defeated their dangerous and almost ineuitable fire-works. Heere he found the cargazon or freight of a rich East Indian carack ; which, together with great abundance of sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton, he brought from thence ; lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks.
In September 1594^ the worshipful! M. John Wats, Alder- man j M. Paul Banning, Alderman ; and others of worship in the City of London, victualled three good ships ; to wit, the Consent, of the burthen of 240 tunnes or thereabout ; the Salamon, of 170 tunnes; and the Virgin, of 60 tunnes : and appointed for commanders in this voyage M. James
' A factory was originally settled at Pernambuco by a ship from Marseilles ; but in 1530 the line of coast from the Kio de San Francisco to the Rio de Juraza was granted to Duarte Coelho Pereira, and he came there with his family to found a colony, landing at the port of Pernambuco. He exclaimed, " 0 que linda situa^ain!^'\ hence the town was called Olinda, and the fort Recife. During the first years the new colony had to resist incessant hostilities from the Cahetes Indians ; but afterwards it enjoyed a long period of prosperity.
d2
36 . THE FLEET IS SCATTEEED.
Lancaster,^ of London, gentleman_, admirall of the fleet ; M. Edmund Barker, of London, vice admirall ; and M. John Audely, of Poplar, neere London, rei-e admirall, hauing in their sayd ships to the number of 275 men and boyes.
Being fully fui-nished with all needfull pi'ouision, wee de- parted from Blackwall in October following, keeping our owne coast, vntill we came into the West Countre}^, where we met with such gusts and stormes, that the Salomon spending her mast at the Range of Dartmouth, put into harbour ; but by the earnest care and industry of the gene- rail and others hauing charge, she was shortly againe pro- uided. Which done, hauing a pleasant gale for our purpose, we put foorth from Dartmouth the last of Nouember follow- ing. But contrary to our expectation, not fifty leagues from our owne coast, we lost the Salomon and the A-^ii-gin, by a storme of contrary winde that fell vpon vs: yet, being alone, in hope to meet them about the Canaries or Cape Blank, we kept on our course to the Canaries, but could heare no tidings of our consorts ; which greatly grieued vs.
Thence we went, bearing for the Isle of Teuerif, where, in the morning early, we had sight of a saile, which being becalmed vnder the shore, was towing with their boat ahead, hauing one other at her sterne. For this saile we manned our boat, appointing our men wel for fight, if need should require. Tlie Spaniards, seeing our boat come, entred theirs, and leauing the ship, sought to saue them- selues by flight : but our men persued them so fast, that they boorded them, and brought them with their shippe to our generall. This ship was laden with 80 tunnes of Canary-
1 Southey says tliat there was what may be called moral treason, on the part of Lancaster, in bearing arms against the Portuguese, because he had, by his own account, been brought up among them, lived among them as a gentleman, served with them as a soldier, and dwelt among them as a merchant. — History of Brazil, ii, p. 3G4.
Southey gives an account of the expedition of Lancaster against Per- nambuco. — /?»'</., pp. 364-71.
SPEECH TO THE MEN. 37
wine, -n-lncli came not vnto vs before it was welcome. "We kept and manned it_, plying that day, and the next night thereabout. The very next morning we had sight of one other ; to whome, in like manor, wee sent our boat : but their gunner made a shot at her, and strooke off a propper yoang man's arme ; yet we inforced her to yeeld, and found 40 tunues of wine in her. The Spaniards hauing their free passage, and an acquitance for the deliuery of their wines, were all set on shore vpon Tenerif, making a quicke returne of their long voyage intended into the West Indies.
Hence we departed toward Cape Blank ; and before wee came thithei', we met agaiue with the Virgin, our rere admirall, whose men tolde vs for very trueth, that the Salo- men was returned for England; inforced so to doe, by spend- ing her mast the second time. Which, when our men vnderstood, they were all in a maze, not knowing what to doe, and saying among themselues that their force was but small when all our strength were together, and now we had lost the one halfe of our strength, we were not able to per- forme the voyage : and therefore some of them came to the captain, asking him what he would now do, seeing the Salomon was lost, the one halfe of our strength, giuing him counsell to beare vp for the West Indies, and proue there to make his voyage, because his first plat for want of strength was cleane ouerthrown. The captaine hearing this new nouelty, as not vnacquainted with the variable pretenses of mariners, made them this answere : Sirs, I made knowen to you all at my comming out of England what I pretended, and that I meant to go for Fernambuck ; and, although at the present we want one of our ships, yet (God willing) I meane to go forward, not doubting but to meet her at the appointed places, which are either at Cape Blank or the Islands of Cape Verde : for I am assured that M. Barker, the captaine, is so resolute to performe this voyage, that his mast being repaired, he will not faile to meet vs, and it
38 THE SALAMON JOINS COMPANY.
were no wisdome for vs to diuert our course, till we haue sought liim at those places where our appointed meeting is: for the diuerting of courses is the ouerthi'ow of most of our actions. And I hope you will be all contented herewith : for to go any other course then I haue determined (by God's helpe), I will not be drawen vnto. With these reasons and many others shewed, they rested all satisfied : and at our comming to Cape Blank (God be praised) we met with the Salamon, with no small ioy to vs all ; and there she had taken of Spaniards and Portugals 24 saile of ships and caravels, fishermen, and had taken out of them such neces- saries as she had need of. Of these ships our captaine tooke four along with him, with another that he had taken him- selfe, meaning to imploy them as occasion should serue. At this place he vnderstood of one of the pilots of those ships, that one of the caracks that came out of the East Indies was cast away in the rode of Fernambuc, and that all her goods were layd vpon the Arraqise, which is the lower towne. Of these newes we were all glad, and reioyced much ; for our hopes were very good, seeing such a booty before vs.
Of this good company and happy successe we were all ioyful, and had great hope of the blessing of God in per- formance of our intended voyage ; and so, after some parle and making frolike for ioy of our meeting one with the other (praising God for all), we plied for Maio : where, comming to anker, our generall and the rest of the captaines went ashore to view the place where we might in best safety set our gally-frigat together : which frame wee brought from England of purpose to land men in the country of Brasil. Here we discharged our great prize of wine, and set her on fire : but before our comming thither you shall vnderstand, we had sight of foure sailes, which was Captaine Venner, in his ship the Pereginne, and a. proper Biskaine, which he tooke at Cape Blank; the Welcome of Plymouth, and her pinnessc : all of which stood with vs. But they
THEY BUILD A GALLY FRIGAT. 39
seeing our flags, not expecting such good fellowes as we did beare from vs all they might ; which our people tooke very vnkiudly, that being all friends, they would neither enquire nor tell vs any newes of our friondsj but without making any shew of kiadnes would so depart. As before, I haue said, the choice being made for the place to build the gally-frigat, ashore it was brought, where the carpenters applied their worke, still cheered vnto it by the general's good gifts bestowed among them, and kind vsage of the rest of the commanders, not without great care of the cap- taine for the safety of them all, by keeping good watch : yet one negligent fellow, which had no knowledge of the country, straying from his company, was by the Portugals taken, and very kindly vsed, and brought againe vnto vs : for which good the generall rewarded them well with gifts very acceptable, which they tooke as kindly. While wee were thus busily imployed about the foresayd galley, we descried at sea foure sailes, which we had good hope would haue proovied Indies men, or some to haue brought vs what wee looked for : but they proued Captaine Venner with his fleet, as afoi-esayd, who, seeing vs at anker, ankered also ; whei'e, spending some time, and being acquainted with our generaFs determination for landing, consorted with vs, and their bils, according to the maner of the sea, were made and signed on either part, we to haue three parts and he the fourth of all that should be taken, wherby our strength was increased, to all our comforts. Three weeks, or thereabouts, we stayd in this place, before the gaily was finished ; which done, putting men into her, and fitting her with oares, hauing fourteene banks on a side, a mast and saile, the com- mandement of her was committed vnto M. Wats, an honest skilfull mariner.
From thence we put again to sea, and went for the He of Braua, where we watered : which done, we made no long stay after, but bent our course as directly as we could for
40 OFF THE HARBOBOW OF FERNAMBUCK.
tlie place, making our first fall with the land to the south- ward of Cape S. Augustine, from whence wee plied still to our desired port of Fernambuck, and did so much, that about midnight we came before the harbour ;^ where some plied vp and downe, holding that the best policy to forbeare the entring till day might giue them light, the harborow being hard, and, therefore, the more perillous. Our ships being in safety well arriued, God was praised ; and the generall in his boat went from ship to ship, willing them to make ready such men as they could spare, with muskets, pikes, billes, bowes, arrowes, and what weapons they had to follow him. Himselfe, with 80 men from his owne ship, imbarked himselfe in the gaily, which carried in her prow a good sacar, and two murdering pieces.
Our admiral spent all the night in giuing directions to euery ship to haue their men ready shipped in their boats, for he intended to enter the harborow at the breake of day, and to leaue his ships without till he had gotten the fort and the towne : for he would not aduenture the ships in, till the harborow was gotten. Also he prouided fine ships, which he brought from Cape Blank, and put men in them as many as could conueniently saile them, and no more, giuing them charge to enter the harborow with his boats : for at the entrance of the harborow rode three great Holland ships, which our admirall doubted would impeach his going in ; and, therefore, he gaue order to the men of these fine small ships, which were not aboue 60 tunnes a piece, if the Hollanders did offer any resistance, to run aboord of them, and to set their owne ships on fire, and scape in their boats, which they had for the same purpose, that by'this meanes they might not impeach our entrance. But when the morning was come, we were fallen aboue halfe a mile downe to the northward, below the harborow, which was a great inconuenience vnto vs ; so that before we could ' Recife, the port of Pernambuco.
PREPARATIONS FOE THE ATTACK". 41
get vp againe, the ebbe was come vpon vs^ and thereby we AA'ere forced to hoiier before the harborow till two of the clocke in the afternoone, in the sight of all the towne. In this meane time, our ships rode before the fort without the harborow, about a demy-coluering shot off: in the which time passed many shot betweene the fort and the shij^s, and especially betweene the admirals ship and them : but no great harm was done on either part. All this while our admirall kept the men ready, houering in the gaily and the boats. The Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the har- borow, seeing our resolution, layd out haulsers, and wound themselves out of the Avay of vs. Our admiral was very ioyfull, and gaue great incouragement to all his men : for to passe these three great Hollanders he held it the greatest danger of all. About ] 2 of the clocke the gouerner of the towne sent a Portugall aboord the admiralls ship, to know what he would haue, and wherefore he came. He re- turned him this answere: That he wanted the caracks goods; and for them he came, and them he would haue, and that he should shortly see. In this processe of time, the townes- men and inhabitants which saw so much shipping, and per- ceiued vs to be enemies, gathered themselues together, three or foure ensignes of men, esteemed to the number of some six hundred at the least. These came to the fort or plat-forme lying ouer against the entry of the harborow, and there attended our landing; but before our admirall set forward with his boats, he gave expresse order to all that ■ had charge of gourning the boats or galley, to run them Avith such violence against the shore that they should be all cast away without recouery, and not one man to stay in them, whereby our men might haue no manner of retreat to trust vnto, but onely to God and their weapons.
Now was the time come of the flood, being about two of the clocke in the afternoone, when our admirall set forward, and entered the harborow with the small galley, and all the
42 THE FORT CAPTURED.
rest of the boats followed him^ the Hollanders that rode in the mouth of the harborow, nothing impeached him ; but now the fort began to play with their ordinance vpon the galley and boats ; and one of their shot tooke away a great piece of our ensigne out of the galley. But our saile being set, it was no time for vs to make any stay ; but with all the force we could we ranne the galley vpon the shore right vnder the fort, within a coits cast of it, with such violence that we brake her backe, and she suncke presently ; for there where we landed, went a breach of the sea, which pre- sently cast her away. The boats comming after did the like. At our arriuall, those in the fort had laden aill their ordi- nance, being seuen pieces of brasse, to discharge them vpon vs at our landing ; which, indeed, they did : for our admirall leaping into the water, all the rest following him, off came these pieces of ordinance ; but, almighty God be praised, they in the fort, with feare to see vs land in their faces, had piked their ordinance so steepe downwards with their mouths, that they shot all their shot in the sand, although, as I sayd before, it was not aboue a coits cast at the most betweene the place wee landed and the face of the fort ; so that they onely shot off one of our men's armes without doing any more hurt, which was to vs a great blessing of God : for if those ordinances had bene well levelled, a great number of vs had lost our Hues at that instant. Our admirall seeing this, cried out, incouraging his men. Upon them, vpon them ; all (by God's help) is ours : and they therewith ran to the fort with all violence. Those foure ensigns of men that were set to defend our landing, seeing this resolution, begau to go backe, and retire into certaina bushes that were by the same fort ; and being followed, tledde thorowe a certaine oaze which was drie, being then but the beginning of the tide : and so abandoned the fort, and left it with their ordinance to vs. This day of our arriuall was their Good-friday, when by custome they
GREAT STORE OF MERCHANDIZES TAKEN, 43
vsually whippe themselues : but God sent vs now for a generall scourge to them all, whereby that labour among them might be well spared. The fort being taken with all their ordinance, the admirall waved to the ships, willing them to wey and come in ; which they did with all speed, himselfe taking order in leauiug certaine men in keeping the said fort, and placed the ordinance toward the high towue,^ from whence he suspected the greatest danger ; and putting his men in order, marched toward the low towne,^ which was about foureteeue score from the fort : in which town lay all their merchandize and other goods. Approaching to the towne, he entered the same, the people imbarking them- selues in carauels and boats, with all the expedition they could. The base towne, of aboue an hundred houses, being thus taken, we found in it great store of merchandizes of all sorts : as Brasil wood, sugars, calico-cloth, pepper, cynamon, clones, mase, nutmegs, with diuers other good things, to the great comfort of vs all. The admirall went vp and downe the towne, and placed at the south end of the same Captaine Venner and his companion, himselfe and his company in the midst of the towne, and Captaine Barker and Captaine Addy at the other end of the towne, giving great charge that no man, vpon paine of great punishment and losse of his shares, should breake vp or enter into any ware-house with- out order and direction from the admirall. And this com- mandement was as well kept as euer any was kept, where so great spoile and booty was found : for it was not knowen in all the time of our being there, that any disorder was com- mitted, or any lodge or ware-house broken open, or any spoile was made, or pillaging of anything ; which is a note much to be obsei'ved in such an action ; for common mariners and souldiers are much given to pillaging and spoiling, making greater account of the same than of their shares. Order being put in all things, we kept a very sure watch • Olinda 2 Recife.
44 DEALINGS WITH THE HOLLANDERS.
this first nightj and the morning being come^ our admirall and Captaine Venner, with the rest of the captaines, went about the towne, and gaue order for the fortifying of it with all expedition : so that within two dayes it was sur- rounded with posts and planks, all that part of the towne next the maine land, at least nine foot high ; for (God be thanked) we found prouision in the towne, sufficient store for it. Now it is to be vuderstood that this towne is en- uironed on the one part by the sea, and on the backside by a riuer that runneth behinde it ; so that to come to it by land, you must enter it by a small narrow passage, not aboue forty paces ouer at an high water. At this passage we built a fort, and planted in it fine pieces of ordinance, which we tooke out of the first fort we wan at our comming into the harborow. Now we having the towne in posses- sion, our admirall sent for the Hollanders b}'- his chyrurgian, which had been brought vp in that countrey, a man know- ing their conditions, and sober and discreet of his owne cariage. At his first comming aboord of them^ they seemed to stand vpon their owne guard and defence, for they w^ere three great and strong ships : but he vsed himself so that they at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their ships, which was aboue 450 tunnes. Then he declared to them our intent of comming thither, and that they should be there as sure from any show of violence or iniury offered them, as if they were in their owne houses, and if they should thinke so good, his admirall would fi-aight the for England, if they would be content with fraight reason- able, and as they should agree, and it should be at their own clioise whither to go or not, he would not force them, un- less it was to their benefit and good liking. Although this people were somewhat stubburne at the firsts as that nation is in these causes, yet being satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland, and after conference had with the admiralls, they were so satisfied that they went
ARRIVAL OP FRENCH SHIPS. 45
thorow with a fraiglit^ and then we ioyed with them, and they with vs, and they serued vs as truly and as faithfully as our owne people did, both at watch and ward, by sea and other services. Within two dayes after our comming in, about midnight, a great number of Portugals and Indians with them, came dowue vpon vs with a very great cry and noise ; but God be thanked, we were ready for them : for our admirall supposing some such assault, had prouided all our muskets with haile-shot, which did so gaule both the Indians and the Portugalls, that they made them presently retreat. And this is to be noted that there was both the horse and his rider slaine, both with one of these shot. Our men followed them some hue or six score, but no further. We lost in this conflict but onely one man, but had diners hurt. What was lost of their part we could not tell, for they had before day, after our retreat, caried away all their dead. Within three or foure days after our comming in, appeared befoi-e the harborow 3 ships and 2 pinnesses, the pinnesses being somewhat nere, discried our flags, and one of them came in, which was a French pinnesse, declaiming all the rest to be French bottoms, which our admirall willed should come in : and so they did. These were Frenchmen of war, and came thither for purchase. The captaines came aland^ and were welcomed ; amongst whom was one, Cap- taiue John Noyer, of Diepe^ that the yere before had taken in our admirall at the Hand of Mona,^ in the West Indies, Avhere his ship was cast away comming out of the East Indies. To this man our admirall oSered great kindnes, and performed it, and was not vugratefull for his former benefit shewed vnto him. This captain desired of our admirall to bestow upon him his ships lading of Fernambuc-wood,^ which he granted him, and also his pinnesse, and more, gaue him a carauel of about 50 tuns, and bid him lade her with wood also ; which with other benefits he gratefully ' See page 20. * Brazil wood.
46 LADING OF THE SHIPS.
received. To the other two captaiues he granted their lad- ings of wood, the one captaine being of Diepe, the other of Rochel. The captaine of Diepe confessed that he met Abraham Cocke certain moneths before, and being distressed for want of water, gaue him some, and went with him to a watering place where he had water enough, and so departed fro him, saying that his men were very weake. The com- ming in of these ships did much strengthen vs ; for our admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to keepe watch vpon the riuer by night with their boats, euery boat having in her 12 men at the least, and the boats well prouided. This was for feare of fii*ed ships or barkes to come downe, which our admirall had great care vnto, and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all ad- uantages to shun them, if by that meanes they should attempt to put vs out of the harborow ; giuing commande- ment to vs that watched in the towne, that what fires soeuer we should espy or see, not one man to start from his watch or quarter, vnlesse we were by himselfe commanded to the contrary. Now this order put in all things, and hauing viewed all the goods in the towne, and thinking ourselues sufficiently fortified, we began to vnlade our ships, which came as full laden in as they went foorth, but not with so good merchandize. And this order was taken about the vnlading of them, and also the lading of goods out of the towne ; our men were diuided into halues, and the one halfe wrought one day, and the other halfe the other day ; alwayes those that wrought not kept the watch with their furniture in their hands and about them, and none stept far off or wandered from his coloui's, and those that wrought had all their weapons in good order set and placed by them, so that at an instant euery one knew where to go to his furni- ture ; and this was carefully looked vnto.
The third day after our comming in, came down from the higher towne, which might be about foure miles off, vpon a
CAPTAIN LANCASTER AND THE PORTUGALLS. 47
liill, three or foure of the priucipall gentlemen of the coun- trey, and said that from the bishop, themseh^es, and the rest, they would haue some conference with our admirall. This newes being brought to the admirall, he hung downe his head for a small season; and when he had muzed awhile, he answered, I must go aboord of the Flemings vpon busi- ues that iraporteth me, and therefore let them stay if they will: and so he went and sate there with the Flemings from nine of the clocke till two at the afternoone. In this space, diuers messengers went to the admirall, to come away ; for these gentlemen stayd. To whom he gaue this answere : Are they not gone yet ? And about two of the clocke he came aland, and then they tolde him they were departed. Many of the better sort of our men maruelled, and thought much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and haue conference with such men of account as they seemed to be. But the admiral made them this answere: Sirs, I haue bene brought vp among this people ; I haue liued among them as a gentleman, serued with them as a souldier, and liued among them as a merchant, so that I should haue some vnderstanding of their demeanors and nature ; and I know when they cannot preuaile with the sword by force, then they deale with their deceiueable tongues ; for faith and trueth they haue none, neither will vse any, vnlesse it be to their owne aduantage. And this I giue you warning, that if you giue them parle, they will betray vs ; and for my part, of all nations in the world, it would grieue me most to be ouertaken by this nation and the Spaniards : and I am glad it was my fortune to pay them with one of their owne fetches, for I warrant you they vnderstand me better then you thinke they do. And with this I pray you be satisfied ; I hope it is all for your goods : for what shall we gaine by parle, when (by the helpe of God) we haue gotten already that we came for, should we venture that we haue gotte with our swords, to see if they can take it from vs by words and
48 CAPTURE OF enemy's TRENCHES.
policy ? tliere were no wisdome in so doing. You know what it hath cost us, and how many men lie wounded that be not yet hole of this other nights hurts ; and, therefore, from henceforth I giue you this commission, that if any be taken he be sent away with this order, — although he come as a friend, that if either he or any other approach vs from henceforth, he shall be hanged out of hand : and other course than this I will not take with them. Which course was followed, for within 3 or 4 dayes after it was performed by two taken in the night ; and after that we were neuer troubled with spies; and although diuei'S slaues came run- ning from their men to vs, by which we vnderstood much of their working and pretences, yet the admirall would en- terteine few of them.
In this meane time that we beo-an to worke, the Portugfals with the country people were not idle, for seeing vs so busie about sixe nights after our comming in, they priuily in the night cast vp a trench in the sands about a sacar shot from our ships, minding there to plant ordinance, which would haue offended our ships greatly; and they would not haue bene able to haue rode there to take in their lading, which now began to go aboord of them. The admirall hearing this, about 3 of the clocke in the after- noone marshalled our men, and he and all the rest of the captaines marched toward them. The Portugals and Indians perceiuing our comming, began to withdraw them- selues within the trench, meaning (as it should appeare) to fight it out there ; but we made no stand, neither did it be- houe vs, but presently approached the trenches with our muskets and pikes, afore their trenches were thorowly finished : so that, by God's helpe, we entered the, and the Portugals and Indians left the place, and left vnto vs 4 good peeces of brasse ordinance, with powder and shot, and diners other necessaries, and among the rest 5 smal carts of that countrey, which to us were more worth than
FIGHTS AT THE WATERING-PLACE. ^9
al the rest we tooke, for the ladiug of our goods from tlie towne to the waterside : for without them we could not have told what to haue done^ much of our goods being so heauie, that without carts we were not able to weyld them : all these things we brought away and destroyed at those platforms that they had made, and then we had rest with them for certaine dayes, in which we went forward, deuid- ing our marchandize with Captaine Yenner, according to our consort, and went daily lading them aboord, euery ships company according as their turnes fell out, but only the three Dutch ships, for the goods being put into their boats their owne companies laded themselues. And this farther good chance or blessing of God we had to helpe vs, that assoone as we had taken our cartes, the next morning came in a ship with some 60 negros, 10 Portugall women, and 40 Portugals : the women and the negros we turned out of the towne, but the Portugals our admiral kept to draw the carts when they were laden, which to vs was a very great ease. For the countrey is very hote and ill for nation to take any great trauell in.
In this towne there is no fresh water to be had, and, therefore, we were euery 5 or 6 dayes compelled to passe ouer the riuer into the maine land to g"et fresh water, which, after the first or second time, the Portugals kept and would haue defended our watering, so that we were driuen to water of force, and at seuerall times some of our men were hurt, and onely two or three slaine, and with this danger we were forced to get our water.
And as they molested vs in our watering, so they slept not in other deuises, but put in practise to burne our ships or remoue them out of the harbour. For within some 20 dayes after our comming in, they had prepared 5 carauels, and filled them with such things as would best take fire and burne : these they brought within a mile or little more of our ships, and there set them on fire, for neei^er they could
E
50 FIRE SHIPS.
not well come because of our watch of boates, for^ as is aboue said, the admirall had alwaies 6 boates that kept watch aboue halfe a mile from the ships for feare of such exployies as these, which was the cause they could not fii*e them so neere the ships as they would have done. But these fired carauels had the tide with them, and also the little winde that blewe was in their fauovr, which caused them to come downe the streame the faster ; which our boats perceiuing made to them with as much expedition as conueniently they could, but the tide and wind both seruing them, they approched toward the ships with great expedi- tion. Our men in the towne began to be in some feare of them, yet no man mooued or started fro his quarter more than if there had bene nothing to doe. Also the masters, and such as were aboord, were somewhat amased to see 5 great fires to be comming downe among their ships, but they prepared for to cleere them of it, as well as they could, being prouided afore hande and iudging that some such stratagems would be there vsed, the riuer being very fit therefore. But (God be thanked) who was alwaies with vs and our best defence in this voyage, by whose assistance we performed this so great an attempt with so small forces, our companie in the boats so played the men when they saw the fires come neere our ships, that casting grapnels with yron chaines on them, as euery boat had one for that pur- pose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to a bitter or anker, where they rode till all their force was burned out, and so we were deliuered, by Gods helpe, from this fearefuU danger. Within some 6 nights after this, which might be about the 26 day after our comming in and abode there, about 11 of the clocke at night, came driuing downe other 3 great raftes burning with the hugest fires that I haue seene. These were exceeding dangerous, for when our men approched the, thinking to clap their grapnels vpon them, as they had done vpon the carauels the night before,
FIRE SHIPS. 51
they were preuented : for there stooke out of the rafts many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts, that they could not come to throw their grapnels into the : and yet they had this inconueuience worse then al the rest which most troubled vs. There stooke out among the poles certaiue hollow trunks filled with such prouision of fire- workes that they ceased not still (as the fire came downe to those trunks to set the on fire) to spout out such sparkles, that our boats hauing powder in them for our mens vse, durst not for feare of frying theselues with their owne powder come neerer those sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to driue neerer and neerer our ships, they wet certaine clothes and laid vpon their flaskes and bandelers and so ventured vpon them, and with their grapnels tooke holde of them, and so towed them on ground, where they stooke fast and were not burnt out the next day in the morning. Diuerse logs and timbers came driuing along by our ships, and burn- ing, but with our boats we easily defended them. And thus (God be praised) we escaped the second fires. A third firing was prepared, as a Negro gave vs to vnderstand, but this we preuented by our departure. For this third firing were very great preparations : and we were credibly informed of certainetie, that this firing should be such as we should neuer be able to preuent, and assuredly these fires be dan- gerous things, and not to be prevented vpon a sudden, vnlesse it be afore prepared for and foreseene. For when it commeth vpon the sudden and vnlooked for, and unprouided for, it brinCTeth men into a c^reat amazement and at their wits end. And, therefore, let all men riding in riuers in their enemies countrey be sure to looke to be prouided before hand, for against fire there is no resistance without preparation.
Also it is a practise in these hot countreys, where there be such expei't swimmers, to cut the cables of ships : and one night it was practised to cut the admirals cable, and yet the boate rode by the cable with two men in her to
e2
52 , AN IMPRUDENT ATTACK
watch all the Bight, and the buoy onel^^ was cut, but not the cable: but after that night, seeing then our good watch, they neuer after attempted it.
While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked) thorow the industry of our gouernours, and diligent labour of our men, began to be wholly laden, and all the best mar- chandize conueyed aboord our ships, so that our admirall ment to depart that night, which was the 31 day after our entrance, or else on the next day at the farthest, and so warning was giuen to all men to make themselves readie. Our admiral being aboord his ship y® same morning, espyed in the sands right against the place where the ships rode, that there was a small bank of sand newly cast vp, vnder which he perceiued how and then some people to be : pre- sently he tooke his boat and went to the towne, and called the captaines together, declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right against the ships, consulting whether it were best to sally out and see what they were doing, or depart that euening according to the former de- termination. The admirall was of opinion to depart that night, saying it was but folly to seeke warres, since we had no neede to doe it : other affirmed, it were good to see what they did, least the winde might be contrarie and the ships not got out, and so our enemies may build vpon vs to our great disaduantage. 'Well,^ said the admiral, 'the matter is not great, for there can be no danger in this sally; for where they worke it is within falkon-shot of the ships, and if any power should come against you, the ships may play vpon them with 40 peeces of ordinance at the least, so that a bird cannot passe there but she must be slaine. I am somewhat vnwilling you should go ; for I haue not bene well these two dayes, and I am not strong to march vpon these heauie sands:' they answered all at once, 'you shall not neede to trouble your selfe for this seruice, for you see it is nothing- and of no danger, being so noere the ships, doubt yon not
UPON THE PORTUGUESE WORKS. 53
we will accomplish this seruice well ynough, and return e againe withia this houre.' The admirall answered : ' the danger canuot be great, but yet you shall go out strong, for feare of the worst/ And so the admirall marshalled them, 275 men, Freuch and English, which were vnder the con- duct of Edmund Barker, Captaine Barker of PHmmouth, Viceadmirall to Captaiue Venner, Captaine Addy, and the three French captaines, all going out together, and they were to march vpon a narrow peece of ground to the place whether they were sent vnto : in the brodest place betwixt the sea and the water on the other side, it is not aboue a stone cast, for it is a bank of sand lying betweene the riuer and the sea, so they needed not to feare any comming on their backs or on their sides, and before them could no man come, but he must passe by all the ships which no company of men were able to do without pi'esent death. The admirall commanded them at their departure to go no further then the place he sent them to, and so he himselfe went aboord the ships and made readie all the ordinance for feare of the worst, not knowing what might insiie, although he saw no danger might follow. Thus we marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent vnto, being right ouer against the ships: out of which place came some dozen shot, Avhich seeing vs come, discharged and ran their wayes with such as were working within the said platforme. So that we came into it and perceiued they had begunne to lay plankes to plant ordinance vpon. Our admirall commanded, if there were any such thing, to burne the plankes and re- turne in againe, which we might have done without hurting of any man's finger : but our leaders were not content to haue performed the seruice committed them in charge, but would needes expresly and against their order mai'ch on further to fight with certaine ensignes almost a mile off, cleane out of the reach of the ordinance of all our shipsj and where lay the strength of the whole countrey. When our
54 DEPARTURE OF THE SHIPS.
men began to draw neere those ensigns of men^ the ensignes seemed to retire with great speed, which our men followed with such great hast, that some outrunning other some, our order was broken, and those ensignes retyred theselues into the force of the whole countrey, so that our formost men were in the midst of their enemies yer they were aware, which were slaine yer the rest could come to succour them. The enemies, incouraged by this, came also vpon the rest, which presently began to retire, and the enemies followed them til they came within the reach of the ordinance of our ships, where they were beaten off and left their pursuit. In this conflict were slaine Captain Barker", captaine of the Salomon ; Captaine Cotton, y'' admiral's Lieutenant ; Cap- taine John Noyer, a French captaine of Diepe, and another French captaine of Rochel, with M. John Barker and other, to the number of 35 : for these were the foremost and hot- test in the pursuit of the ensignes aforesaid, and by their forwardnes came all to perish. At our returne into the towne the admiral came to vs much bewayling the death of so many good men as were lost, wondering what we ment to passe the exprese order that was giuen vs. With this losse our men were much danted, but our admirall began againe to encourage them, declaring that the fortune of the warres was sometimes to win and sometimes to loose. And therewithal! he wished euery man to prepare and make himselfe readie : for that night (God willing) he would de- part. For all our ships were readie and laden, and he would not stay any further fortune. The euening being come, the ships began to wey and go forth of the harbour, and God be thanked of his goodnesse toward vs who sent vs a faire wind to go foorth withall, so that by 1 1 of the clocke in the night, we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiuing our departing, planted a peece or two of ordinance, and shot at vs in the night, but did vs no harme.' We were at our comming foorth 15 sailos, that is, 3 sailes of Hollanders,
RESULTS OF THE ENTERPRISE. 55
the one of 450 tunnes, the other of 350 tunnes, and the third of 300 tuuues, foure sailcs of French and one shij) which the admiral gave the French captaine, 3 sailes of Captain Venner's fleet of Plinimouth, and 4 sailes of our admiral's fleete, all these were laden with marchandizes, and that of good worth. We stayed in this harbour to passe all this businesse but onely 31 dayes, and in this time we were occupied Avith skirmishes and attempts of the enemie 11 times; in all which skirmishing we had the better, only this last excepted. To God be the honour and praise of all, &c. The whole fleete being out in safety, the next day in the morning the admirall gave order to the whole fleete to saile toward Pei'aniew, a harbour lying some 40 leagues to the northward of Fernambucke, and there to take in fresh water and to refresh themselues : and to make prouision for refreshing, our admirall had sent thither some 6 dales before two Frenchmen in a smal pinnesse, which Frenchmen he had prouided from Diepe before his comming out of England for that purpose. For both these two spake the Indian's language very perfectly : for at this port of Peraniew and another called Potaju, some 6 leagues to the northward, the Frenchmen haue had trade for brasil-wood, and haue laden from thence by the Indians' meanes, who have fet it for them some 20 leagues into the country vpon their backs, 3 or 4 ships euery yere. Thus we all sailed to- ward Peraniew, at which place we arriued in the night, so that we were forced to lie off and on with a stiffe gale of wind, in which we lost the most part of our fleete, and they not knowing this coast put off to the sea, and so went directly for England. Our admirall and some 4 saile more with him put into the harborow of Peraniew, and there watered and refreshed himselfe very well, with hens, conies, hares, and potatos, with other things, which the two French- men had partly prouided before his comming : this is a very good harborow, where ships may ride and refresh very well.
56 SAFE RETURN TO BLACKWALL.
But, as I am giuen to vnderstand since our comming from thence, the Portugals haue attempted the place and doe in- habite it, and haue put the French from their accustomed trade. Here hauing watered and refreshed our selues, we put to the sea, plying after the rest of our fleete which were gone before, which we neuer heard of till our arriuall in England at the Downes in the moneth of July, where we vnderstood the rest of our consorts to be passed vp for London, Captaine Venner and his fleete to be at Plimraouth, and the French ships to be safe arriued at Diepe, which to vs was very great comfort. At our setting sayle from the Downes, according as the custorae is, finding the Queene's ships there we saluted them with certaine ordinance. The gunner being cai-lesse, as they are many times of their powder, in discharging certaine pieces in y^ gunner roome, set a barrel of powder on fire, which tooke fire in y® gunner roome, blew vp the admiral's caben, slew the gunner with 2 others outright, and hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5 died. This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt in the gunner roome among all the fire workes, that no man at the first svist what to doe : but recalling back their feare they began to cast water into the gunner roome in such abundance (for the Queene's ships now and and also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our helpe) that (God be praised) we put out the fire and saued all, and no great harme was done to the goods. By this may be scene that there is no sure safety of things in this world. For now we made account to be out of all danger, where behold a gi^eater came upon vs than we sufi'ered all the whole voyage. But the Almightie be praysed for ever, which deliuered vs out of this and many other in this voyage. Our fire being well put out, and we taking in fresh men (God be praysed), we came to Blacke- wall in safety.
THE FIRST VOYAGE MADE TO EAST INDIA
BY
MASTEE JAMES LANCASTER
(sow knight),
FOR THE MERCHANTS OF LONDON, ANNO 1600,
WITH FOURE TALL SHIPS^ (tO WIT) THE HECTOR^ THE ASCENSION, AND SUSAN, AND A VICTUALLER CALLED THE GUEST.
§ I-
The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell them in the -way till they departed from Saldania.
The merchants of London, in the yeai-e of our Lord 1600, ioyned together and made a stocke of seventie-two thousand pounds, to bee imployed in ships and merchantdizes, for the discovery of a trade in the East India, to bring into this realme spices and other commodities. They bought foure great ships to be imployed in this voyage : the Dragon, of the bui"then of six hundred tunne ; the Hector, of the burthen of three hundred tunnes ; the Ascention, of the burthen of two hundred and three score tunnes. These ships they furnished with men, victuals, and munition for twentie monethes, and sent in them, in merchandise and Spanish money, to the value of seven and twentie thousand pounds : all the rest of their stocke was spent and consumed about the shippes and other necessaries appertayning to them, with money lent to the manners and sajders before- hand that went upon the voyage.
The merchants were suters to her Maiestie, who gave them her friendly letters of commendation, written to divers
58 THE FLEET IN THE DOWNS.
princes of India^ offering to enter into a league of peace and amitie with thenij the copies of which letters shall here- after appeare in their places. And because no great action can be well carryed and accomplished without an absolute authoritie of justice, shee granted to the generall of their fleet, Master James Lancaster, for his better command and gouvernment, a commission of raartiall law.
The said Master James Lancaster the generall was placed in the Dragon, the greatest shippe, being admirall ; Master John Middleton captaine in the Hector, the vice-admirall ; Master William Brand chiefe gouvernour in the Ascention ; and Master John Heyward in the Susan ; and more in every of the said ships ; three merchants to succeed one the other, if any of them should be taken away by death.
These Vships were readie and departed from WolvTiich in the Eiver of Thames, the thirteenth of February after the English accompt, 1600, with foure hundred and foure- score men in them : In the Dragon, two hundred and two men ; in the Hector, an hundred and eight ; in the Ascen- tion, fourescore and two : and in the Susan, fourescore and eight. The Guest, a ship of a hundred and thirtie tunnes, was added as a victualler. These ships stayed so long in the River of Thames, and in the Downes for want of wind,^
1 The following letter from Captain Lancaster, written at the Downs before reaching Plymouth, is preserved in the British Museum {Add. MSS., 1873, fol. 63).
" Mr. Skynner, my very hartye commendatyons, etc. I dyd, iu my hxst letter I rote you, make acompt not to haue trobled you this yere or too, but the contrraye winds haith so sterd me vppon this cost of Eng- lande, that I cannot prosede vppon this Est Indea vyage w''' I have vndertaken, as yt, but here abyde attendant at Gods plesure, to prosede when wynde & wether shall permyt, w<=i» vyage God graunt maye be to his glorye, & the benefyt of ou' countre and common welth. S"", accord- inge to yo'' accostomed order, I praye you pase to the brynger hereof, Mr. John or Mr. Josefe Jacson, yo'' warraunt for the twelfe pounds tenne shillings, dwe to me out of her Majcstyes excheker at our Eadye Daye last past ; for ether of thes ii men haue poure by a letter of atorney
VOYAGE TO GRAN CANARIA. 59
that it was Easter-day before they arrived at Dartmouth, where the}' spent five or sixe dayes iu taking in their bread and certaine other provisions appointed for them. From thence they departed the eighteenth of April 1601, and road in Tor Bay till the twentieth in the morning. While wee roade there, the generall sent aboord all the shippes instructions for their better company keeping, at their comming to the seas ; and further gave directions, if any of the fleet should bee separated the one from the other by stormes of wind^ tempests, or other casualties, what places^ to repair unto for their meeting together again. The second of Aprill, 1601, the wind came faire and we hoysed our anchors, and departed out of Tor Bay^ directing our course towards the Hands of Cauaria. The wind holding faire, the fift of May in the morning we had a sight of Alegrauza, the northermost iland of the Canarias, and directed our course betweene Forteventura and the Grand Canaria ; and com- ing to the south part of the Grand Canaria, thinking to water there, wee fell into the cahnes, which proceed by reason of the high-land that lyeth so neere the sea-side.
The seventh of May, about three of the clocke in the afteruoone, we departed from the Gi^and Canaria, having
from me, for the resete of soche rentes and dettes as are dwe to me iu my absence.
Thus hopinge, accordinge to yo"' acostomed kyndnese you will acom- plysh my request herein, I compt you to the j)rotectyone of the all- myghttye, who sende you his blessiuge : and me his grase to serue him in this my pretended vyage. Ffroni the Dowens, abord the Red Dragon, this fyrst Apryell, 1601."
Yo>" worshipes to ,
"vse James Lancaster." " To the worshipfull Mr.
Skynner, of her Magestyes
Excheker dd' this — " ' These places were the Cahnes of Canarie, and if weakness permitted not to double the Cape, Saldauia, the third Cape Saint Roman in Madagasgar, to Cirne, and so to Sumatra, their first place of trade. May the fift.
60 CAPTURE OF A PORTUGALL SHIP.
the wind at north-east, and we directed our course south- west by south and south south-west till we came into 21 1 degrees. From the eleventh to the twentieth, our course was for the most part south, till we came into eight degrees, the wind being alwayes northerly and north-east. In this height we found the calmes and contrarie winds, which upon this coast of Ginney, at this time of the yeare, are very familiar with many sudden gustes of wind, stormes, thunder and lightening, very fearefull to be scene and dangerous to the shippes, unless a diligent care be had that all sayles be stricken downe upon the sudden, perceiving the ayre never so little to change or alter. And yet many times, although the masters of ships were carefull, and looked unto it with great diligence, the suddennesse was such that it could hardly be prevented. From the twentieth of May till the one and twentieth of June wee lay the most part becalmed, and with contrarie winds at south ; and turning up and downe with this contrary wind, with much adoe we got into two degrees of the north side of the line, where wee espyed a ship, to the which the generall gave chase, commanding all the rest of the ships to follow him, and by two of the ciocke in the afternoone, we had set her up and tooke her. She was of the citie of Viana in Portu- gall, and came from Lisbone in the companie of two carrackes and three gallious bound for the East India, which ships she had lost at sea. The three gallious were ships of warre, and went to keep the coast of the East India from being traded with other nations.
We tooke out of her an hundred sixe and fortie buts of wine, an hundred threescore and sixteene jarres of oyle, twelve barrels of oyle, and five and fiftie hogsheads and fats of meale, which was a great help to us in the whole voyage after. The generall divided these victualls indifferently to all the ships, to every one his proportion withoiit partialitie.
The last of June, about midnight, we doubled the Line,
SICKNESS IN THE SHIPS, Gl
and lost siglit of the north star, having the wind at south- east, and we held our course south south-west, and doubled the Cape of Saint Augustine some sixe and twentie leagues to the eastwards. The twentieth of July we were shot into nineteen degrees, fortie minutes to the southward of the Line, the wind inlarging daily to the eastward. Here wee discharged the Guest, the ship that went along with us to carry the provisions that our foure ships could not take in in England. After we had discharged her, we took her masts, sayles and yards, and broke downe her higher buildings for tire-wood, and so left her floting in the sea, and followed our course to the southward. The foure and twentieth of July we passed the tropic of Capricorne, the vand being north-east by north, we holding our coui'se east south-east. Now, by reason of our long being under the Line (which proceeded of our late comming out of England, for the time of the yeare was too farre spent by six or seven weekes to make a quicke navigation) many of our men fell sicke. Therefore, the nine and twentieth of July, being in 28^ degrees, hee wrote a remembrance to the gouernour of each ship, either to fetch Saldania or Saint Helena for refreshing.
Thus following on our course, the first of August we came into the height of thirtie degrees south of the line, at which time we met the south-west wind, to the great comfort of all our people. For, by this time, very many of our men were fallen sicke of the scurvy in all our ships, and unless it were in the generaPs ship only, the other three were so weake of men that they could hardly handle the sayles. This wind held faire till wee came within two hundred and fiftie leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, and then came cleane contrarie against us to the east, and so held some fifteene or sixteene dayes, to the great discomfort of our men. For now the few whole men we had beganue also to fall sicke, so that our weaknesse of men was so great that
62 ARRIVE AT SALDANHA BAY.
in some of the ships the merchants took their turnes at the helme, and went into the top to take in the top sayles, as the common mariners did. But God (who sheweth mercy in all distresses) sent vS a faire wind againe, so that the ninth of September wee came to Saldania^^ where the generall before the rest bare in, and came to an anchor, and hoysed out his boats to helpe the reste of the ships. For now the state of the other three was such that they were hardly able to let fall an anchor, to save themselves withall. The generall went aboord of them, and carried store of men, and hoysed out their boats for them, which they were not able to doe of themselves. And the reason why the gene- rals men stood better in health than the men of other ships was this : he brought to sea with him certaine bottles of the juice of limons, which he gave to each one as long as it would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suf- fering them to eate anything after it till noone. This juice worketh much the better if the partie keepe a short dyet, and wholly refraine salt meat, which salt meat and long being at the sea is the only cause of the breeding of this disease. By this meanes the generall cured many of his men, and preserved the rest, so that in his ship (having the double of men that was in the rest of the ships) he had not so many sicke, nor lost so many men as they did, which was the mercie of God to vs all. After the generall had holpen the rest of the ships to hoys out their boats they began all to be greatly comforted. Then he himselfe went presently a-land to seeke some refreshing for our sicke and weake men, where hee met with certaine of the countrey people, and gave them diners trifles, as knives and peeces of old iron
> See page 3 («.). The Saldanha Bay of modern geographers is a misnomer. The Saldanha Bay of De Barros and the early English and Dutch Navigators, is our Table Bay. Sir Henry Middletoii's fleet also put in here in 1604. (See note by Mr. Bolton Corney at page 7 of the Voyage of Sir H. Middleton.)
REFRESHMENT AT SALDANHA BAY. 63
and such like^ and made signes to them to bring him downe sliocpe and oxen. For he spake to them iu the cattels language, which was never changed at the confusion of Babell, which was "moath^^ for oxen and kine, and "baa" for sheepe, which language . the people vnderstood very well without any interpreter. After he had sent the people away very well contented with their presents, and kind vsage, order was presently given that certaine of every ships companie should bring their sayles a-landj and build tents with them for their sicke men ; and also to make fortifica- tions of defence, if by any occasion the people should take any conceit of offence against vs, and thereby offer vs any violence.
And the generall prescx'ibed an order for buying and selling with the people, which was, that at such times as they should come downe with the cattell, only five or six men, appointed for that purpose, should goe to deale with them, and the rest (which should neuer bee vnder thirtie muskets and pikes) should not come neere the market, by eight or ten score at the nearest ; and alwayes to stand in their ranke in a readiness, with their muskets in their rests, what occasion soeuer should befall. And this order was most strictly obserued and kept, that no man durst once goe to speake with any of the people without speciall leaue, and I take this to be the cause why we lined in so great friend- ship and amitie with them, contrary to that which lately had befallen the Hollanders, which had fine or six of their men slaine by their treacherie.
The third day after our comming into this Bay of Sal- dania, the people brought downe beefes and muttons, which we bought of them for pieces of old iron hoopes, as two pieces of eight inches a piece for an oxe, and one piece of eight inches for a sheepe, with which they seemed to be well contented. Within ten or twelve dayes we bought of them a thousand sheepe and two and fortie oxen, and might
64 REFRESHING AT SALDANHA BAY.
have bought many more if wee would. Now, within twelve da3's they ceased to bring us any more cattell, but the people many times came downe to vs afterward, and when we made them signes for more sheepe, they would point vs to those wee had bought, which the generall caused to be kept grazing vpon the hilles about our tents, and was the cause (as we iudged) they thought we would have inhabited there, and therefore brought vs no more. But (God be thanked) we were well stored to satisfie our need, and might then very well forbeare buying. These oxen are full as bigge as ours, and were very fat, and the sheepe many of them much bigger, but of a very hairie wooll, yet of exceed- ing good flesh, fat and sweet, and, to our thinking, much better than our sheepe in England. The people of this place are all of a tawnie colour, of a reasonable stature, swift of foot, and much giuen to picke and steale ; their speech is wholly uttered through the throate, and they clocke with their tongues in such sort, that in seven weekes which we remained heere in this place, the sharpest wit among us could not learne one word of their language ; and yet the people would soone vnderstand any signe we made to them.
While wee stayed heere in this bay, wee had so royall refreshing that all our men recouered their health and strength, onely foure or fine excepted. But before our comming in, and in this place, wee lost out of all our ships one hundred and fiue men, and yet wee made account we were stronger at our departure out of this bay then wee were at our comming out of England, our men were so well inured to the southerne climates.
DOUBLE THE CAPE OF RUENA ESPERANQA. 65
§11
Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their Voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at Saint Maries, Antongil, Nicubar : the strange plant of Sombrero, and other occurrents.
The foure and twentieth of October, the generall caused all our tents to be taken downe and our men to repair aboord the ships ; and being fitted both of wood and fresh, water, the nine and twentieth of October, wee put to sea, and went out by a small iland^ that lieth in the mouth of the said bay, which is exceeding full of seales and pengwines, so that if there were no other refreshing, one might very well I'efresh there. Oaer the Bay of Saldania standeth a very high hill, flat like a table, and is called the Table f such another plaine marke to find an harbour in is not in all that coast, for it is easie to be scene seuenteen or eighteen leagues into the Sea. Sunday, the first of Nouember, in the morning, we doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanca, hauing the wind west north west a great gale.
The sixe and twentieth of Nouember wee fell with the head-land of the Hand of Saint Laurence,^ somewhat to the east of Cape Sebastian, and being within five miles of the shoare, we sounded, and found twenty fine fathome ; the variation of the compasse being little more or lesse sixteen degrees.^ For in an oast and west course the variation of the compasse helpeth much, and especially in this voyage.
From the sixe and twentieth of Nouember till the fif- teenth of December wee plyed to the eastward, the neerest our course wee could lie, always striuing to haue gotten to the Hand of Cirne, which in some cardes is called Diego
• See Bolton Corney's Voyage of Sir H. Middleton, page 9. This island is seven miles N.N.W. of Cape Town, and now appears on our charts as llobben Island (from the Dutch roh, a seal).
2 The Table Mountain. ^ Madagascar.
* At Mauritius the variation of the compass was 11° 42' W. in 180.5, 16° 40' W. in 1813, 11' 18' W. in 1836, and 9° 45' W. in 1858.
F
66 AT ANTOKGIL, IN MADAGASCAR.
Rodriques, but -wee found the wiud alwaies, after our com- ming to the Hand of Saint Laurence, at east and east south- east and east north-east, so that we could not obtaine it : and to strive long in hope of change of windes wee could not, for now our men began againe to fall sicke of the scuruy. Then the captaine of the Vice-amirall call ed to the generall and thought it best to beare into the Bay of Antongil, and there to refresh our men with oranges and limons, to cleere our selves of this disease, which was by him and the whole counsell called for that purpose well approoued.
The seuenteenth of December, wee had sight of the southermost part of the Hand of Saint Mary,^ and the next day wee anchored betweene Saint Mary and the great Hand of Saint Laurence, and sent our boats aland to Saint Mary, where wee had some store of limons and oranges, which were pi-ecious for our diseased men, to purge their bodies of the scuruy. Now, as we roade heere, buying oranges and limons, there arose vpon vs a very great storme, so that three of our ships were put from their anchres : bvit within some sixteen houres the storme ceased, and the ships returned and weighed their anchors againe. The generall thought it not good to make any longer stay there, seeing the uncertaintie of the weather, and that there was vpon this iland so little refreshing to be had, only these oranges and limons, a little goates milke, and some small quantitie of rice ; we saw only one cow, and that they draue away as soone as they saw vs come on laud. Seeing this place so dangerous to ride in, the generall gaue present order to sayle toward the Bay of Antongil," the time of the yeere
' St. Mary Island, off the east coast of JMacIagascar. is in lat. 17° 7' S., long. 49° 62' E. It is called by the natives Nossi Ibrahim. It is a long narrow issland, covered with trees, and lies parallel to the coast. The narrowest part of the channel between St. ISIary and Madagascar is four miles wide.
2 Antongil Bay, on the east coast of INladagascnr, is named after Antonio Gil, its Portuguese discoverer. The entrance is eleven leagues to tlio north of St. Mary Island.
AT ANTONGIL, IN MADAGASCAR. 67
being spent, the easterly winds come against vs, and our men sicke.
This Hand of S. Mary is high land, and full of woods ; the people are blacke, very handsome and tall men, and of curled haire, onely before in their foreheads they stroke it up, as the women do here in England, so that it standeth some three inches vpright. They are wholly without apparell, onely their priuy parts couered ; they are very tractable to conuerse withall, yet seeme to be very valiant. The most of their food is rice, and some fish ; yet at our being there, wee could buy but small store of rice, for the time of their store was farre spent and their harvest was at hand. There are two or three watering places on the north part of this iland, but none of them very commodious ; yet with some trauell there is water enough to be had.
The twentie-third of December we departed fi^om this Iland of S. Mary, and the twentie-fift being Christmas day, we came into the Baye of Antongil, and came to an anchor in eight fathara water, betweene a small iland and the mayne, lying in the bottome of the baye, a very good and a safe roade. But the best riding is neerest vnder a small iland, for the defence of the winde that bloweth there ; for while we abode in this baye, there blew an exceeding great storme, and those of our shippes that road neei'est the small island, beeing vnder the wind, sped best, for two of our ships droue with three anchors ahead, the ground being ozy and not firme. At our going a land in the little iland we per- ceiued, by writing vpon the rockes, of five Holland ships whichhadbeene there, and were departed about two monethes before our comming in, and had had some sicknesse among their men, and had lost (as we perceiued) betweene one hundred and fiftie and two hundred men while they roade in that place.
The next day after our comming to an anchor, we went a land to the mayne iland, where the people presently re-
f2
68 AT ANTONQIL, IN MADAGASCAR.
paired to vs, and made vs signes of the five Holland ships departed, and that they had bought the most part of their prouision. Yet they entred into barter with vs for rice and hennes, oranges and limons, and another fruit called plantans, and held all at high rates^ and brought but a pedlars quantitie. Our market was neere to a great riuer, into which we went with our boats, and some men that were appointed to be buyers went ashore : the rest re- mained in the boates, alwaies readie with their weapons in their hands, and the boates some fifteene or twentie yardes off into the water, where the people could not wade to them, and were readie at all times (if they a shore had had any need) to take them in. So we trifled off some dales before (as aforesaid) we could bring them to any reall trade, for all these people of the south and east parts are very subtill and craftie in their bartering, buying, and selling, that unless you hold a neere hand with them, you shall hardly bring them to trade in any plaine sort. For they would sift you continually to giue a little more, and then no man will sell without that price ; so that you must not inlarge to any one more than another, for in so doing all will have that price or none. The generall seeing this, commanded measures to be made of (almost) a quart, and appointed how many glasse beades should be giuen for euery measure, and that he that would not deale in this manner should not deale at all. The like order was set downe for oranges, limons, and plantans, how many for euery beade, or else not. Our merchants, after a little holding off, consented, and our deal- ing was francke and round, without any contradiction or words. So that while we abode heere, we bought 15| tunnes of rice, fortie or fiftie bushels of their pease and beanes, great store of oranges, limons, and plantans, and eight beeues, with many hennes. While we roade in this baye, we reared a pinnace, which we brought in pieces in our shippes out of England, and cut downe trees, of which
SICKNESS AMONG THE CREWS. 69
there were v^er}"- great^ and great store, wliicli trees we sawed out in boordes, and sheathed her. This pinnace was of some eighteene tunnes, and very necessary, and fit to goo before our shippes at our commiug into India. In the time we stayed heere, there died out of the generalls shippe the masters mate, the preacher, and the surgeon, with some tonne other common men. And out of the Vice-admirall there died the master, with some other two. And out of the Ascention, by a very great mischance, were slaine the captaine and the boatswaines mate. For, as the masters mate out of the generalls shippe was carried a land to be buried, the captaine of the Ascention tooke his boate to goe a land to his buriall ; and as it is the order of the sea to shoote off certaine peeces of ordnance at the buriall of any officer, the gunner of the ordnance shotte off three peeces, and, the bullets beiug in them, one stroke the Ascentions boate, and slue the captaine and the boatswaines mate starke dead, so that they that went to see the buriall of another "were both buried there themselues. Those that died heere, died most of the flux, which (in our opinion) came with the waters which we drunke, for it was the time of winter, when it rained very much, which caused great flouds to ouerflowe the countrie, so that the waters were not wholsome, as in most places in these hot countries they are not in the time of their raines. This disease also of the flux is often taken by going open and cold in the stomacke, which our men would often doe when they were hot.
We set saile out of this baye the sixth of March, and held our course toward India, and the sixteenth we fell with an iland called liogue-Pize,^ which lyeth in 10^ degrees to the south of the equinoctiall line. To this iland the generall
> Roquepez, a low sandy island, said to be in 6^ 2-i' S. and 60' 4' E. ; but its existence has been doubted, and Captain Taylor suggests that one of Her Majesty's steamers should settle the question of the positiou of this and other doubtful dangers. {India Directory^ 1874, p. 636.)
70 AMONG THE CHAGOS ISLANDS.
sent his boate, to see whether there were any safe riding for the shippes, but the boate (for the most part) found deepe water, where the shippes could not safely ride. As we coasted along this iland, it seemed very faire and pleasant, exceeding full of foule and coco nut-trees ; and there came from the land such a pleasant smell as if it had beene a garden of flowers. And surely, if there be any good riding for shippes in this iland, it must needes be a place of very great refreshing. For as our boates went neere the land, they saw great store of fish, and the foules came wondering about them in such sort, that with the oares, wherewith the mariners rowed, they killed many which were the fattest and the best that we tasted all the voyage. And of these there was such exceeding great abunda7ice, that many more shippes then we had with vs might have refreshed them- selues therewith.
The thirtieth of March, 1 602, being in sixe degrees to the South of the Line, wee happened vpon a ledge of rockes, and looking ouer-boord, and seeing them vnder the shippe about fine fathome deepe, it much amazed vs, falling vpon them sudden and vnexpected. Then as wee were presently casting about the ship, wee found eight fathome, and so held on our course east. One of our men being in the top, saw an iland south-east of vs, some fiue or sixe leagues off being but low land ; this we judged to be the Iland of Cardu,' although in our course we could not (by computa- tion) find ourselues so farre shot to the eastward. Bearing on our course some thirteene or fourteene leagues, we foil upon another flat of rockes. Then wee cast about the southward, and sayling some twelue leagues, found other rockes ; so that proving divers wayes, wee found flats of
» One of the Maldive group, whicli extends from 7^ G' N. to 0^ 42' S. But Lancaster must have been among the Chagos islalids and banks, extending from 7° 29' S. to 4° 44' S. They were minutely surveyed by Captain Moresby in 1837.
AT THE NICUBAR ISLAND. 71
rockes round about us ; and twentie and tliirtie, and in some places^ forty and fiftie fatliome water in tlie middest of the flats. Here we were for two dayes and an halfe in exceeding danger, and could find no way to get out. But at last wee resolued to seeke to the northward, and in sixe degrees, fortie-three minutes (God bee thanked) wee found sixe fathome water ; the piunasse alwayes going before vs, and sounding, with commandement to make signes what depth she had, that thereby we might follow her. Thus (thankes be to God) being deliuered out of this pound, we followed our course with variable windes, till the ninth of May, about foure of the clocke in the afteruoone, at which time we had sight of the Hands of Nicubar, and bare in and anchored on the north side of the channell. But the wind changing to the south-west, wee were forced to hoyse our anchors, and to beare ouer to the south side of the channell : and so come to an anchor vnder a small iland that lyeth on the said shore. . Here wee had fresh water and some coco nuts, other refreshing wee had little. Yet the people came aboord our shippes in long canoas, which would hold twentie men and aboue in one of them, and brought gummes to sell instead of amber, and therewithal deceiued diners of our men ; for these people of the east are wholly giuen to deceit. They brought also hennes and coco nuts to sell, but held them very deare : so that we bought few of them. We stayed here ten dayes, placing of our ordnance and trimming of our ships, because we would be in all readinesse at our arrivall, at our first port, which we were not (now) farre from.
The twentieth of Aprill, in the morning, we set saile to goe toward Sumatra, but the wind blew so hard at south south-west, and the currant was against vs^ that we could not proceed; but beating vp and downe, our ships fell into two leakes, so that wee were forced to goe to the Iland of
72 NICUBAR ISLANDS.
Sombrero^* some ten or twelve leagues to the northwai'd of Nicubar. Heere we in the Ad mi rail lost an anchor, for the ground is foule, and groweth full of counterfeit corrall and some rockes, which cut our cable asunder, so that we could not recouer our anchor.
The people of these ilands goe naked, hauing only the priuities bound up in a peece of linnen cloath, which commeth about their middles like a girdle, and so between their twist. They are all of a tauuy colour, and annoint their faces with diners colours ; they are well limmed, but very fearefull; for none of them would come aboord our shippes, or enter into our boates. The generall reported that he had seen some of their priests or sacrificers, all ap- parelled, but close to their bodies, as if they had beene sewed in it; and upon their heads a paire of homes turning backward, with their faces painted greene, blacke, and yellow, and their homes also painted with the same colour. And behind them, vpon their buttocks, a taile hanging downe, very much like the manner, as in some painted cloathes, we paint the diuell in our countrey. He demaund- ing wherefore they went in that attire, answer was made him, that in such forme the diuell appeared to them in their sacrifices ; and therefore, the priests, his seruants, were so apparelled. In this iland grow trees, which for their talness, greatnesse, and straightnesse, will serue the biggest shippe in all our fleete for a maine mast : and this ilaiid is full of those trees.
Heere, likewise, we found vpon the sands, by the sea- side, a small twigge growing vp to a young tree, and offer- ing to plucke vp the same, it shrunke downe into the ground, and sinketh, unlesse you hold very hard. And being plucked vp, a great worme is the roote of it : and looke how the tree groweth in greatnesse, the worme
' The Sombreiro Channel separates Nancowry from little Nicobar. Lancaster's Sombrero Island nnist be Nancowry.
A STKANGE TREE. 73
diminisheth. Now as sooue as the worme is wliolly turned into the tree, it rooteth in the ground, and so groweth to be great. This transformation was one of the strangest wonders that I saw in all my trauailes. For this tree being plucked vp little, the leaues stripped oflf, and the pill, by that time it was dry, turned into an hard stone, much like to white corrall ; so that this worme was twice transformed into diflferent natures: of these we gathered, and brought home many.^
* Mr. Homf ray,the officer in charge of the Nicobar Islands, informs me that the curious animal, described in the text, is common at the ^icobar Andaman Islands. It is found in the sand between high and low water mark, and is, he thinks, one of the coralliferous polyps (Virgularia mirahilis). It j^rotrudes from its hole as the tide rises, disappearing almost completely when it falls, or on being touched, unless it is clutched very firmly. AVlth much perseverance, it is dug out of the ground while being held by one hand, during which operation it sustains some injury. The so-called leaves break off, owing to the animal having constantly to seek shelter below the sand ; and are supposed to be really seaweed or fungus parasites. Out of fifty siaecimens collected for Mr. Homfray, only four had leaves.
Mr. Warneford, the Chaplain at Port Blair (Andaman Islands), tells me that they are found in great variety, sometimes in sand, but more frequently in mud. Some of them, at the top or part projecting above the surface, do branch out just like a small tree. They vary in colour, in length, and in shape. Mr. Warneford has some specimens in spirits, and numbers of dried ones, white, mauve, and yellow. Some are rough, some smooth ; and Mr. Warneford says that the description in the text is true, though rather enlarged. When pulled up, they have a large fleshy bottom, which is really the intestines of the animal, not a separate worm. They have the power of drawiucf themselves down into the mud when touched.
74 ARRIVAL AT ACHIN.
§ III. Their eutertahimeut and trade at Acliem.^
The nine and twentieth of May, we set saile from this iland of Sombrero, and the second of June^ we had sight of the hiud of Sumatra, and the fifth of June we came to anchor in the Roade of Achem, some two miles off the citie. Here we found sixteene or eighteene saile of shippes of diuers nations, Goserats, some of Bengala, some of Calicut, called Malabares, some Pegues, and some Patanyes, which came to trade there.
There came aboord of ns two Holland merchants which had beene left thei'e behind their shippes, to learn the language and manners of the country. These told vs, we should be very welcome to the king, who was desirous to intertaine strangers ; and that the Queene of England was very famous in those parts, by reason of the warres and great victox'ies which she had gotten against the king of Spaine. The same day the generall sent Captaine John Middleton, captaine of the Vice-Admirall, with foure or fiue gentlemen to attend vpon him, to the King, to declare vnto him that he was sent from the generall of those shippes, who had a message and a letter from the most famous Queene of England, to the most worthy King of Achem and Sumatra.^
» The name is properly Acheh. The Portuguese turned it into Achem, and the English call it Achin, the Dutch Atjin. Colonel Yule suggests that we got our form of the word from the Arabs, who have Achin. It is so written in the/l/« Alhari and in the geographical tables of Siidik Isfahan!. (See Geocjrajihical Magazine, Aug. 1873, p. 175.)
* A.D. 1602.
s The name of the King of Achin was then Ala-uddin Shah, a usurper who, in 1585, had murdered the former kings, INIansur Shah, and his family. Alauddin is said to have been originally a fisherman, whose courage and prudence raised him to the position of commander of the forces. He died in 1604, at the age of 95 ; and was succeeded by his son All INIaghayat Shah.
RECEPTION DY THE KING. 75
And that it would please his royall maiesty to giue to the said messenger audience to doliucr his message and letter, with a sufficient wai'rant for the safety of him and his people, according to the law of nations, holden in that be- halfe. This messenger was very kindly entertained by the king, who when he had deliuered liis message, gladly granted his request, and communed with him about many questions : and after caused a royall banquet to be made him. And at his departure gaue a robe and a tucke of calico wrought with gold, which is the manner of the kings of this place to those he will grace with his speciall favour. And withall sent his commendations to the generall, willing him to stay one day aboord his ships, to rest himselfe after his comming from the disquiet seas, and the next day to come a land, and haue kind audience and franke leaue, with as great assurance as if he were in the kingdome of the Queene his mistris. And if he doubted of anything of this his royall woi'd, such honourable pledges should be sent him for his further assurance as he should rest very well satisfied therewith.
The third day, the generall went a land very well accom- panied, with some thirtie men or more to attend upon him, and first at his landing the Holland merchants met him, and carried him home to their house, as it was appointed. For as yet, the generall would make choyce of no house of his owne, till he had spoken with the king, but stayed at the Hollanders house, till a noble man came from the king, who saluted the generall very kindly, and declared that he came from his Maiestie, and represented his person. Then he demaunded the queenes letter of the generall, which he refused to deliuer; saying, he would deliuer it to the king himself For it was the order of embassadours, in those parts of the world from whence he came, to deliuer their letters to the princes owne hands, and not to any that did represent the kings person. So he demaunded to see the
76 Lancaster's reception at achin,
superscription, which the generall shewed him, and he read the same, and looked very earnestly upon the scale, tooke a note of the superscription, and did likewise write her maiesties name ; and then, with courtesie tooke his leaue, and repaired to the court to tell the king what had passed. Who presently sent sixe great elephants, with many trumpets, drums and streamers, with much people to accompany the generall to the court, so that the pi^esse was exceeding great. The biggest of these elephants was about thirteene or fourteene foote high, which had a small castle, like a coach upon his back, couei'ed with crimson veluet. In the middle thereof was a great bason of gold, and a peece of silke exceeding richly wrought to couer it, vnder which her Maiesties letter was put. The genei-all was mounted vpon another of the elephants; some of his attendants rode, others went a foote. But when he came to the court gate, there a nobleman stayed the generall, till he had gone in to know the kings further pleasure. But presently the said noble- man returned, and willed the generall to enter in. And when the generall came to the kings presence, he made his obeysance after the manner of the country, declaring that hee was sent from the most mightie Queene of England to congratulate with his highnesse and treat with him concern- ing a peace and amitie with his Maiestie, if it pleased him to entertaine the same. And thei-ewithall began to enter into further discourse, which the king brake off, saying: I am sure you are weary of the long trauaile you haue taken, I would haue you sit downe and refresh your selfe. You are very welcome, and heere you shall haue whatsoeuer you will in any reasonable conditions demaund for your princesse sake, for she is worthy of all kindnesse and franke con- ditions, being a princesse of great noblenesse, for fame speaketh so much of her. The generall perceiuing the kings mind, deliuered him the queenes letter, which he willingly received, and deliuered the same to a noble man
Lancaster's reception at achin. 77
standing by him. Tlion the generall proceeded to deliuer him his present, which was a bason of siluer, with a foun- taine in the middest of it, weighing two hundred and fine ounces, a great standing cup of siluer, a rich looking-glasse, and head-piece with a plume of feathers, a case of very faire daggers, a rich wrought embroidered belt to hang a sword in, and a fan of feathers. All these were receiued in the kings presence by a nobleman of the court ; onely he tooke into his owne hand the fanne of feathers, and caused one of his women to fanne him therewithall, as a thing that most pleased him of all the rest. The generall was commanded to sit downe in the kings presence, as the manner is, vpon the ground ; where was a very great banquet prouided. All the dishes, in which the meate was serued in, were either of pure gold, or of another mettall, which (among them) is of great estimation, called tambaycke, which groweth of gold and brasse together. In this banquet, the king, (as he sate aloft in a gallery, about a fathome from the ground) dranke oft to the generall in their wine, which they call racke. This wine is made of rice, and is as strong as any of our aquauita : a little will serue to bring one asleepe. The generall, after the first draught, dranke either water mingled therewithall, or pure water ; the king gaue him leaue so to do, for the generall craued his pardon, as not able to drinke so strong drinke. After this feast was done, the king caused his damosels to come forth and dance, and his women to play musicke vnto them ; and these women were richly attired, and adorned with bracelets and jewels ; and this they account a great fauour, for these ai-e not vsually seene of any but such as the king will greatly honour. The king also gaue vnto the generall a fine white robe of calico, richly wrought with gold, and a very faire girdle of Turkey worke, and two cresses, which are a kind of daggers, all which a noble man put on in the kings presence ; and in this manner he was dismissed the court, with very great
78 QUEEN Elizabeth's LETTER
curtesies, and one sent along with him tomakeclioyce of an house in the citie^ where the generall thought most meete. But, at this time, he refused this kindnesse, and rather chose to goe aboord his ships ; and left the king to con- sider of the queenes lettei", the tenor whereof hereafter followeth :
" EUzabetli hy the Grace of God, Queene of England, France, and Ireland {Defendresse of the Christian Faith and Religion.)
"To the great and mightie King of Achem, 8,'c., in the Island of Su')natra, 02cr I oning Brother, greeting.
" The eternall God, of his diuine knowledge and proui- dence, hath so disposed His blessings and good things of His creation for the use and nourishment of mankind, in such sort : that notwithstanding theygrowe in diuers king- domes and regions of the world, yet, by the industrie of man (stirred up by the inspiration of the said omnipotent Creator) they are dispersed into the most I'emote places of the universall world ; to the end, that euen therein may appeare unto all nations His maruellous workes. He hauing so ordained that the one land may haue need of the other ; and thereby, not only breed intercourse and exchange of their merchandise and fruits, which doe so superabound in some countries and want in others, but also ingender loue and friendship betwixt all men, a thing naturally diuine.
" Whereunto wee hauing respect (right noble king), and also to the honorable and truly royall fame, which hath hither stretched of your Highnesse humane and noble usage of strangers, which repaire into that your kingdome, in love and peace, in the trade of merchandise, paying your due customes. Wee haue beene mooued to giue licence unto these our subiects, who with commendable and good de- sires, saile to visite that your kingdome : Notwithstanding the dangers and miseries of the sea, naturall to such a
TO THE KINO OP ACHIN. 79
voyage, whicli (by the gi'ace of God), they will make, beeing the greatest that is to be made in the world : and to present trafficke unto your subiects. Which their offer, if it shall bee accepted by your Highnesse, with such loue and grace, as wee hope for, of so great and magnanimious a prince : wee for them doe promise, that in no time hereafter you shall haue cause to repent thereof, but rather to reioyce much. For their dealing shall be true, and their conversa- tion sure, and wee hope that they will giue so good proofs thereof, that this beginning shall be a pei'petuall confirma- tione of loue betwixt our subiects on both parts, by carrying from us such things and merchandise as you have need of there. So that your highnesse shall be very Avell serued and better contented than you haue heretofore beene with the Portugals and Spaniards, our enemies ; who only, and none else of these regions, haue frequented those youi*, and the other kiugdomes of the East. ISTot suffering that the other nations should doe it, pretending themselves to be monarchs and absolute lords of all these kiugdomes and prouinces, as their owne conquest and inheritance, as ap- peareth by their loftie title in their writings. The contrarie whereof hath very lately appeared unto us, and that your highnesse and your royalle familie, fathers, and grandfathers haue (by the grace of God and their valour) knowne not onely to defend your owne kiugdomes, but also to give warres unto the Portugals in the lands which they possesse, as namely in Malaca, in the yeere of Humane Redemption, 1575, under the conduct of your valient Captaine Ragama- cota, with their great losse and the perpetuall honour of your highnesse crowne and kingdome.
" And now, if your highnesse shall be pleased to accept into your favour and grace, and under your royall pi'otection and defence, these our subiects, that they may freely doe their businesse now, and continue yearely hereafter, this bearer, who goeth chiefe of this fleet of foure ships, hath order (with
80 NEGOTIATION WITH THE KING OF ACHIN.
your higlinesse licence) to leaue certaine factors, with a setled house of factorie in your kingdome, untill the going thither of another fleet which shall goe thither upon the returne of this. Which left factors shall learne the language and customes of your subiects, whereby the better and more louingly to conuerse with them. And the better to confirme this confederacie and friendship betwixt us, wee are con- tented if your highnesse be so pleased that you cause capitu- lations reasonable to be made ; and that this bearer doe the like in our name. Which wee promise to performe royally and entirely, as well herein as in other agreements and arguments which he will communicate unto you ; to whom we doe greatly desire your highnesse to give intire faith and credite, and that you will receiue him, and the rest of his companie, under your royal protection, fauouring them in what shall be reason and justice. And we promise on our behalfe to re-answere in like degi-ee in all that your high- nesse shall have need out of these our kingdom es, and wee desire that your highnesse would be so pleased to send us answere by this bearer of this our letter, that wee may thereby understand of your royall acceptance of the friend- ship and league which we offer, and greatly desire may have an happie beginning, with long yeares to continue.'^
At his next going to the court, hee had long conference with the king concerning the effect of the queenes letter, wherewith the king seemed to be very well pleased, and said if the contents of that letter came from the heart, he had good cause to thinke well thereof And, for the league her Maiestie was desirous to hold with him, hee was well pleased therewith. And for the further demands the generall made from her in respect of the merchants trafficke, he had committed all these points to two of his noblemen to conferre with him, and promised what her Maiestie had requested should b}' all good meanes be granted. With this con- tented answere, after another banquet appointed for the
lancastkr's arguments for a trkaty. si
general^ he departed the court. And the next day he sent to those noblemen the king had named to him, to know their appointed time when they would sit vpon this con- ference. The one of those noblemen was the chiefe bishope of the realme, a man of great estimation with the king and all the people ; and so he well deserued, for he was a man very wise and temperate. The other was one of the most ancient nobilitie^ a man of very good grauitie but not so fit to enter into those conferences as the bishop was. A day and a meeting was appointed^ where many questions passed betwixt them, and all the conferences passed in the Arabicke tongue, which both the bishop and the other noble- man well understood. Now the generall (before his going out of England) intertained a Jew who spake that language perfectly, which stood him in good steed at that time. About many demandes the generall made touching free- domes for the merchantes, the bishop said vnto him : ' Sir, what reasons shall we show to the king, from you, whereby he may (the more willingly) grant these things which you haue demanded to be granted by him ? ' to whom the generall answered with reasons folloAving :
' 1 . Her Maiesties mutuall lone.'
' 2. Her worthiness in protecting others against the King of Spaine, the common enemie of these parts.'
'■ 3. Her noble mind which refused the offer of those countries.'
'4. Nor will shee suffer any prince to exceed her in kindness.'
'5. Whose forces haue exceeded the Spaniards in many victories.'
' G. And hindered the Portugals attempts against these parts.'
' 7. The Grand Signer of Turkie hath alreadie entred into league with her Maiestie on honorable conditions.'
G
82 Lancaster's demands for a treaty.
' Beasons of another land :'
' 8. More ouer, it is not unknowne to the king what pros- peretie trade of merchandise briugeth to all lands, with increase of their reuenues, by the custome of these com- merces/
' 9. Also princes grow into the more renowme and strength, and are the more feared for the wealth of their subiects, which by the concurse of merchandises grow and increase.'
' 10. And the more kindly that strangers are entertained, the more trade doth grow ; the prince is thereby much emnched also.'
'11. As for Achem, in particular, this port lieth well to answere to the trade of all Bengala, Java, and the Moluccas, and all China. And these places hauing vent of their mer- chandise, will not let to resort hither with them ; so that, by this meanes, the royaltie of the kings crowne will greatly increase, to the decrease and diminishing of all Portugals trade, and their great forces in the Indies.'
'12. And if it shall happen that his Maiestie wanteth any artificiers, hee may haue them out of our kingdome, giuing them content for their trauaile : and free course to goe as they haue good will to come. And any other necessarie that our countrie bringeth forth and may spare, shall be at the king's command and seruice.
But I hope his Maiestie will not vrge any demands more than her Maiestie may willingly consent unto, or that shall be contrarie to her honour and lawes, and the league she hath made with all Christian princes, her neighbours.
Further, the generall demanded that his Maiestie would cause present proclamation to be made for our safetie, and that none of his people should abuse any of ours : but that they might doe their businesse quietly. And this last r-equest was so well performed that, although there were a strict order that none of there owne people might walke by night.
REPLY OF TFTE KING OV ACIIIN. 83
yet ours might goe botli night and day without impeach- ment of any. Onely, if they found any of ours abroad at vnlawfnll houres, the justice brought them home to the general's house, and there deliuered them.
After these conferences ended the bishop demanded of the generall notes of his reasons in writing, as also of his demands of the priuiledges he demanded in her Maiestie's name for the merchants, and he would shew them to the king, and within few dayes he should haue his Maiestie's answere to them. And with these conferences and much gratulation, and with some other talke of the affaires of Christendom e, they ^roke vp for that time.
The generall was not negligent to send his demands to the noble men, which, for the most part, were di'awne out before hand, for he was not vnreadie for these businesses before he came aland in the kingdome.
At his next going to the Court, and sitting before the king, beholding the cock-fighting (which is one of the greatest sports this king delighteth in), hee sent his inter- preter with his obeisance to the king, desiring him to be mindfull of the businesse, whereof hee had conferred with his noblemen. Whereupon he called the generall vnto him, and told him that hee was carefuU of his dispatch, and would willingly enter into peace and league with her Maiestie, and (for his part) would hold it truely. And for those demands and articles he had set downe in writing they should all bee written again by one of his secretaries, and should haue them authorized by him. Which within fine or six dayes were deliuered the generall by the king's owne hands with many good and gracious words : the tenor of which league and Articles of Peace are too long to be inserted. According to their desires was to the English granted : first, free entry and trade ; secondly, custome free, whatsoeuer they brought in or carried forth, and assistance with their vessels and shipping
g2
84 THE SUSAN SENT TO PRIAMAN.
to saue our ships, goods, and men from wracke in any dan- gers. Thirdly, libertie of testament to bequeath their goods to whom they please : Fourthly, stability of bar- gaines and orders for payment by the subiects of Achem, etc. Fiftly, authority to execute iustice on their owne men offending. Sixtly, iustice against iniuries from the natiues. Seuenthly, not