Great American
Historical Classics Series

History , '^

of the

Late War in the Western Country

By Robert B. McAfee
1816

Historical Publications Company

C. S. Van Tassel, Manager
(Home Office) Bowling Green, Ohio

*

Copynght 1919

by
C. S. Van Tassei

PUBLISHER'S INTRODUCTION.

Considerably over one hundred years have passed since
this story of the war of 1812 was written. Peace was pro
claimed February 18, 1815. This work came from the
press in 1816, and in preparing the manuscript Captain
McAfee had the direct assistance of General Harrison,
Colonels Croghan and Todd and many others and had
access to the journal of Colonel Wood, the engineer who
built Fort Meigs and who kept a remarkable diary of an
important period of these events as they transpired. With
such an array of material and backed by the ability of the
author himself to portray events and movements of troops,
Captain McAfee has undoubtedly given the most valuable,
authentic and close-up narrative, especially of the western
operations in this struggle ever written. Franklin would
have called it the War of Independence, for it is related
that when he heard some one speak of the "War of Inde
pendence" (1776) he said, "Sir, you mean the Revolution,
the War of Independence is yet to come."

It is with a view of perpetuating this valuable work to
the people that the publisher is lead to reproduce the
same complete, and in full with some explanatory field
notes, as the original copies of the book are fast passing
out of existence. And while many later historians, per
haps nearly all, have used the work as a basis for their
writings, historians and readers, we believe, will welcome
the complete narrative. In commenting on the same, Dr.
Kendric Charles Babcock in his bibliography in Albert
Bushnell Hart's "American Nation" puts McAfees's work

'4 -"HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

«,*«*;•*•***: - * **•*

,•; •<f.; «**<;; « 4»*a ;

in' a'Higti' and' distinct class and says "the History of The
Late War In the Western Country is one of the very best
accounts of the conditions of the army on the frontier and
of the methods of organization, transportation and hand
ling of troops during the war."

Captain McAfee was a Kentuckian. He was born Feb
ruary 17, 1784, and died March 12, 1849. One writer calls
him a "soldier, statesman, historian and banker." He
enlisted in the service of 1812 along with some of the most
prominent citizens and best blood of Kentucky. He was
captain of a company in the first battalion of a mounted
Kentucky regiment organized by Col. II. M. Johnson under
orders of Governor Shelby. Captain McAfee served
throughout the campaign with honored distinction and, as
stated, writes much of his story from personal knowledge.
He was Lieutenant Governor of Kentucky. 1820-1824 and
was connected with one of the first banks at Harrodsburg,
Ky., in 1818.

PREFACE.

The author of the following history will not detain the
reader with many prefatory remarks. It was written
during those hours of leisure which he was able occa
sionally to reserve from other necessary occupations; and
he therefore wishes to be regarded, not as advancing any
lofty pretensions to literary merit. His object has chiefly
been, to give a plain and correct statement of the facts,
and to make only such reflections upon them, as they would
obviously authorize; and he can conscientiously say, that
he has in no case intentionally distorted or concealed
anything.

He has no private friendships or enmities to gratify-
nothing but a rational attachment to his country and hos
tility to his enemies according to their deserts. Being a
native of Kentucky and having lost many of his friends
in the Indian wars, during the first settlement of this
country, he has necessarily imbibed an abhorrence of those
principles and practices of the savages, and their British
allies, by which the western 'settlements have suffered
so much in both wars.

If any of his expressions should be deemed too acri
monious and intemperate for dignified and impartial his
tory, the reader will excuse them on this account, together
with the consideration that the feelings excited by the
occurrences described are still fresh and vigorous in his
bosom. He believes, however, that he has said nothing
which is not strictly true and just, though perhaps not
entirely agreeable to the taste of every reader.

In procuring the material for this work, the author is
greatly indebted to General Harrison and Governor Shelby,

6 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

(Kentucky) for the many valuable documents they fur
nished, particularly their correspondence with the war de
partment and with each other. He is also indebted to
Governor Edwards for his correspondence but it unfor
tunately arrived too late to be used.

Colonels Croghan and Todd with many other officers
of the northwestern army have also laid him under great
obligations by the cheerfulness with which they furnished
and assisted him in collecting all the information within
their power. To the latter he is indebted to the journal
of Colonel Wood of the engineers, who justly attained a
lofty character for military genius and service before his
untimely but glorious fall.

Most of these papers will remain in the possession of
Colonel C. S. Todd, subject to be examined by any person
who may wish to see the authorities on which any state
ment in this history is founded.

In preparing this work for the press I have to acknowl
edge the assistance I received from Dr. Joseph Buchanan,
who first undertook it's publication. He carefully
examined and compared all the materials from which it
has been compiled, and in fact attentively revised it in
every respect. In some instances he has made alterations,
on the propriety of which I have differed with him in
opinion ; however, there is no material fact which I am not
satisfied is correctly stated; and as for reflections, the
reader will no doubt judge for himself.

In describing the operation against the Creek Indians
I have had to rely chiefly on official reports, which, how
ever correct, are insufficient for fullness for a complete
history.

As to the campaign at New Orleans, besides the com
mon sources of information I have had recourse to Major
Thomas Curry and I acknowledge with pleasure the assist-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 7

ance he has given me. He served in the Kentucky militia
in that campaign and was able as an eye witness to furnish
important matter.

In justice to our late enemies as well as to myself, it
may be proper to add that much information with respect
to them has unavoidably been very imperfect and hence I
may have made erroneous statements respecting them in
many instances. Their own official reports which they
published are so notoriously false that no reliance can be
placed in them and the unofficial anonymous reports which
circulated in our public prints concerning them were not
much better authority. But with respect to our own opera
tions I have authentic documents or the evidence of highly
respectable witnesses to substantiate every statement I
have made.

ROBERT B. MCAFEE.

HISTORY

OF THE

LATE WAR IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY.

CHAPTER I.

PRELIMINARY VIEWS — CAUSES OF THE WAR
BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE

At the close of the American revolution, many persons
in England entertained an opinion that the American col
onies were not irretrievably lost to the mother country.
They hoped that Great Britain would be able, at some favor
able moment, to regain the sovereignty of these States ; and
in this hope it is -highly probable the British ministry
participated.

From calculations and sentiments like these, as well
as from the irritation caused by the failure of their arms,
may have proceeded their unjustifiable conduct on the in
terior frontiers of the new States. The military posts of
Niagara, Detroit, and Mackinaw were detained under
various pretences, for many years, in violation of the
treaty of peace. The Indian tribes on our borders were
at the same 'time supplied with munitions of w^ar, and
instigated to commit depredations and hostilities on the
frontiers of Kentucky, and the settlements northwest of
the Ohio. This fact is fully established by the letters of
Colonel M'Kee, the British commandant of Fort Miami at
the foot of the Rapids, written previous to the visit of
General Wayne to that place in '94, and published during

10 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the late war in the American journals, the originals having
then fallen into the hands of our Government.

This unwarrantable interference with the Indians re
siding within the limits of the United States was continued
by the British from the peace of '83, quite down to the com
mencement of the late war. During a great part of that
time, they kept the Indians in hostility with our western
settlements; and when the probability of a new war be
tween the two countries became very strong, they so ex
cited the savages, as to make a battle with them the neces
sary prelude to general hostilities. Although this interfer
ence with the Indians was not an obvious and ostensible
cause of the war, yet it may fairly be considered as a very
efficient cause. Much of that resentment against the Brit
ish, which prevailed so strongly in the western States, the
principal advocates for the war, may fairly be attributed
to this source.

President Washington was apprised of the intrigues
of the English agents, and endeavored by negotiation to
obtain redress; and nothing but the exhausted state of
the country after the revolutionary war, prevented that
i^reat man from resorting to arms to punish British per
fidy. His policy however was wise; it was consistent with
the genius of our government, and the condition of our
country. It would certainly have been hazardous, to ven
ture on a new war, so soon after we had established our
independence, and instituted an untried form of govern
ment.

Several campaigns, however, were conducted against
the Indians northwest of the Ohio. General Harmer
commanded one, in the year 1790, against the Miami vil
lage, at the junction of the rivers St. Marys and St. Jos
ephs, where Fort Wayne was subsequently built. It
eventuated in burning the town; and afterwards in the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 11

defeat of several detachments of Iris army, with the loss of
many of his men.

In the following year another army was conducted in
the same direction, from Kentucky and the back parts of
Pennsylvania and Virginia, by General Arthur St. Clair.
The object of this expedition, was to destroy the Miami
and ShaAvanoe settlements, on the Auglaize and Miami
rivers; but it was late in the season before the necessary
arrangements were made, and the Indians having received
intelligence of his march, and anticipating his views,
advanced and met him near the place where Fort Recovery
now stands. On the 7th of November, they attacked his
army in its encampment, when a total rout ensued, and
the greater part of the army was destroyed. The Indian
mode of warfare was not well understood by this general,
and the panic produced by the savage yells in the time of
action, threw the whole into confusion.

F'or several years previous to this disastrous campaign,
the people of Kentucky had remonstrated against the
manner in which the general government was conducting
the war against the Indians; and President Washington
had so far regarded their representations, as to authorize
certain eminent citizens, Messrs. Scott, Innes, Brown,
Logan, and Shelby to send expeditions against the Indians
in their own way. Accordingly in the spring and summer
preceding the defeat of General St. Clair, two expeditions
of volunteer militia from the district of Kentucky, were
sent by those gentlemen against the Indians on the Wabash
—the first under the command of general Charles Scott,
and the other under general James Wilkinson. They were
both completely successful. The Indian country was laid
waste, many lives were destroyed, and many prisoners
were taken, without much loss on the part of the Ken-
tuckians. Yet in the autumn of the same year, the old

12 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

method of sending regulars, under a general unskilled
in savage warfare, was again employed in the case of St.
Clair's campaign, with the disastrous consequence of a
total defeat.

After this disaster, affairs with the Indians wore a
gloomy aspect. It was extremely difficult to procure
supplies from the scattered settlements of the frontiers,
to subsist a regular army sufficient to humble the savages.
General Washington hence determined to attempt a
negotiation with them; and Colonel Hardin was accord
ingly sent to them with a flag. All that is known about
him after his departure, is that he was met and massacred
by the Indians. A predatory, skirmishing warfare was
then continued for several years, without any important
and decisive action being fought, until in the year '94 a
formidable and successful expedition was conducted
against the savages by General Anthony Wayne, a distin
guished revolutionary officer from Pennsylvania, who was
then commander-in-chief of the American army. He was
accompanied by Generals Wilkinson and Scott of the same
character from Kentucky. The principal part of the troops
were assembled at Cincinnati in the month of June, and
thence marched by the way of Forts Hamilton, Greenville,
Recovery, Adams, and Defiance, which had been built by
the regulars under W'ayne, during several preceding years
of preparation for this decisive campaign.

In the meantime, the British commandant at Detroit
had seized a commanding spot in the American territory
on the north side of the Miami of the lakes, below the
Rapids, where he had erected a strong fort, from which
the Indians were notoriously fed and supplied with ammu
nition, under the pretense of paying them annuities. They
also were secretly counselled in relation to their manage
ment of the war. The following extracts from the letters

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 13

of Colonel M'Kee, the superintendent of Indian affairs for
the districts of Detroit and Mackinaw, which were ad
dressed from this fort to Colonel England, the military
commandant at Detroit, are worthy to be preserved as
evidence of the conduct of the British government in this
case. The letters were written from one British officer to
another, and were endorsed "on his Majesty's service."

"Rapids, July 2d, '94
"By the same channel I learn that a large body of

troops, supposed to be 3000, with wagons, etc., crossed the

Ohio some days ago and marched towards the forts in the

Indian country.

"I am much pressed for tobacco and ammunition (for

the Indians) which I hope I may receive by the return

of the boat."

"Rapids, July 5th, '94.

"Sir — I send this by a party of Saganas, who returned
yesterday from Fort Recovery, where the whole body of
Indians, except the Delawares, who had gone another
route, imprudently attacked the fort on Monday, the 30th
of last month, and lost 16 or 17 men, besides a good many
wounded.

"Everything had been settled, prior to their leaving the
Fallen Timber, and it had been agreed upon to confine
themselves to taking convoys, and attacking at a distance
from the forts, if they should have the address to entice
the enemy out; but the impetuosity of the Mackinaw In
dians, and their eagerness to begin with the nearest, pre
vailed with the others to alter their system, the conse
quences of which, from the present appearance of things,
may most materially injure the interest of these people;
both the Mackinaw and Lake Indians seeming resolved on
going home again, having completed the belts they carried
with scalps and prisoners, and having no provision there,
or at the Glaze to subsist upon; so that his Majesty's post
will derive no security from the late great influx of In
dians into this part of the country, should they persist in
their resolution of returning so soon.

14 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

"Capt. Elliott writes that they are immediately to hold
a council at the Glaze, in order to try if they can prevail
on the Lake Indians to remain; but without provisions,
ammunition, etc., being sent to that place, I conceive it
will be extremely difficult to keep them together."

"Rapids, August 13th, '94.

"Sir — I was honored last night with your letter of the
llth, and am extremely glad to find you are making such
exertions to supply the Indians with provisions.

"Captain Elliott arrived yesterday; what he has
brought will greatly relieve us, having been obliged all day
y esterday to take the corn and flour which the traders had
there.

"Scouts are sent up to view the situation of the army,
and we now muster 1,000 Indians. All the Lake Indians
from Sagana downward, should not lose one moment in
joining their brethren, as every accession of strength is
an addition to their spirits.'

"Camp near Fort Miami, August 30, '94.
"Sir — I have been employed several days in endeavoring
to fix the Indians, (who have been driven from their vil
lages and corn fields ) between the fort and the bay. Swan
Creek is generally agreed upon, and will be a very con
venient place for the delivery of provisions, etc."

As General Wayne advanced, the Indians retired, leav
ing their villages and corn, on the Miami and Auglaize
rivers, to be burned and destroyed. Through the medium of
his spies, the general often tendered them terms of peace,
which they as often rejected. They at length determined
on making a stand about two miles above the British gar
rison to give Wayne battle. An engagement accordingly
took place on the 20th of August, '94 — the result was a
complete discomforture of the Indians. A number of
British Canadians fought with the Indians in this battle.
On the next day, the general reconnoitred the British fort,
and demanded in peremptory terms the reasons for their
intrusion. The British officer commanding, replied that

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 15

he was there by the orders of his government, and would
abandon the place as soon as he was ordered to do so by
his superiors; and that he hoped the general would not
proceed to extremities till their respective governments
were consulted. General Wayne then retired up the
Miami and erected Fort Wayne.

This victory over the Indians laid the foundation of
a general peace with them. They had believed, that the
British would protect them, but they found themselves
deceived, for the gates of the British fort were shut against
them as they retreated after the battle. In the following
year, '95, General Wayne held a general council, with all
the Indians northwest of the Ohio, at Greenville, which
eventuated in a treaty, by which they ceded us an extensive
tract of country, as an indemnity for past injuries, and in
consideration of annuities to be paid to them by the United
States.

In the year '94, a treaty was also negotiated by Mr. Jay
with the British government. It was signed on the 19th
of November, a few months after Wayne's battle with the
Indians. In pursuance of this treaty, in the year '96, all
the military posts, held by the British, on the American
side of the lakes, were given up to the American authorities.

These treaties and events secured our interior frontiers
from the active hostility of the Indians, and promoted the
commercial enterprise of our citizens on the ocean. Our
western settlements in consequence, rapidly advanced in
population and the improvement of their country, while
our Atlantic citizens were fast accumulating wealth by
their trade with foreign nations. This prosperity, how
ever, was not permitted to advance uninterrupted by Brit
ish aggressions. The British continued their intercourse
with the Indians within our limits, so as to keep them
attached to British interests, and hostile in their feelings

16 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

towards the United States. But the evils we experienced
on the ocean, were now infinitely more intolerable than
those of the interior.

The war in Europe, which had originally been insti
gated by the British against the revolution in France,
continued to rage with unabated violence. England and
France, the leading parties in the war, used every species
of artifice and violence, to involve all other nations in the
contest. Orders and decrees were published, by which the
maritime rights of neutral nations were infringed, and
extensive coasts declared in a state of blockade, without
any adequate means of enforcement. By the British
orders in council, our vessels were required, under the
penalty of being liable to capture, to call at a British port,
on their way to any place belonging to France and her
allies. By way of retaliation, Bonaparte decreed, that all
vessels which had submitted to this British regulation,
should be subject to capture by his cruisers. And thus no
vessel of the United States could sail, either to Britain
or France, or to any of their allies including all Europe,
without being subject to capture by one or the other of the
belligerents. At the same time the British naval officers
carried on the practice of impressing American seamen,
in a manner so extensive and vexatious, as to cause much
distress among our seafaring people, and much incon
venience and risk to our merchants.

An endless course of negotiation was pursued, on these
different subjects of complaint, without the prospect of
success becoming any brighter. The American govern
ment could obtain in this way neither indemnity for the
past nor security for the future. No alternative was left,
but a resort to arms, to vindicate our honor and our rights,
and to protect our interests on the ocean. Our losses by
captures and impressments nearly equalled the expenses

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 17

of a war in men and money. A formal declaration of war
was accordingly made on the 18th of June, 1812. But
previous to this declaration, hostilities had commenced
with the Indians, and the battle of Tippecanoe had been
fought.

A preliminary view of Indian affairs will enable us to
understand this commencement of the war. By the com
bined counsels and schemes of the British agents, and some
of the principal chiefs among the Indians, the seeds of
hostility were sown among them soon after the peace of
Greenville, and were gradually nurtured into war. At
ihat time, Little Turtle and Blue Jacket were the leading
chiefs among the northwestern tribes. They had disagreed
about the manner of opposing Wayne's army. The plan
of Blue Jacket was adopted, and eventuated in the total
defeat of the Indians, as predicted by the other. After
this event, Little Turtle continued friendly to the United
States. He was of opinion, that the Indian tribes were
unable to contend against the Americans ; that no material
aid would be furnished them by the British; and that
would only be the means of their losing more of their lands.
Blue Jacket had more confidence in the British ; he thirsted
for revenge against the Americans ; and he wished to regain
the lands which had been ceded by the treaty of Green
ville. His influence increased, whilst the Little Turtle
became unpopular. He found in Tecumseh, a Shawanoese
Indian, whom he associated with him in his views and
projects, an able and persevering coadjutor. The leading
principles in their policy were, to combine all the tribes
together in one confederacy; to prevent the sale of their
lands by any single tribe; and to join the British in the
event of war, with a view to revenge and the recovery of
their lands. They contended, that by the treaty of Green
ville, the United States had acknowledged the right to

18 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

their lands to reside jointly in all tribes; and that of
course the United States had no right to purchase lands
from any single tribe, without the consent of the others.
Blue Jacket did not live to execute his schemes; but they
were diligently pursued by Tecumseh, in which he was
encouraged and supported by the British agents.

The various tribes, who were in the habit of visiting
Detroit and Sandwich, were annually subsidized by the
British. When the American agent at Detroit gave one
dollar by way of annuity, the British agent on the other
side of the river, Detroit, would give them ten. This course
of iniquity had the intended effect; the Indians were im
pressed with a great aversion for the Americans; and
disregarding the treaty of Greenville, they desired to
recover the lands which they had ceded, and for which
they had annually received the stipulated annuity. They
wished also to try their strength again with the "Big
Knife," as they called the Kentuckians, in order to wipe
away the disgrace of their defeat by General Wayne. And
they were still promised the aid of the British, in the event
of a war between the British and Americans. Their
natural temper for war was thus inflamed, and they were
held in readiness at any moment to commence the contest.

About the year 1804, a Shawanoese Indian, the brother
of Tecumseh, proclaimed himself a Prophet, alleging that
he had been commanded by the Great Spirit, who made
the red people, and who was not the same that made the
white people, and whom the latter worshiped, to inform
his red children, that the misfortunes which had fallen
upon them, proceeded from their having abandoned the
mode of life which he had prescribed for them, and adopted
the manners and dress of the white people; and that he
was commanded to tell them, that they must return to
their former habits, leave off the use of whiskey, and as

IN THE WESTERN COUNTEY 19

soon as possible clothe themselves in skins instead of
blankets.

The Prophet fixed himself at Greenville, the spot which
had been so noted from the cantonment of General Wayne's
army, and from the treaty made by him with the Indian
tribes at that place in the year 1795. The fame of the
Prophet spread through the surrounding Indian tribes,
and he soon found himself at the head of a considerable
number of followers, composed principally, however, of the
most abandoned of the young men of the Shawanoese,
Delawares, Wyandots, Potawatamies, Qttowas, Chippewas,
and Kickapoos. Beside these he was visited by an immense
concourse of men, women and children from the tribes of
the Mississippi and Lake Superior. The most absurd
stories were told, and believed by the Indians, of his power
to perform miracles, and no fatigue and suffering was
thought too great to be endured to get a sight of him. The
people of Ohio became much alarmed at the great assem
blage of the Indians upon their frontier, and a mission
was sent by the governor to insist upon their removal. The
United States' agent at Fort W7ayne also joined in the
remonstrance, against his forming a permanent settle
ment at Greenville, which was within the boundary of the
United States. Accordingly, in 1808, he removed to the
Wabash, and fixed his residence on the north bank of that
river, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe. This land was
the property of the Miami tribe, who made strong remon
strances against it, but were not strong enough to effect
his removal by force, as he had collected around him a
considerable body of the most daring and unprincipled
young men, of all the neighboring tribes. The chiefs of
the latter were almost unanimously opposed to him, as
they discovered that he was constantly endeavoring to
destroy their influence, or to prevail on the warriors to

20 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

take the authority into their own hands. Several of the
most influential chiefs were put to death by the young men,
under the pretence of their practicing magic. Teteboxke,
the venerable chief of the Delawares, with several of his
friends, were condemned to the flames. The loss of their
chiefs began, however, to be regretted, and those that sur
vived made a common cause, in opposing the extension
of the Prophet's influence. He was~ only able to retain
about 40 warriors of his own tribe, the chiefs of which
hated him most cordially. In the year 1809, he had not
more than 250 or 300 warriors with him. They had suf
fered much for provisions, and the greater part of them,
perhaps, would have perished, if they had not been sup
plied with corn by Governor Harrison, of Vincennes. In
September, 1809, a treaty was made at Port Wayne, by
the governor, as commissioner upon the part of the United
States, for the extinguishment of the title to a considerable
tract of land, extending about 60 miles up the Wabash
above Vincennes. The Delawares, Miamis and Pota-
watamies were parties to this treaty ; but the Prophet and
his followers were not invited; because, as the governor
says in his address to the legislature of Indiana, "it never
had been suggested, that they could plead even the title
of occupancy to the lands which were then conveyed to the
United States/' and it was well known they were the right
ful property by the Miamis, who had possessed them from
the time of the first arrival of the white people among
them. The Shawanoese tribe made no pretensions to those
lands. Their principal chief attended the treaty, and
recommended to the Miami chiefs to make the cession.
About the time that the treaty was made, the affairs of the
Prophet were at a low ebb. In the course of the succeed
ing winter, however, the intrigues and negotiations of his
brother Tecumseh, procured a large accession of strength.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 21

They were joined by a considerable number of Winne-
bagoes or Puants, the greater part of the Kickapoo tribe,
and some of the Wyandots. Although the affairs were
managed in the name of the Prophet, Tecumseh was in
fact the director of everything. This extraordinary man
had risen into consequence, subsequently to the treaty of
Greenville in the year 1795. He had been considered an
active warrior in the war which was terminated by that
treaty, but possessed no considerable influence. The
principal object in his labors, by which he obtained dis
tinction, was to unite all the tribes upon the continent in
one grand confederacy for the purpose of opposing the
encroachments of the whites. Tecumseh was on a mission
for this purpose, when the treaty was concluded in 1809.
Upon his return, he threatened to kill the chiefs who had
signed it, and declared his determination to prevent the
lands from being surveyed and settled.

Governor Harrison, upon being informed of his pro
ceedings, sent him a message, informing him "that any
claims he might have to the lands which had been ceded,
were not affected by the treaty; that he might come to
Vincennes and exhibit his pretensions, and if they were
found to be solid, that the land would either be given up,
or an ample compensation made for it." Accordingly in
the month of August, 1810, he came down to Vincennes,
attended by several hundred warriors. A day was ap
pointed to hear his statement, which it took him many
hours to make. He asserted, that the Great Spirit had
made the continent for the use of the Indians exclusively —
that the white people had no right to come here, and take
it from them — that no particular part of it was given to
any tribe, but that the whole was the common property
of all ; and that any sale of lands, made without the con
sent of all, was not valid. In his answer, the governor

22 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

observed, that the Indians, like the white people, were
divided into different tribes or nations and that the Great
Spirit never intended that they should form but one nation,
or he would not have taught them to speak different lan
guages, which put it out of their power to understand each
other — and that the Shawanoese, who emigrated from
Georgia, could have no claim to the lands on the W abash,
which had been occupied far beyond the memory of man
by the Miamis. The governor having proceeded thus far,
sat down for the purpose of giving the interpreters time
to explain what he had said, to the different tribes that
were present. As soon as it was interpreted in Shawa
noese, Tecumseh interrupted the interpreter, and said that
it was all false, and giving a signal to his warriors, they
seized their tomahawks and war clubs and sprang upon
their feet.

For some minutes the governor was in the most immi
nent danger. He preserved his presence of mind, however,
and, disengaging himself from an arm-chair in which he
was sitting, seized his sword to defend himself. A con
siderable number of citizens of Viucennes were present,
all unarmed. At a little distance, however, there was a
guard of a sergeant and 12 men, who were immediately
brought up by an officer. The governor then told Tecum
seh, that he was a bad man, and he would have no further
intercourse with him ; and directed him to retire to his
camp and set out immediately on his return home. As the
Indians with Tecumseh greatly outnumbered the citizens
of the town, and the regular troops there, two companies
of militia were brought in during the night, and a large
number the next day. Early, however, on the following
morning, Tecumseh sent for the interpreter, made an
apology for his conduct, and earnestly requested that he
might have another conference with the governor. His

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 23

request was at length granted ; but the governor took care
to be attended by a number of his friends, well armed, and
to have the troops in the town ready for action. In his
speech Tecumseh said, that he had been advised by some
white persons, to act as he had done ; but that it was not
his intention to offer any violence to the governor. The
latter then inquired, whether he had any other grounds
for claiming the lands, that had been ceded to the United
States, but those which he had stated; and he answered
in the negative. The governor then observed to him, that
so great a warrior should disdain to conceal his intentions,
and desired to know whether he really intended to make
war upon the United States, if the lately purchased lands
were not relinquished by them. He answered that it was
decidedly his determination, and that he would never rest,
until he brought all the tribes upon the continent, to unite
in one confederacy. The activity and perseverance, which
he manifested in the prosecution of this scheme, are most
wonderful. He visited all the tribes west of the Missis
sippi, and on Lakes Superior, Huron, and Erie repeatedly,
before the year 1811. So sanguine were his followers
about this time, and so much were they encouraged by the
British agents, that in the event of a war between England
and America, they believed the confederated tribes with
the aid of the British, would be able to drive the Americans
over the Ohio river to the south side, and thus regain all
the country on the northwest of that river. And from the
sine qua non, advanced by the British commissioners in
the negotiation at Ghent, it would appear, that the British
ministry had indulged a delusion no much less extravagant.
It was the intention of Tecumseh, to avoid hostilities
with the whites, until he should effect a combination
strong enough to resist them, or until the expected war
with Great Britain should commence. Whether the

24 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

British were really the authors of this plan, for forming a
general confederacy amongst the tribes, or whether the
scheme originated with Blue Jacket and Tecumseh them
selves, is not certain; but from the papers found in the
baggage of the British army taken on the Thames, it
appears more than probable, that the former was the
case — at least it is certain, that an intimate communica
tion was kept up, between the Prophet and Tecumseh, and
the British Indian department, from their first establish
ment at Greenville ; and that they were constantly supplied
with arms, ammunition and clothing, from the King's
stores at Maiden. In the winter and spring of the year
1811, many depredations and several murders were com
mitted upon the inhabitants of the frontiers of the Indiana,
Illinois, and Missouri territories. The perpetrators were
demanded of the respective chiefs, but no satisfaction could
be obtained. A militia officer was sent by Governor Har
rison to demand the delivery of some horses, that had been
stolen from the settlements, and which were discovered
with the Indians; no satisfaction was however obtained;
and Tecumseh and his brother informed the officer, that
they would pay a visit in person to the governor. They
were told that they would be well received, provided they
came with not more than 30 followers. This was acceded
to. The governor, however, caused their motions to be
watched, and was soon informed, that they were descend
ing the river with several hundred warriors. The same
officer was dispatched to meet them, and to forbid their
approach to Vincennes with that body. Compliance was
again promised, and Tecumseh came on with a few canoes
only, but was soon followed by all the rest, who joined
and encamped with him a mile from the town of Vincennes.
The inhabitants were much alarmed, and there is little
doubt, but that it was the intention of the Indians, to sur-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 25

prise and plunder the town. The governor was, however,
on his guard. The militia of the town was kept under
arms, and some companies were brought in from the
country. Tecumseh demanded an interview. The gover
nor agreed to it, and asked whether it was the intention of
the Indians to come armed to the council. Tecumseh re
plied that he would be governed by the conduct of the
white people ; if they attended the council armed, his war
riors would be armed also, but if the white people would
come unarmed, he would come in the same way. The
governor informed him, that he would be attended by a
troop of dragoons, dismounted, who would have only side
arms, and that the Indians might bring their war clubs,
tomahawks and knives. The meeting took place in a large
arbour, on one side of which were placed the dragoons, 80
in number, seated in rows ; on the other side, the Indians.
Besides their swords, the dragoons had their pistols stuck
in their belts. The Indians were evidently alarmed, and
when the governor, who was seated in front of the front
row of dragoons, began to address them, Tecumseh com
plained that he could not hear him, and desired him to
remove his seat to an open space near himself. The gover
nor complied. In his speech he complained of the constant
depredations, which were committed by the Indians of
Tippecanoe. The refusal on their part to give satisfaction
— and the constant accumulation of force at that place,
for the avowed purpose of obliging the United States to
give up lands, which they had fairly purchased, of the
rightful owners. In his answer Tecumseh denied that he
had taken the murderers under his protection; but ad
mitted his design of forming a grand confederacy of all
the nations and tribes of Indians upon the continent, for
the purpose of putting a stop to the encroachments of the
white people. He said, that "the policy which the United

26 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

States pursued, of purchasing lands from the Indians, he
viewed as a mighty water, ready to overflow his people,
and that the confederacy which he was forming among
the tribes, to prevent any individual tribe from selling
without the consent of the others, was the dam he was
erecting to resist this mighty water." And he added,
"your great father may sit over the mountains and drink
his wine, but if he continues this policy, you and I will
have to fight it out." He admitted, that he was then on
his way to the Creek nation for the purpose of bringing
them over to his measures; and he actually did, two days
afterwards, set out on this journey with 12 or 15 of his
warriors. Having visited the Creeks, Choctaws, and
Chickasaws, he crossed the Mississippi and continued his
course northwardly, as far as the river Des Monies. Having
obtained, it is believed, the promise of assistance from all
the tribes in that direction, he returned to the Wabash
by land, across the heads of the Illinois river. In his
absence his affairs had sustained a sad reverse. His town
was consumed, his large deposit of provisions destroyed,
his bravest followers killed, and the rest dispersed. Upon
his departure to visit the southern Indians, the Prophet,
his brother, was left in charge of the temporal as well as
spiritual concerns of the establishment. It is believed
that he received from Tecumseh, positive instructions to
avoid coming to extremities with the white people, and to
restrain his followers from committing depredations,
which might lead to the commencement of hostilities before
his plans were ripe. The Prophet, however, wanted the
inclination as well as the authority necessary to follow the
direction. Murders and other depredations followed in
quick succession ; no redress could be obtained ; the people
upon the frontiers became exceedingly alarmed, as well as
the citizens of Vincennes, at which place a large meeting

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 27

was held, which passed a number of resolutions indicating
their sense of the danger they were in, and warmly appro
bating the measures, which had been taken by the governor
for their defense. These resolutions, with a strong re
monstrance against the propriety of suffering this banditti
to continue their depredations, were forwarded to the
President of the United States. They produced the de
sired effect, and the 4th regiment commanded by Colonel
Boyd, which was at that time at Pittsburgh, was ordered
to repair immediately to Vincennes, and was placed under
the command of Governor Harrison. The governor was
also directed to add to them a body of militia, to take
measures for the defence of the citizens, and as a last resort
to remove the Prophet and his followers by force.

As soon as it was known in Kentucky, that Harrison
was authorized to march with an army against the Indians,
a number of volunteers went over to join his standard.
Many of them were men of high standing at home, as mili
tary, civil, and literary characters. Of this number were
Samuel Wells, a major-general of the militia, who had
been an active soldier in former wars with the Indians —
Joseph H. Daveiss, Esq., a very eminent attorney, who had
great military ambition — Col. Abraham Owen, a veteran
in Indian warfare — and Col. Keiger, who raised a small
company of young men near Louisville, including among
them, Messrs. Croghan, O'Fallon, Shipp, Chum and Ed
wards, who afterwards distinguished themselves as officers
in the army of the United States.

In the latter part of September, the governor com
menced his march up the W abash, with a force of about
nine hundred effective men, composed of the 4th regiment,
a body of militia, and about 130 volunteer dragoons. The
fourth regiment had been raised for some time, and was
trained and well officered. The militia, too, who were all

28 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

volunteers, had been trained with great assiduity by the
governor, in those particular evolutions which had been
practised by General Wayne's army, and which had been
found useful in a covered country, and operating against
Indians. Conformably to his orders from the President,
the governor halted within the boundary of the United
States, and endeavored by the intervention of the Delaware
and Miami tribes, to induce the Prophet to deliver up the
murderers and the stolen horses. These messengers of
peace were received and treated with great insolence, and
the demands made by them rejected with disdain by the
Prophet and his council. To put an end to all hopes of
accommodation, a small war party was detached for the
purpose of commencing hostilities. Finding no stragglers
about the camp, they fired upon one of the sentinels, and
wounded him severely; the Delaware chiefs informed the
governor of the object of the party, and that it was in vain
to expect, that anything but force could obtain either satis
faction for the injuries done, or security for the future.
He learned also from the same source, that the strength
of the Prophet was daily increasing by the ardent and
giddy young men from every tribe, and particularly from
the tribes on and beyond the Illinois river. The governor
was at this time busily engaged, in erecting a fort on the
southeast side of the Wabash, some miles within the bound
ary of the United States, and in preparing ammunition, and
disciplining his men for the expected conflict, which from
the character of the enemy, he knew would be a desperate
one. His little army had been much weakened by sick
ness, the effect of fresh food without vegetables and a
sufficient quantity of bread. The governor finding his
flour growing short, had early in October put the troops
upon half allowance of that article — this regulation ex
tended to the officers of every rank, and was rigidly con-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 29

formed to in the family of the general. The sick having
been deposited in the fort, which the officers, in compliment
to their commander, had requested might be called Fort
Harrison, and the weak and convalescent being drawn
out to form the garrison, the troops on the 29th of October
took up the line of march ; the infantry in two columns in
single file on each side of the trace, and capable by a single
conversion, of being formed into two lines, to receive the
enemy on any point he might attack, or of being reduced
into a hollow square.

The country through which the army passed was
occasionally open, beautiful prairie, intersected by thick
woods, deep creeks, and ravines. The cavalry and
mounted riflemen, of the latter of which there were two
companies, covered the advance, the flanks and the rear,
and were made to exchange positions with each other, as
the ground varied — so as to keep them upon that which
best suited the mode of fighting which they respectively
practised. The Indians being perfectly master of the art
of ambuscading, every precaution was used to guard
against surprise, and prevent the army from being attacked
in a disadvantageous position. At some distance above
Fort Harrison, two routes for approaching the Prophet's
town presented themselves to the choice of the governor.
The one passing up the south side of the Wabash, was much
shorter than the other, but it led through an uneven woody
country. To the north of the river, the prairies are very
extensive, affording few situations for the kind of war
fare peculiar to the savages. To deceive the enemy, the
governor caused the route to be reconnoitered on the south
side and a wagon road laid out, and having advanced upon
it a short distance, he suddenly changed his direction,
and gained the right bank of the Wabash, by crossing it
above the mouth of Racoon creek. Here the army was

30 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

joined by some of the volunteers from Kentucky, amongst
whom were Major-General Wells, and Colonels Owen and
Keiger. To General Wells the command of the mounted
riflemen was assigned with the rank of major. Colonel
Owen was appointed aid-de-camp to the governor; and the
rest of the volunteers with a detachment of the Indiana
militia under Major Beck were formed into a company,
and placed under the command of Colonel Keiger as cap
tain. To Colonel Daveiss the command of the dragoons
had been given with the rank of major. In passing the
large prairies, the army was frequently halted, and made
collectively to perform the evolutions, which they had been
taught in smaller bodies, during their stay at Fort Har
rison, at which place, the governor had manoeuvered the
relieving guards every day in person, and had required the
attendance of the field officer on those occasions.

The Indians not expecting the army on the north side
of the river, no signs of them were seen, until it approached
Pine creek, a very dangerous pass, where a few men might
successfully oppose a whole army. The appearance of this
creek forms a singular exception to the other water courses
of this country. It runs for the distance of 15 or 20 miles
above its mouth, between immense cliffs of rock, upon
whose summits are found considerable quantities of pine
and red cedar, the former of which is rare, and the latter
no where else to be found near the W abash. The ordinary
crossing place, to which the trace led that the army was
pursuing was represented by the traders, who served as
guides, to be extremely difficult, if not impassable for
wagons, and that it was no doubt the spot where the In
dians would make their attack, if they had determined to
meet the army in the field. It had been twice selected by
them for that purpose — once in the year 1780, when Gen
eral Clark undertook a campaign against the Indians, of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 31

the Wabash; but their design was then frustrated by a
mutiny of a part of his troops TO or 80 miles above Vin-
cennes — and a second time in the year 1790, when Colonel
Hamtraniack penetrated with a small force as high as
the Vermillion, to make a diversion in favor of General
Manner's expedition to the Miami of the Lake. The gov
ernor had no intention of encountering the enemy in a
place like this. He accordingly, in the course of the night
preceding his approach to the creek, dispatched Captain
Prince, of the Indiana militia, with an escort of forty men,
to reconnoitre the creek some miles above, and endeavor
to find a better fording. About 10 :00 o'clock next day,
this excellent officer met the army in its advance, and in
formed the general, that at the distance of six or eight
miles, he had found a trace, used by the Illinois Indians in
traveling to Tippecanoe, which presented an excellent
ford, at a place where the prairie skirted the creek. This
prairie which they were now crossing, excited the admira
tion and astonishment of the officers and soldiers, who had
never been on the northwest side of the Wabash. To the
north and west the prospect was unbounded — from the
highest eminence no limit was to be seen, and the guides
asserted, that the prairie extended to the Illinois river.
On the evening of the 5th of November, the army en
camped at the distance of nine or ten miles from the
Prophet's town. It was ascertained that the approach
of the army had been discovered before it crossed Pine
creek. The traces of reconnoitering parties were very
often seen, but no Indians were discovered until the troops
arrived within 5 or 6 miles of the town on the 6th of
November. The interpreters were then placed with the
advanced guard, to endeavor to open a communication
with them. The Indians would, however, return no
answer to the invitations that were made to them for that

32 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

purpose, but continued to insult our people by their ges
tures. Within about three miles of the town, the ground
became broken by ravines and covered with timber. The
utmost precaution became necessary, and every difficult
pass was examined by the mounted riflemen before the
army was permitted to enter it. The ground being unfit
for the operation of the squadron of dragoons, they were
thrown in the rear. Through the whole march, the pre
caution had been used of changing the disposition of the
different corps, that each might have the ground best
suited to its operations. Within about two miles of the
town, the path descended a steep hill, at the bottom of
which was a small creek running through a narrow wet
prairie, and beyond this a level plain partially covered with
oak timber, and without underbrush. Before the crossing
of the creek, the woods were very thick and intersected
by deep ravines. No place could be better calculated for
the savages to attack with a prospect of success, and the
governor apprehended that the moment the troops de
scended into the hollow, they would be attacked. A dis
position was, therefore, made of the infantry, to receive the
enemy on the left and rear. A company of mounted
riflemen was advanced a considerable distance from the
left flank to check the approach of the enemy; and the
other two companies were directed to turn the enemy's
flanks, should he attack from that direction. The dragoons
were ordered to move rapidly from the rear and occupy
the plain in advance of the creek, to cover the crossing
of the army from an attack in front. In this order the
troops were passed over; the dragoons were made to ad
vance to give room to the infantry, and the latter having
crossed the creek, were formed to receive the enemy in
front in one line, with a reserve of three companies — the
dragoons flanked by mounted riflemen forming the first

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 33

line. During all this time, Indians were frequently seen
in front and on the flanks. The interpreters endeavored
in vain to bring them to a parley. Though sufficiently
near to hear what was said to them, they would return no
answer, but continued by gestures to menace and insult
those who addressed them. Being now arrived within a
mile and a half of the town, and the situation being favor
able for an encampment, the governor determined to re
main there and fortify his camp, until he could hear from
the friendly chiefs, whom he had dispatched from Fort
Harrison, on the day he had left it, for the purpose of
making another attempt to prevent the recurrence to hos
tilities. Those chiefs were to have met him on the way,
but no intelligence was yet received from them. Whilst
he was engaged in tracing out the lines of the encampment,
Major Daveiss and several other field officers approached
him, and urged the propriety of immediately marching
upon the town. The governor answered that his instruc
tions would not justify his attacking the Indians, as long
as there was a probability of their complying with the
demands of the government, and that he still hoped to hear
some thing in the course of the evening from the friendly
Indians, whom he had dispatched from Fort Harrison.

To this it was observed, that as the Indians seen hover
ing about the army, had been frequently invited to a parley
by the interpreters, who had proceeded some distance from
the lines for the purpose; and as these overtures had uni
versally been answered by menace and insult, it was very
evident that it was their intention to tight ; that the troops
were in high spirits and full of confidence ; and that advan
tage ought to be taken of their ardour to lead them immed
iately to the enemy. To this the governor answered, that
he was fully sensible of the eagerness of the troops, and
admitting the determined hostility of the Indians, and

34 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

:- :£f

that their insolence was full evidence of their intention
to fight, yet he knew them too well to believe, that they
would ever do this, but by surprise, or on ground which was
entirely favorable to their mode of fighting. He was,
therefore, determined not to advance with the troops, until
he knew precisely the situation of the town, and the ground
adjacent to it, particularly that which intervened between
it and the place where the army then was — that it was their
duty to fight when they came in contact with the enemy — it
was his, to take care that they should not engage in a situ
ation where their valor would be useless, and where a corps
upon which he placed great reliance would be unable to
act — that the experience of the last two hours ought to
convince every officer, that no reliance ought to be placed
upon the guides, as to the topography of the country—
that relying on their information, the troops had been led
into a situation so unfavorable, that but for the celerity
with which they changed their position, a few Indians
might have destroyed them ; he was, therefore, determined
not to advance to the town, until he had previously recon-
noitered, either in person, or by some one, on whose judg
ment he could rely. Major Daveiss immediately replied,
that from the right of the position of the dragoons, which
was still in front, the opening made by the low grounds of
the Wabash could be seen; that with his adjutant, D.
Floyd, he had advanced to the bank, which descends to the
low grounds, and had a fair view of the cultivated fields
and the houses of the town; and that the open woods,
in which the troops then were, continued without interrup
tion to the town. Upon this information, the governor
said he would advance, provided he could get any proper
person to go to the town with a flag. Captain T. Dubois,
of Vincennes having offered his services, he was dispatched
with an interpreter to the Prophet, desiring to know

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 35

whether he would now comply with the terms, that had
been so often proposed to him. The army was moved
slowly after in order of battle. In a few moments a mes
senger came from Captain Dubois, informing the governor
111 at the Indians were near him in considerable numbers,
but that they would return no answer to the interpreter,
although they were sufficiently near to hear what was said
to them, and that upon his advancing, they constantly
endeavored to cut him off from the army. Governor Har
rison during this last effort to open a negotiation, which
was sufficient to show his wish for an accommodation,
resolved no longer to hesitate in treating the Indians as
enemies. He, therefore, recalled Captain Dubois, and
moved on with a determination to attack them. He had
not proceeded far, however, before he was met by three
Indians, one of them a principal counsellor to the Prophet.
They were sent, they said, to know why the army was
advancing upon them — that the Prophet wished, if possible,
to avoid hostilities ; that he had sent a pacific message by
the Miami and Potawatamie chiefs, who had come to him
on the part of the governor — and that those chiefs had
unfortunately gone down on the south side of the Wabasli.
A suspension of hostilities was accordingly agreed upon ;
and a meeting was to take place the next day between
Harrison and the chiefs, to agree upon the terms of peace.
The governor further informed them, that he would go on
to the Wabash, and encamp there for the night. Upon
marching a short distance he came in view of the town,
which was seen at some distance up the river upon a
commanding eminence. Major Daveiss and Adjutant
Floyd had mistaken some scattered houses in the fields
below, for the town itself. The ground below the town
being unfavorable for an encampment, the army marched
on in the direction of the town, with a view to obtain a

36 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

better situation beyond it. The troops were in an order
of march, calculated by a single conversion of companies,
to form the order of battle, which it had last assumed, the
dragoons being in front. This corps, however, soon be
came entangled in ground, covered with brush and tops of
fallen trees. A halt was ordered, and Major Daveiss
directed to change position with Spencer's rifle corps,
which occupied the open fields adjacent to the river. The
Indians seeing this maneuver, at the approach of the
troops towards the town, supposed that they intended to
attack it, and immediately prepared for defence. Some
of them sallied out, and called to the advanced corps to
halt. The governor upon this rode forward, and requested
some of the Indians to come to him, assured them, that
nothing was farther from his thoughts, than to attack
them — that the ground below the town on the river — was
not calculated for an encampment, and that it was his
intention to search for a better one above. He asked if
there was any other water convenient beside that which
the river afforded ; and an Indian with whom he was well
acquainted, answered, that the creek, which had been
crossed two miles back, ran through the prairie to the
north of the village. A halt was then ordered, and some
officers sent back to examine the creek, as well as the
river above the town. In half an hour, Brigade-Major
Marston Clarke and Major Waller Taylor returned, and
reported that they had found on the creek, every thing that
could be desirable in an encampment — an elevated spot,
nearly surrounded by an open prairie, with water con
venient, and a sufficiency of wood for fuel. An idea was
propagated by the enemies of Governor Harrison, after the
battle of Tippecanoe, that the Indians had forced him to
encamp on a place, chosen by them as suitable for the
attack they intended. The place, however, was chosen

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 37

by Majors Taylor and Clarke after examining all the
environs of the town ; and when the army of General Hop
kins was there in the following year, they all united in
the opinion, that a better spot to resist Indians, was not
to be found in the whole country.

The army now marched to the place selected, and en
camped late in the evening, on a dry piece of ground, which
rose about ten feet above the level of a marshy prairie in
front towards the town, and about twice as high above
a similar prairie in the rear; through which, near the
bank, ran a small stream clothed with willows and brush
wood. On the left of the encampment, this bench of land
became wider; on the right it gradually narrowed, and
terminated in an abrupt point, about 150 yards from the
right flank. The two columns of infantry occupied the
front and rear. The right flank, being about eighty yards
wide, was filled with Captain Spencer's company of eighty
men. The left flank, about 150 yards in extent, was com
posed of three companies of mounted riflemen, under Major-
General Wells, commanding as a major. The front infan
try, under the command of Major Floyd, flanked on the right
by two companies of militia infantry, and on the left by
one company of the same troops. The rear line consisted
of a United States infantry, under Captain Baen, com
manding, as a major; and four companies of militia infan
try, under Lieutenant-Colonel Decker; the regulars being
stationed next the riflemen under Wells, and the militia
on the other end of the line adjoining Spencer's company.
The cavalry under Daveiss were encamped in the rear of
the front line and the left flank. The encampment was
not more than three-fourths of a mile from the town.

The order given to the army, in the event of a night
attack, was for each corps to maintain its ground at all
hazards till relieved. The dragoons were directed in such

38 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

a case, to parade dismounted, with their swords on and
their pistols in their belts, and to wait for orders. The
guard for the night consisted of two captains' commands
of 42 men and 2 non-commissioned officers each ; and two
subalterns' guards of twenty men and non-commisssioned
officers — the whole under the command of a field officer
of the day.

The night was dark and cloudy; the moon rose late,
and after midnight there was a drizzling rain. Many of
the men appeared to be much dissatisfied; they were
anxious for a battle, and the most ardent regretted, that
they would have to return without one. The army gener
ally had no expectation of an attack; but those who had
experience in Indian affairs suspected some treachery.
Colonel Daveiss was heard to say, he had no doubt but
that an attack would be made before morning.

It was the constant practice of Governor Harrison to
call up the troops an hour before day, and keep them under
arms till it was light. After 4 :00 o'clock in the morning,
the governor, General Wells, Colonel Owen and Colonel
Daveiss had all risen, and the governor was going to issue
his orders for raising the army; when the treacherous
Indians had crept up so near the sentries, as to hear them
challenge when relieved. They intended to rush upon the
sentries and kill them before they could fire; but one of
them discovered an Indian creeping towards him in the
grass, and fired. This was immediately followed by the
Indian yell, and a desperate charge upon the left flank.
The guards in that quarter gave way, and abandoned their
officer without making any resistance. Captain Barton's
company of regulars and Captain Keiger's company of
mounted riflemen, forming the left angle of the rear line,
received the first onset. The fire there was excessive; but
the troops who had lain on their arms, were immediately

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 39

prepared to receive, and gallantly resist the furious savage
assailants. The manner of the attack was calculated to
discourage and terrify the men ; yet as soon as they could
be formed and posted, they maintained their ground with
desperate valor, though but very few of them had ever be
fore been in battle. The fires in the camp were extin
guished immediately, as the light they afforded was more
serviceable to the Indians than to our men.

As soon as the governor could mount his horse, he pro
ceeded towards the point of attack, and finding the line
much weakened there, he ordered two companies from the
center of the rear line to march up and form across the
angle in the rear of Barton's and Keiger's companies.
General Wells immediately proceeded to the right of his
command ; and Colonel Owen, who was with him, was pro
ceeding directly to the point of attack, when he was shot
from his horse near the lines, and thus bravely fell among
the first victims of savage perfidy. A heavy fire now com
menced all along the left flank, upon the whole of the
front and right flank, and on a part of the rear line.

In passing through the camp, towards the left of the
front line, the governor met with Colonel Daveiss and the
dragoons. The colonel informed him that the Indians,
concealed behind some trees near the line, were annoying
the troops very severely in that quarter; and he requested
permission to dislodge them, which was granted. He
immediately called on the first division of his cavalry to
follow him, but the order was not distinctly heard, and
but few of his men charged with him. Among those who
charged, were two young gentlemen who had gone with
him from Kentucky, Messrs. Mead and Sanders, who were
afterwards distinguished as captains in the United States'
service. They had not proceeded far out of the lines, when
Daveiss was mortally wounded by several balls and fell

40 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

His men stood by him, and repulsed the savages several
times, till they succeeded in carrying him into camp.

In the meantime the attack on Spencer's and Warwick's
companies on the right, became very severe, Captain Spen
cer and his lieutenants were all killed, and Captain War
wick was mortally wounded. The governor in passing
towards that flank, found Captain Robb's company near
the center of the camp. They had been driven from their
post; or rather, had fallen back without orders. He sent
them to the aid of Captain Spencer, where they fought
very bravely, having seventeen men killed during the battle.
Captain Prescott's company of United States' infantry had
filled up the vacancy caused by the retreat of Robb's com
pany. Soon after Colonel Daveiss was wounded, Captain
Snelling at the head of his company charged on the same
Indians and dislodged them with considerable loss. The
battle was now maintained on all sides with desperate
valor. The Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling
noise made with deer hoofs ; they fought with enthusiasm,
and seemed determined on victory or death.

As soon as da3^ight appeared, Captain Snell ing's com
pany, Captain Posey's, under Lieutenant Albright, and
Captain Scott's were drawn from the front line, and
Wilson's from the rear, and formed on the left flank; while
Cook's and Baen's companies were ordered to the right.
General Wells took command of the corps formed on the
left, and with the aid of some dragoons, who were now
mounted and commanded by Captain Parke, made a suc
cessful charge on the enemy in that direction, driving them
into an adjoining swamp through which the cavalry could
not pursue them. At the same time Cook's and Lieutenant
Larbie's companies, with the aid of the riflemen and militia
on the right flank, charged on the Indians and put them
to flight in that quarter, which terminated the battle.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 41

During the time of this contest, the Prophet kept him
self secure, on an adjacent eminence, singing a war song.
He had told his followers, that the Great Spirit, would
render the army of the Americans unavailing, and that
their bullets would not hurt the Indians, who would have
light, while the enemies were involved in thick darkness.
Soon after the battle commenced, he was informed that his
men were falling. He told them to fight on, it would soon
be as he had predicted, and then began to sing louder.

Colonel Boyd commanded as a brigadier general in this
engagement; and the governor in his letter to the war
department, speaks highly of him and his brigade, and of
Clarke and Croghan who were his aides. Colonel Decker
is also commended for the good order in which he kept his
command; and of General Wells, it is said, that he sus
tained the fame which he had acquired in almost every
campaign since the first settlement of Kentucky.

The officers and soldiers generally, performed their
duties well. They acted with a degree of coolness, bravery
and good order, which was not to be expected from men
used to carnage, and in a situation so well calculated to
produce terror and confusion. The fortune of war neces
sarily put it in the power of some officers and their men,
at the expense of danger, wounds and death, to render
more service and acquire more honor than others; but to
speak of their particular merits, would be to detail again
the operations of the conflict.

Of Colonels Owen and Daveiss, the governor speaks in
the highest terms. Owen joined him as a private in
Keiger's company at Fort Harrison, and accepted the
place of volunteer aid. He had been a representative in
the legislature of Kentucky. His character was that of a
good citizen and a brave soldier. He left a wife and a large
family of children, to add the poignancy of domestic grief
to the public regret for his loss.

42 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

Colonel Daveiss also joined the army as a private and
was promoted on the recommendation of the officers of the
dragoons; his conduct as their commander fully justified
their choice. Never was there an officer possessed of more
military ardor, nor more zeal to discharge all his duties
with punctilious propriety; and never perhaps did any
man, who had not been educated for the profession of arms,
possess a richer fund of military 'information at his en
trance on a military life. All that books and study could
furnish, all the preparation the closet could make for the
field, was his. He was a man of great talents — of genius —
and indefatigable industry. In Kentucky he stood
among the foremost in the profession of the law. His elo
cution was singularly attractive and forcible. Wit and
energy, acuteness and originality of thought, were the
characteristics of his eloquence. But as an orator he was
very unequal. Some times he did not rise above medio
crity, whilst some of his happiest efforts were never sur
passed in America — never perhaps in any age or country.
Such at least was the opinion of men, whose talents, ac
quirements and taste, had qualified them to judge. He
had much eccentricity in his manners and his dress. In
his disposition he was generous; and in his friendship he
was ardent. His person was about six feet high, well
formed and robust — his countenance open and manly.
He had acquired fortune and fame by his own exertions—
neither his patrimony nor his education having been very
ample. Being in the prime of life, and possessing great
military ambition and acquirements, he was destined, per
haps, had he lived, to become one of the first military
characters of America. He died a few hours after the bat
tle had closed. As soon as he was informed, that the In
dians were repulsed, and the victory was complete, he
observed, he could die satisfied — that he had fallen in de
fense of his country. He left a wife but no children.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 43

Captain Baen, who fell early in the action, had the
character of an able officer and a brave soldier. Captain
Spencer was wounded in the head — he exhorted his men
to fight on. He Avas then shot through both thighs, and
fell — still he continued to encourage his men. He was
then raised up, and received a ball through his body
which immediately killed him. His lieutenants, M'Mahan
and Berry, fell bravely encouraging their men. Warwick
was shot through the body, and was taken to the surgery
to be dressed ; as soon as it was over, being a man of much
bodily strength and still able to walk, he insisted on going
back to his post, though it was evident, he had but a few
hours to live. Colonel White, formerly United States
agent at the Saline, was also killed in the action. The
whole number killed, with those who died soon of their
wounds, was upwards of fifty; the wounded were about
double that number. Governor Harrison himself narrow
ly escaped, the hair on his head being cut by a ball.

The Indians left 38 warriors dead on the field, and
buried several others in the town, which with those who
must have died of their wounds, would make their loss
at least as great as that of the Americans. The troops
under the command of Governor Harrison of every de
scription, amounted on the day before the battle, to some
thing more than 800. The ordinary force, that had been
at the Prophet's town, throughout the preceding summer,
was about 450. But they were joined a few days before
the action, by all the Kickapoos of the Prairie, and by
many bands of Potawatamies from the Illinois river, and
the St. Josephs of Lake Michigan. They estimated their
number after the battle, to have been 600 ; but the traders
who had a good opportunity of knowing, made them at least
800, and some as many as 1000. However, it is certain,
that no victorv was ever before obtained over the northern

44 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Indians, where the numbers were anything like equal.
The number of killed too was greater, than was ever before
known. It is their custom always to avoid a close action,
and from their dexterity in hiding themselves, but few of
them can be killed, even when they are pouring destruction
into the ranks of their enemy. It is believed that there
were not ten of them killed at St. Glair's defeat, and still
fewer at Braddock's. At Tippecanoe, they rushed up to
the bayonets of our men, and in one instance, related by
Captain Snelling, an Indian adroitly put the bayonet of a
soldier aside, and clove his head with his war club, an
instrument on which there is fixed a triangular piece of
iron, broad enough to project several inches from the wood.
Their conduct on this occasion, so different from what it
usually is, was attributed to the confidence of success, with
which their prophet had inspired them, and to the distin
guished bravery of the Winebago warriors.

The Indians did not determine to attack the American
camp till late at night. The plan that was formed the
evening before, was to meet the governor in council the
next day, and agree to the terms he proposed. At the
close of the council, the chiefs were to retire to the war
riors, who were to be placed at a convenient distance.
The governor was then to be killed by two Winebagoes,
who had devoted themselves to certain death to accomplish
this object. They were to loiter about the camp, after the
council had broken up; and their killing the governor and
raising the war whoop, was to be the signal for a general
attack. The Indians were commanded by White Moon,
Stone Eater, and Winemac, a Potawatamie chief, who had
been with the governor on his march, and at Fort Harri
son, making great professions of friendship.

The 4th regiment was about 250 strong, and there were
about 60 volunteers from Kentucky in the army. The

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 45

rest of the troops were volunteers from the Indiana militia.
Those from the neighborhood of Vincennes had been
trained for several years, by the governor, and had become
very expert in the maneuvers which he had adopted for
fighting the Indians. The greater part of the territorial
troops followed him as well from personal attachment as
from a sense of duty. Indeed, a greater degree of confi
dence and personal attachment has rarely been found in
any army towards its commander, than existed in this ; nor
has there been many battles in which the dependence of the
army on its leader was more distinctly felt. During the
whole action the governor was constantly on the lines, and
always repaired to the point whicli was most hardly
pressed. The reinforcements drawn occasionally from
the points most secure, were conducted by himself and
formed on the spot, where their services were most wanted.
The officers and men who believed that their ultimate
success depended on his safety, warmly remonstrated
against his so constantly exposing himself. Upon one
occasion as he was approaching an angle of the line, against
which the Indians were advancing with horrible yells,
Lieutenant Emerson of the dragoons seized the bridle of
his horse, and earnestly entreated that he would not go
there; but the governor putting spurs to his horse, pushed
on to the point of attack, where the enemy were received
with firmness and driven back.

The army remained in camp on the 7th and 8th of
November, to bury the dead and dress the wounded; and
to make preparations for returning. During this time,
General Wells was permitted with the mounted riflemen
to visit the town, which he found evacuated by all, except
a chief whose leg was broke. The general burnt their
houses, destroyed their corn and brass kettles, and re
turned to camp unmolested. The town was well prepared

46 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

for an attack, and no doubt but the Indians fully ex
pected it; for they had determined to agree to no terms
which could be offered. The wounds of the chief being
dressed, and provision made for him, he was left with in
structions to tell his companions, that if they would
abandon the Prophet and return to their respective tribes,
they should be forgiven.

On the 9th of November the return of the army was
commenced. It marched slowly, on account of the
wounded, the difficult}- of transportation, and some appre
hensions of another attack. As the army had come up the
river, a block house had been built on its bank, where some
boats and heavy baggage had been left. The wounded were
now put in the boats as the army returned, and were taken
to Fort Harrison and Vincennes by water. Captain
Snelling and his company were left at Fort Harrison ; and
the governor arrived at Vincennes on the 18th, having been
met and welcomed back by a concourse of two hundred
citizens.

The battle of Tippecanoe has been the subject of much
speculation, both as to its object, and the manner of its
execution and final issue. Governor Harrison was cen
sured by some, for not making an attack upon the Indians,
on the evening of the 6th of November, and for not fortify
ing his camp with a breastwork. It was erroneously said
by some, that indulging a false security, he had suffered
his camp to be surprised. He was also blamed by the
friends of Colonel Daveiss, for directing him with his
dragoons only, to dislodge the Indians, who were sheltered
near the line, and doing much execution in safety. Many
other complaints of less magnitude were also made by
men, who were wise after the transaction was over. There
were indeed more able generals in the United States, who
could tell what ought to be done after the battle was fought,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 47

than the governor had soldiers in his army to fight it.
Colonel Boyd, who commanded the regulars, wishing to
monopolize all the honor to himself and his regiment, con
cluded the governor had not sufficiently noticed him in his
report ; he therefore made a separate communication to the
war department; and also made many round assertions
respecting the conduct of the militia — which was promptly
explained, and the charges in general disapproved by Gover
nor Harrison. Colonel Boyd, however, had his partizans,
and some of them still persist in attributing the salvation
of the army to him ; though all the troops, regulars as well
as militia, with the exception of only three or four indi
viduals, united in attributing the victory to the governor.
Most of the officers publicly united in attesting his merits.
Without intending to impeach Colonel Boyd with any
dereliction of duty, we can positively aver, that he did not
give a single order, nor perform a single act, that con
tributed in any perceptible way to the issue of the contest.
All the arrangements and orders before the action and
during its continuance, came direct from Governor Har
rison.

After much alternation, by which the battle of Tippe-
canoe was fought over again and fully investigated, in all
the public circles of the western country, the public opinion
preponderated greatly in favor of the governor. All the
material accusations of his enemies were disproved; and
after all the testimony had been heard, the common opinion
seemed to be, that the army had been conducted with
prudence, and that the battle had been fought as well as it
could have been by any general, considering the time and
manner of the attack. If the governor had made the
attack himself on the evening of the 6th, after a chief had
informed him that the Indians were desirous of an accom
modation, and had sent a messenger three days before to

48 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

meet him for that purpose, his conduct would have had the
appearance of rashness and cruelty. His enemies and the
opposition in general, would have vilified him and the
executive as murderers, who had first provoked, and then
massacred those "innocent people" in their own dwellings.
Hence a regard for his own character and for the dictates
of humanity, required that he should not make an attack
while any prospect of accommodation remained. The
principal error consisted in not fortifying his camp, when
so near the enemy and so likely to be attacked; but this
excuses by stating, that the army had scarcely a sufficient
number of axes to procure firewood. It is not the object
of this history, however, to justify or condemn, but to re
late facts1 (Correctly and leave the reader to judge for himself.

In December, the month after the battle, the legislature
of Kentucky, on the motion of J. H. Hawkins, Esq., went
into mourning for the loss of Colonels Daveiss, Owen, and
others, who had fallen at Tippecanoe; and in the same
session, while this battle was the subject of much discus
sion, the following resolution, moved by J. J. Crittenden,
Esq., was adopted with only two or three dissenting votes
— "Resolved, etc.. That in the late campaign against the
Indians on the Wabash, Governor W. H. Harrison, has in
the opinion of this legislature, behaved like a hero, a
patriot, and a general; and that for his cool, deliberate,
skillful and gallant conduct in the late battle of Tippe
canoe, he well deserves the warmest thanks of the nation."

The veteran soldier, Governor Charles Scott, approved
this resolution, which at once gave tone to the popularity of
Harrison, effectually turning the tide in his favor, and
reducing the clamor of his enemies to private murmurs.

' On the 22nd of November, the annual meeting to the
Indians to receive their annunities took place at F'ort
Wayne, where several of those who had fought in the battle,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 49

had the effrontery to present themselves and claim their
respective portions. They had the address completely to
deceive our Indian agent at that place, John Johnson,
Esq. They represented, that the Prophet's party had him
in confinement and were determined to kill him ; that they
blamed him for all their misfortunes ; with many other de
ceptive stories, which induced Mr. Johnson to inform the
government, that the Indians were all inclined for peace,
and that no further hostilities should be committed against
them.

Yet, at this very time, in most of the nations there
assembled, a British faction was boiling to the brim, and
ready to overflow on our devoted frontiers, whenever the
perfidious British agents might think proper to increase
the fire of their hostility. The Prophet instead of being in
confinement, was at perfect liberty at Mississineway, a
village about TO miles southeast from Fort Wayne. Pre
vious to the battle, the Governor General of the Canadas,
had given our government information, that some of the
Indians were hostile to the United States; but this was
evidently done to remove suspicion, and to render the
British more secure and successful in their intrigues with
the savages.

The Indians, assembled at this place, were the chiefs
and head men of the Delawares. Miamies, Potawatamies,
and Shawanoese. The agent delivered them a speech, in
which he explained to them, that the President wished to
live in peace and friendship with them, and promised
pardon to any of the hostile Indians who would lay down
their arms. An answer was returned on the part of all
the tribes present, by Black-Hoof, a Shawanoe chief, in
which they professed the strongest desire to live in peace
and friendship with the United States. The profession
was sincere on the part of the Shawanoese, and a greater

4

50 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAK

majority of the Delawares; but the Potawatamies and
Miamies had no intention to be peaceable after receiving
their annuities. The Little Turtle of the Miamies, now
in the decline of life and of influence, was the strenuous
advocate of peace, but the majority of his people followed
the counsels of Tecumseh.

On the Wabash, after the battle of Tippecanoe, the
Indians remained quiet, and in a few days many of them
returned to their towns. Before Christmas, Stone Eater,
with two Winebagoes, one Kickapoo, and a Piankisshaw,
came to Fort Harrison, and delivered a talk to Captain
Snelling, in which they professed much contrition for what
had happened, with a desire to be at friendship. The same
fellow had defended the cause of Tecumseh in a council
at Vincennes, shortly before the march of the expedition;
and he now wished to go there again, to make deceptions
offers of friendship to the governor. He pretended, that
the Prophet was despised, and had escaped from them to
the Huron Indians. After receiving orders from Governor
Harrison, Captain Snelling permitted them to go on to Vin
cennes, where they renewed their professions of friendship,
and promised to punish the Prophet, or deliver him to the
United States, as soon as they could catch him. They
returned once more to their own country, determined not
to commit hostilities again — till a favorable opportunity
should occur.

During the winter of 1811-12, a number of Indians from
various tribes came to Forts Harrison and Vincennes ; but
Tecumseh, the Prophet, and others known to be the most
hostile, staid behind — hence little reliance could be placed
on the professions of those who came in. After Tecumseh
returned from the south, he visited Fort Wayne, and was
still haughty, and obstinate in the opinions he had em
braced. He matte bitter reproaches against Harrison;

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 51

and at the same time had the presumption to demand
ammunition from the commandant, which was refused
him. He then said he would go to his British father, who
would not deny him — he appeared thoughtful a while, then
gave the war whoop and went off.

Early in the spring of 1812, Tecumseh and his party
began to put their threats into execution. Small parties be
gan to commit depredations on the frontiers of the Indiana
and Illinois territories, and part of Ohio. Twenty scalps
were taken in the Indiana territory alone before the 1st of
June. The people were thus compelled to protect them
selves by going into forts along the frontiers. Volunteer
companies of militia were organized, and the marauders
were frequently pursued, but generally without success,
as they fled immediately after doing mischief. Governor
Harrison requested permission from the war department,
to raise a mounted force and penetrate to their towns to
chastise them. They occupied Tippecanoe, and had com
menced raising corn. But the governor was not permitted
to march against them, and the frontiers continued to
suffer in every direction. Had a strong mounted army
been permitted to scour the Wabash as far as Mississine-
way, the settlements of the savages would have been
completely destroyed, and their depredations would have
ceased. The government appears to have pursued a mis
taken policy of forbearance, lest the Indians should join
the British in the expected war. But this forbearance
only inspired them with a belief, that we were weak and
pusillanimous, and tended to ensure their alliance with
the British, had anything been necessary for that purpose.
By vigorous measures we might easily have beaten them
into peaceable deportment and respect. Mr. Secretary
Eustis of the war department, thought differently; and
Avhile he was attempting to soothe them with good words;

52 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

they were laughing at his credulity. To maintain peace
with an Indian, it is necessary to adopt his own principles
and punish every aggression promptly, and thus convince
him that you are a man and not a squaw.

In May, Governor Harrison made considerable ar
rangements towards organizing a corps of mounted volun
teers, to chastise the Indians on the Wabash. A company
of mounted volunteers was raised in Franklin county,
Ky., containing about TO gentlemen of respectability, under
the command of Capt. John Arnold, and Col. Anthony
Crocket, who had distinguished themselves not only in the
revolution, but in most of the Indian wars at an early
period in Kentucky. This company remained at Vin-
cennes only 10 days; during which time several parties
made excursions up the Wabash, and protected the inhabi
tants while planting their corn. The governor being dis
appointed in receiving orders for the expedition from the
war department, the company was dismissed; and all
measures for offensive operations being abandoned, the
Indians pursued their course of robbery and murder on
the frontiers unresisted.

It will no doubt be interesting to the reader, to con
clude the present chapter with the following letter from
General Harrison to the war department, respecting the
north western Indians. It contains, says tlie general, in a
different letter to the secretary : "A sketch of the situation
of each of the tribes bordering on this frontier; and an
abstract of the policy, which has been pursued in the
negotiations, which have been conducted by me, for the
extinguishment of their title to lands, since the year 1801 ;
and which you could only otherwise obtain, by wading
through a most voluminous correspondence in the archives
of your office." It will further explain the cause of Indian

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 53

hostility, and enable the reader to understand more cor
rectly many parts in the following history :

"H. Q., Cincinnati, March 22nd, 1814.

"Sir — The tribes of Indians upon this frontier and
east of the Mississippi, with whom the United States have
been connected by treaty, are the Wyandots, Delawarcs,
Shawanoese, Miamies, Potawatamies, Ottawas, Cliippewas,
Piankashaws, Kaskaskias, and Saes. All but the two last
were in the confederacy, which carried on the former In
dian war against the United States, that was terminated
Vv the peace of Greenville. The Kaskaskias were parties
to the treaty, but they had not been in the war. The
Wyandots are admitted by the others to be the leading
tribe. They hold the grand calumet, which unites them
and kindles the council fire. This tribe is nearly equally
divided between the Crane at Sandusky, who is the grand
Sachem of the nation, and Walk-in-the-Water at Browns-
town near Detroit. They claim the lands, bounded by the
settlements of this State, southwardly and eastwardly;
and by Lake Erie, the Miami river, and the claim of the
Shawanoese upon the Auglaize, a branch of the latter.
They also claim the lands they live on near Detroit, but I
am ignorant to what extent.

"The Wyandots of Sandusky have adhered to us
through the war. Their Chief, the Crane, is a venerable,
intelligent, and upright man. Within the tract of land
claimed by the WTyandots a number of Senecas are settled.
They broke off from their own tribe six or eight years ago,
but receive a part of the annuity granted that tribe by the
United States, by sending a deputation for it to Buffalo.
The claim of the Wyandots to the lands they occupy, is
not disputed, that I know of, by any other tribe. Their
residence on it, however, is not of long standing, and the
country was certainly once the property of the Miamies.

"Passing westwardly from the Wyandots, we meet with
the Shawanoese settlement at Stony creek, a branch of the
Big Miami, and at Wapockaunata on the Auglaize. These
settlements were made immediately after the treaty of
Greenville, and with the consent of the Miamies, whom I

54 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

consider the real owners of those lands. The chiefs of this
band of Shawanoese, Blackhoof, Wolf, and Lewis, are
attached to us from principle as well as interest — they are
all honest men.

"The Miamies have their principal settlements at the
forks of the Wabash, thirty miles from Fort Wayne; and
at Mississineway, thirty miles lower down. A band of
them under the name of Weas, have resided on the Wabash
sixty miles above Vincennes; and another under the Tur
tle on Eel river, a branch of the Wabash, twenty miles
northwest of Fort Wayne. By an artifice of the Little
Turtle, these three bands were passed on General Wayne
as distinct tribes, and an annuity was granted to each.
The Eel river and Weas, however, to this day call them
selves Miamies, and are recognized as such by the Missis-
seneway band. The Miamies, Maumees, or Tewicktovies,
are the undoubted proprietors of all that beautiful country
which is watered by the Wabash and its branches; and
there is as little doubt, that their claim extended at least
as far east as the Scioto. They have no tradition of remov
ing from any other quarter of the country; whereas all the
neighboring tribes, the Pianishaws expected, who are a
branch of the Miamies, are either intruders upon them, or
have been permitted to settle their country. The Wyan-
dots emigrated first from Lake Ontario, and subsequently
from Lake Huron — the Delawares, from Pennsylvania and
Maryland — the Shawanoese from Georgia — the Kickapoos
and Potawatamies from the country between Lake Michi
gan and the Mississippi — and the Ottawas and Chippewas
from the peninsula formed by the lakes Michigan, Huron,
and St. Clair, and the strait connecting the latter with
Erie. The claims of the Miamies were bounded on the
north by those of the Illinois confederacy, consisting origi
nally of five tribes, called Kaskaskias, Cohokias, Peorians,
Michiganians, and Temarios, speaking the Miami lan
guage, and no doubt branches of that nation.

"When I was first appointed Governor of Indiana Ter
ritory, these once powerful tribes were reduced to about
thirty warriors, of whom twenty-five were Kaskaskias,
four Peorians, and a single Michiganian. There was an

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 55

individual lately alive at St. Louis, who saw the enumera
tion made of them by the Jesuits in the year 1745, making
the number of their wrarriors four thousand. A furious
war between them and the Saes and Kickapoos, reduced
them to that miserable remnant, which had taken refuge
amongst the wliite people of the towns of Kaskaskia and
St. Genevieve. The Kickapoos had fixed their principle
village at Peoria, upon the south bank of the Illinois river,
\vhilst the Saes remained masters of the country to the
north.

"During the war of our revolution, the Miamies had
invited the Kickapoos into their country to assist them
against the whites, and a considerable village wras formed
by that tribe on the Vermilion river near its junction with
the Wabash. After the treaty of Greenville, the Delawares
had with the approbation of the Miamies, removed from
the mouth of the Auglaize to the head wraters of White
river, a large branch of the Wabash — and the Potawa-
tamies without their consent had formed two villages upon
the latter river, one at Tippecanoe, and the other at
Chippoy twenty-five miles below.

"The Piankishawrs lived in the neighborhood of Vin-
cennes, which was their ancient village, and claimed the
lands to the mouth of the Wabash, and to the north and
west as far as the Kaskaskians claimed. Such was the
situation of the tribes, when I received the instructions
of President Jefferson, shortly after his first election, to
make efforts for extinguishing the Indian claims upon the
Ohio, below the mouth of the Kentucky river, and to such
other tracts as were necessary to connect and consolidate
our settlements. It was at once determined, that the com
munity of interests in the lands amongst the Indian tribes,
which seemed to be recognized by the treaty of Greenville,
should be objected to ; and that each individual tribe should
be protected in every claim that should appear to be
founded in reason and justice. But it was also determined,
that as a measure of policy and liberality, such tribes as
lived upon any tract of land which it would be desirable
to purchase, should receive a portion of the compensation,
although the title might be exclusively in another tribe.

56 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Upon this principle the Delawares, Shawanoese, Potawa-
tamies, and Kickapoos were admitted as parties to several
of the treaties. Care was taken, however, to place the
title to such tracts as it might be desirable to purchase
hereafter, upon a footing that would facilitate the procur
ing of them, by getting the tribes who had no claim them
selves, and who might probably interfere, to recognize the
titles of those who were ascertained to possess them.

"This was particularly the case with regard to the
lands watered by the Wabash, which were declared to be
the property of the Miamies, with the exception of the tract
occupied by the Delawares on White river, which was to
be considered the joint property of them and the Miamies.
This arrangement was very much disliked by Tecumseh,
and the banditti that he had assembled at Tippecanoe.
He complained loudly, as well of the sales that had been
made, as of the principle of considering a particular tribe
as the exclusive proprietors of any part of the country,
which he said the Great Spirit had given to all his red
children. Besides the disaffected amongst the neighbor
ing tribes, he had brought together a considerable number
of Winebagoes and Folsovoins from the neighborhood of
Green Bay, Saes from the Mississippi, and some Ottawaa
and Chippewas from Abercrosh on Lake Michigan. These
people were better pleased with the climate and country
of the Wabash, than with that they had left.

"The Miamies resisted the pretensions of Tecumseh and
his followers for some time, but a system of terror wa»
adopted, and the young men were seduced by eternally
placing before them a picture of labor, and restriction as
to hunting, to which the system adopted would inevitably
lead. The Potawatamies and other tribes inhabiting the
Illinois river and south of Lake Michigan, had been for a
long time approaching gradually towards the Wabash.
Their country, which was never abundantly stocked with
game, was latterly almost exhausted of it, The fertile
regions of the WT abash still afforded it. It was repre
sented, that the progressive settlements of the whites upon
that river, would soon deprive them of their only resources,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 57

and, indeed would force the Indians of that river upon
them, who were already half starved.

"It is a fact, that for many years the current of emigra
tion, as to the tribes east of the Mississippi, has been from
north to south. This is owing to two causes: the diminu
tion of those animals from which the Indians procure their
support; and the pressure of the two great tribes, the
Chippewas and Sioux to the north and west. So long ago
as the treaty of Greenville, the Potawatainies gave notice
to the Mianiies, that they intended to settle upon the
Wabash. They made no pretensions to the country, and
their only excuse for the intended aggression, was that
"they were tired of eating fish, and wanted meat." It
has been already observed that the Saes had extended
themselves to the Illinois river, and that the settlement of
the Kickapoos at the Peorias was of modern date. Pre
viously to the commencement of the present war, a con
siderable number had joined their brethren upon the
Wabash. The Tawas from the Des Moines river have
twice made attempts to get a footing there.

"From these facts it will be seen, that it will be nearly
impossible to get the Indians south of the Wabash to go
beyond the Illinois river. The subject of providing an
outlet to such of the tribes as it might be desirable to
remove, had been under consideration for many years.
There is but one. It was long since discovered by the
Indians themselves, and but for the humane policy, which
has been pursued by our government, the Delawares, Kick
apoos, and Shawanoese would long since have been out of
our way. The country claimed by the Osages abounds
with everything that is desirable to a savage. The Indians
of the tribes above mentioned have occasionally intruded
upon them — a war was the consequence, which would soon
have given a sufficient opening for emigration. But our
government interfered and obliged the hostile tribes to
make peace.

"I was afterwards instructed to endeavor to get the
Delawares to join that part of their tribe, which is settled
on the west side of the Mississippi near Cape Girardeau.
The attempt was unsuccessful at the time. I have no

58 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

doubt, however, that they could be prevailed on to move;
but it ought not in my opinion to be attempted in a general
council of the tribe.

"The question of the title to the lands south of the
Wabash has been thoroughly examined; every opportun
ity was afforded to Tecumseh and his party to exhibit
their pretensions, and they were found to rest upon no
other basis, than that of their being the common property
of all the Indians. The Potawatamies and Kickapoos have
unequivocally acknowledged the Miami and Delaware
title. The latter, as I before observed, can, I think, be in
duced to remove. It may take a year or eighteen months
to effect it. The Miamies will not be in our way. They
are a poor, miserable, drunken set, diminishing every
year. Becoming too lazy to hunt, they feel the advantage
of their annuity. The fear of the other Indians has alone
prevented them from selling their whole claim to the
United States ; and as soon as there is peace, or the British
can no longer intrigue, they will sell. I know not what
inducement can be held out to the Wyandots to remove;
they were not formerly under my superintendence, but I
am persuaded that a general council could not be the place
to attempt it.

I have the honor, etc., etc.,

WM. H. HARRISON/'
lion. J. Armstrong,
Secretary of War.

F'rom this able and interesting review of Indian set
tlements, rights, and politics — the result of an intimacy,
for 20 years, with those affairs — we are enabled to judge
of the justice of the cause advocated by Tecumseh. His
scheme of policy was certainly well calculated to secure
and promote the best interests of the Indians as savages;
but to render it just in theory, and efficient in practice,
it was necessary that it should receive the undivided
sanction and support of all the tribes concerned. This,
all the talents and persevering industry of Tecumseh, aided
by the intrigues and bribes of the British, were enabled to

IN THE WESTEKiN COUNTRY 59

effect. To form a confederacy out of so many and such
various tribes, required a degree of civilization to which
the Indians had not attained. If such a union were
actually effected, it is improbable that any purchase of
lands could ever afterwards be accomplished by the United
States. The consent of all the tribes in a general council,
to the cession of any part of their country, was considered
by the advocates of the scheme as a thing unattainable.
On the contrary, while no such confederacy existed in fact,
bad our government acknowledged the principle of Tecum-
seh, that a community of interest in their lands was a
matter of natural right, we should have been subjected
to great inconvenience in the extension of our settlements.
As soon as one tribe had sold us a parcel of land, other
hordes might settle on it in succession, and by the mere
temporary occupancy of the soil, compel our government
to purchase it again tAventy times over.

It is doubtless true, that scarcely any tribe has lands
appropriated to itself by exact and special boundaries.
Its villages and the lands immediately around them, may
be considered as clearly its exclusive property; but the
remote wilderness, between the more distant settlements
of different tribes, is not partitioned with any precision,
except where nature may have done it, by a water course or
some such striking limit. The wandering nature of their
occupation renders a more exact appropriation impractic
able. This vagueness of their claims, however, is no
foundation for the doctrine of a common property. The
Miamies appear to have been the original occupants and
real owners of all the lands northwest of the Ohio; but
other tribes have gradually intruded, and formed settle
ments with or without their consent, till they are at last
reduced to narrow limits and insignificance themselves.

CHAPTER II.
DECLARATION OF WAR — HULL'S CAMPAIGN.

During those transactions with the Indians, which have
been described in the preceding chapters, affairs between
the United States and Great Britain were fast approach
ing to a crisis. In April an embargo was laid by Congress
on all the shipping in the ports and harbors of the United
States. An act authorizing the President to detach one
hundred thousand militia for six months was passed and
carried into execution ; several others authorizing a regular
army to be raised were also passed ; and the people in gen
eral expected that a declaration of war would soon take
place.

In April the President made a requisition on the State
of Ohio for twelve hundred militia, and ordered the 4th
regiment from Vincennes to Cincinnati, under the com
mand of Colonel Miller, to be joined with the militia.
Boyd, in the meantime, having gone to Washington City,
had been promoted to the rank of brigadier general. In
obedience to the requisition, Governor Meigs, of Ohio,
issued orders to the major generals of the middle and
western divisions of that State, for their respective pro
portions of men, to rendezvous on the 29th of April at
Dayton, a town at the mouth of Mad river on the Big
Miami. The corps were raised without difficulty — the
people of Ohio, with an ardent love of country and zeal for
its interests, voluntarily tendered their services to the gov
ernment of their choice. In a few days, more than the

61

62 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

number wanted came forward. Citizens of the first re
spectability enrolled themselves, and prepared for the
dangers of the field, contending with each other who
should go first into the service of their country. The
troops being collected, they proceeded to choose their field
officers, when Duncan M' Arthur was elected colonel of the
first regiment, and James Denny and William A. Trimble,
majors — for the 2nd regiment, James Findley, colonel, and
Thomas Moore and Thos. B. Vanhorne, majors — for the
3rd, Lewis Cass, colonel, and Robert Morrison and J. R.
Munson, majors.

No accommodations having been prepared for the
troops, they were obliged to camp without tents or other
equipage; and having been hurried from home very sud
denly, they had to encounter many difficulties without
being prepared to meet them. Most of them had never
been in a camp before, and were entirely unacquainted with
the necessary equipments. It was the middle of May be
fore blankets and camp equipage arrived from Pittsburgh
by the way of Cincinnati.

William Hull, Esq., governor of the Michigan Terri
tory, having been appointed a brigadier general in the
army of the United States, was destined to command these
troops. He arrived at Dayton about the 20th of May,
and appointed his son, Capt. A. F. Hull, and Robert
Wallace, Jr., his aides — Lieut. Thos. S. Jessup, his brigade
major — and Doctor Ab. Edwards, his hospital surgeon.
General James Taylor, of Kentucky, also accompanied his
army as quartermaster general. The organization of the
troops into regiments being completed, Governor Meigs
proceeded as directed by the Secretary of War, to surrender
the command to General Hull. The 25th of May, being
selected for this ceremony, the army was formed in close
column, and addressed by the governor in a speech full of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 63

patriotic sentiments and good advice. He congratulated
them on being placed under General Hull, a distinguished
officer of revolutionary experience; and who, being super
intendent of Indian affairs, and governor of the territory
to which they were destined, would thence be able more
effectually to provide for their comfort and convenience.
Colonel Cass also delivered an appropriate address, which
was received with much applause. General Hull being
invested with command, then addressed the troops in flat
tering and animated terms. After commending their
patriotism and recommending discipline, he proceeded:
"In marching through a wilderness memorable for savage
barbarity, you will remember the causes, by which the
barbarity had been heretofore excited. In viewing the
ground stained with the blood of your fellow citizens, it
will be impossible to suppress the feelings of indignation.
Passing by the ruins of a fortress, erected in our territory
by a foreign nation, in times of profound peace, and for
the express purpose of exciting the savages to hostility, and
supplying them with the means of conducting a barbarous
war, must remind you of that system of oppression and
injustice, which that nation had continually practiced,
and which the spirit of an indignant people can no longer
endure."

The delivery of this speech by the general animated
every breast, and great expectations were formed of his
prowess and abilities. His manners were familiar and
his appearance prepossessing. The frost of time had given
him a venerable aspect, and the idea of his revolutionary
services inspired the troops with confidence. Such were
the auspicious circumstances under which General Hull
took command of the army. Those who were induced by
their discernment, or their intimate acquaintance with the
general, to doubt his abilities to lead an invading army,

64 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

hesitated to express their sentiments, and were silent be
fore the voice of public admiration.

On the first of June, the army marched up the Miami
to Staunton, a small village on the east bank. Here they
waited for the boats in which the baggage was coming up
the river. They intended to ascend Lorimies river 18 miles,
then march by Piqua to the Auglaize, and then descend
that river. But on the 6th of June, they were informed,
that the water was too low for the boats to ascend — they
were then ordered by the general to march to Urbana, a
village about 30 miles to the east of Staunton. Here they
were informed on the morning of the 8th, by a general
order, that they would be met that day on parade, by the
governor accompanied by many distinguished citizens and
some Indian chiefs. On the following day, Governor
Meigs and General Hull held a council with 12 chiefs, of
the Shawanoe, Mingoe, and Wyandot nations, to obtain
leave from them t'o march the army through their territory,
and to erect such forts as might be deemed necessary;
which was promptly granted by them, and every assistance,
which they could give the army in the wilderness was
promised. Governor Meigs had held a council with these
Indians on the 6th, in which it was agreed to adhere to the
treaty of Greenville.

At these councils, the just and humane policy of our
government, was exhibited in fair-dealing with the Indians,
and in exhorting them to peace and neutrality. It forms
a striking contrast to the conduct of the British, who were
using every insidious means to engage the Indians in their
service, and to excite them to massacre our innocent women
and children.

On the 10th of June, the 4th regiment, with Colonel
Miller at its head, arrived at Urbana. They were met
about a mile from town, by Colonels M'Arthur, Cass, and

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 65

Findley, at the head of their respective regiments, by
whom they were escorted into camp, through a triumphal
arch, adorned with an eagle, and inscribed with the words,
TIPPECANOE— GLORY. On this occasion the general
issued a congratulatory order to his troops to excite their
emulation.

"H. Q. Urbana, June 10, 1812.

"The general congratulates the army on the arrival of
the 4th U. S. Regiment. The first army of the State of
Ohio will feel a pride in being associated with a regiment
so distinguished for its valor and discipline. The general
is persuaded, that there will be no other contention in this
army, but who will most excel in discipline and bravery.
Whatever the rank of the regiment, or to whatever de
scription it belongs, it will in reality consider itself the
first regiment in the army. The patriots of Ohio, who
yield to none in spirit and patriotism, will not be willing to
yield to any in discipline and valor.

THOS. S. JESSUP, Brig. Major."

On the next day General M' Arthur was detached with
his regiment, to cut a road for the army as far as the Scioto
river, which rises northwest of the head branches of the
Big Miami. The whole army having moved as far as
King's creek, three miles from Urbana, another general
order was issued on the 16th of June, from which the fol
lowing are extracts : "In the honor of this army the general
feels the deepest interest. He sincerely hopes, that nothing
will take place during the campaign, to tarnish the fame
it has already acquired; its glory, however, is not yet com
plete. Bare professions of patriotism do not establish the
character of a patriot. It is necessary for this army to
meet with a cheerful and manly fortitude, the fatigues and
dangers it may be called to encounter, before it can be
entitled to the honorable appellation of a patriotic army.
It is easy to boast of patriotism ; it is hard to perform the

5

66 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

duties it requires. The general retains the highest con
fidence in the honorable motives of this army, and he
assures the officers and soldiers, that while on the one
hand he will do all in his power for their comfort and con
venience, on the other hand he expects a ready submission
to his orders and a punctual discharge of all their duties.

On the day this order was issued, Colonel M' Arthur's
regiment had opened the road as far as the Scioto, and
had begun to build two block houses on the south bank of
the river, which is there, but 40 or 50 feet wide. These
houses were strengthened by stockades, and in honor of
the colonel, the whole was called Fort M? Arthur. At this
place, Peter Vassar, a Frenchman, while on guard deliber
ately shot a brother sentry by the name of Joseph England,
and wounded him badly, but he afterwards recovered and
returned home. Vassar was put under guard, and a gen
eral order was issued, prohibiting sutlers from selling
liquor to any non-commissioned officer or private, without
a Avritten permit from his commanding officer.

The whole army having arrived here on the 19th, Col
onel Findley was ordered to proceed with his regiment on
the 21st, and cut the road as far as Blanchard's fork of
the Auglaize; and on the 22nd, the wrhole army followed,
except a part of Captain Dill's company, which was left
to keep the fort and take care of the sick. It now rained
for several days excessively, so as to render the road almost
impassable for wagons. After marching only 16 miles,
the army halted again, in the midst of a swampy country,
in which the water courses, both of the Ohio and the lakes,
have their sources. A block house was erected here, which
was honored with the name of Fort Necessity. The mud
was deep, and from every appearance the whole army was
likely to stick in the swamps. The horses and oxen were
put on short allowance; and every man who could make

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 67

a pack saddle was detailed on that business. The general
intended to transport his baggage on pack horses; but as
soon as a sufficient number of saddles were made, the order
was rescinded, and the}' were deposited in the block house.

The general's first order of march was given, it is be
lieved, on the 20th of June, at F'ort M' Arthur; but he
seems to have entirely forgotten to give his army an order
of battle — perhaps he did not deem it necessary, intending
.to do all the fighting himself on paper. The following
was the order of march : "The 4th United States regiment
on the right ; Colonel M' Arthur on the left ; Colonel Pindley
on the left of the 4th; and Colonel Cass on the right of
M' Arthur; the cavalry .on the right of the whole. In
marching, the riflemen of the respective regiments, will
form the flank guards, and on the day the army marches,
they will be excused from any other duty."

When the army was ready to march from Fort Neces
sity, they were met by General Robert Lucas and Mr. Win.
Deeny, who had been sent by General Hull from Dayton,
with dispatches for Mr. Atwater, the acting governor at
Detroit. Their report was not the most favorable. Gen
eral Lucas had been present at several councils, held by
Mr. Atwater with the chiefs of the Ottawa and Chippewa
tribes, and the Wyandots of Brownstown. They all ex
pressed a disposition to be friendly, except Walk-in-the-
Water, of the Wyandots, who declared that the American
Government was acting improperly in sending an army
into their country, which would cut off their communica
tion with Canada. He said the Indians were their own
masters and would trade where they pleased ; and that the
disturbance on the Wabash was the fault of Governor
Harrison entirely. General Lucas had also ascertained,
that the British had collected a considerable body of
Indians at Maiden, who were fed and supplied with arms

68 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and ammunition, and were ready to fight the Americans
at the first signal from their employers. It Avas repre
sented that Detroit was in a bad state of defense, and that
the citizens generally were much elated at the approach
of an army for their protection. General Lucas had no
opportunity of visiting Fort Maiden ; but from every infor
mation, it was believed to be in a much worse situation
than Detroit, one side of it being entirely open.

The weather having become more favorable, the army
at last marched from Fort Necessity, and arrived in three
days at Blanehard's Fork, where Colonel Findley had built
block houses and stockading on the southwest side, which
was called Fort Findley. On the 26th of June, Colonel
Dunlap arrived in camp as an express from Chillicothe,
with dispatches from the war department for General Hull.
They were confidential ; but it was believed, that they con
tained certain and official intelligence of the declaration
of war against England, as the general ordered all the
heavy camp equipage to be left at this fort, and determined
to commence a forced march. Colonel Cass was sent with
his regiment to cut the remainder of the road to the Rapids ;
and the balance of Captain Dill's company being left at
the fort, the army proceeded, but not with more speed than
usual, and in a few days encamped on the banks of the
Miami of the Lake, opposite the battle ground of General
Wayne, and in view of a small village at the foot of the
rapids. Here the army Avas cheered Avith a vieAV of civi
lized habitations, after a tedious inarch through a dreary
Avilderness. Having delayed here a day, they marched
doAvn through the village in regular order, and encamped
just below the ruins of the old British Fort Miami, from
which the Indians were supplied by the British, previous
to their battle with Wayne on the 20th of August, '94.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 69

At this place, a small schooner, belonging to a Captain
Chapin, was employed to carry a quantity of baggage to
Detroit, about 30 officers and privates being put on board
for its protection. It being the last of the month, com
plete muster rolls of every company in the brigade, were
made out and deposited in a trunk, which was put on board
this vessel. An open boat with the sick, was also sent in
company with Captain Chapin. It was here represented to
General Hull, by Captain M'Pherson, of Cincinnati, that
war must have been declared, and that the schooner would
certainly be captured at Maiden. Notwithstanding this
suggestion, and the general's own knowledge on the sub
ject, he persisted in sending the vessel.

Lieutenant Davidson with 25 men being left here to
build a block house, the army again marched on the 1st of
July, after considerable time spent in preparation as usual.
Their route was through an open country, interspersed
with thin groves of oak, and scattering settlements of
French. When they arrived at the river Raisin, on which
there is a handsome village of French inhabitants, infor
mation was received, that the schooner, in attempting to
pass Maiden with the baggage, had been captured by the
British, and the whole crew and passengers made prisoners,
the enemy having previously received intelligence of the
declaration of war which was made on the 18th of June by
the American Government. Though General Hull had cer
tainly received some intimation of this act of the govern
ment by Colonel Dunlap, yet the troops had not been in
formed of it, till the evening before they reached the River
Raisin, at which time the baggage had been captured.
The colonels having on that evening informed their men
of the declaration of war, and that the situation of the army
required strict subordination, firmness, and bravery to
insure success; and each man being supplied with ten

70 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

rounds of ammunition and an extra flint ; every heart beat
warm in the cause of the country, and new life and anima
tion beamed in every countenance.

A day was spent at the River Raisin; and a day and a
half in marching fifteen miles to the River Huron. Here
the 4th of July was spent in erecting a bridge over the
river, which is but 40 feet wide, but very deep. The road
crosses about half a mile from the lake, from which place
the army had a full view of the Canada shore below Maiden,
and a delightful prospect of Lake Erie to the east. A large
vessel, supposed to be the Queen Charlotte, with troops on
board, was seen going towards Maiden, where the firing
of cannon was distinctly heard. An attack from the
British and Indians was expected at this place, and the
army anxiously desiring it, was kept under arms the
whole day.

On the 5th, the army marched early, and having passed
the villages of Brownstown and Maguaga, and the rivers
DeCorce and Roach, it arrived at Springwells, the lower
end of the Detroit settlement, and but two miles from the
town. Here is a handsome eminence on the River Detroit,
well calculated for a fort, which wrould command the town
of Sandwich on the Canada shore, the river being about
three quarters of a mile wide. The following extract from
a general order issued at this place, will show in what
manner General Hull informed the northwestern posts of
the declaration of war. "The garrisons of Detroit, Michili-
macinac, Chicago, and Fort Wayne, being placed by the
President of the United States, under the command of
General Hull, the commanding officers of those garrisons
are informed, that Congress has declared war against
Great Britain; and they will immediately place their gar
risons in the best possible state of defense, and make a
return to Brigade Major Jessup at Detroit, of the quan-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 73

tity of provisions the contractor has on hand at their re
spective posts, the number of officers and men, ordnance
and military stores of every kind, and the public property
of all kinds." When this general order, containing a
variety of other matters trivial and local, had issued from
the pen of the general, it was left to find a conveyance to
Chicago and Macinaw, in the best way it could, no human
means being employed by the general for that purpose.

On the morning of the 6th, Colonel Cass was sent with
a flag of truce to Maiden, which was commanded at that
time by Colonel St. George. The object was to demand
the baggage and prisoners captured in the schooner. When
he arrived there, he was blind-folded, and his demands
were refused ; he then returned to camp with Captain Bur-
banks of the British army. In this instance General Hull
betrayed his ignorance of military diplomacy, in sending
Colonel Cass with a flag to an equal, if not an inferior
in rank. But, perhaps, there was some greater object in
view than simply to demand the baggage.

Five pieces of artillery were brought down from the
fort on the 7th and placed on the bank in front of the army,
in a situation to annoy the enemy at Sandwich. On the
same day the general held a council with the principal
chiefs of the Wyandot, Shawanoe, Potawatamie, Seneca
and Mohawk nations, which ended in their professing to
be our friends. On the next day the general became
alarmed, lest the enemy should bombard his camp from
the upper side of Sandwich; he, therefore, removed into
the rear of Detroit to be out of the reach of danger.

The town of Detroit contains about 1 60 houses and 700
inhabitants. It is handsomely situated on the west side
of the River Detroit, about nine miles below Lake St.
Clair, the opening of which can be seen from the town.
Port Detroit stands on an elevated spot of ground, in the

72 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

rear of the town, and about 250 yards from the bank of
the river. It is a square, containing nearly two acres of
ground. It is surrounded with a double row of pickets, the
outside row being set in the ditch, and the other obliquely
in the bank, which is thrown up against the walls of the
fort, and which is so high, that at some distance from the
fort, the interior buildings cannot be seen. The ground
gradually declines from the fort in every direction. It is
badly situated to command the river; but it is a place of
great strength, and could not be injured by any battery
on the same side of the river. The inhabitants about
Detroit are mostly descendents of the old French settlers,
professing the Catholic religion. The Territory can raise
betwreen six and seven hundred militia.

Preparations were now made for the invasion of Can
ada; arms were repaired and carriages made for the
cannon; and the officers endeavored to inspire their men
with ardor, a willingness to obey, and a determination
to avenge the wrrongs of their country, by invading the
territories of her enemy. The night of the 10th was
appointed for crossing into Canada; but it was prevented
by the disorderly conduct of some individuals, who kept
firing their guns, by one of whom Major Munson was
severely wounded. But few of the enemy were to be
seen on the opposite shore ; it was deemed necessary, how
ever, to use some precaution in landing. On the evening
of the llth, the regiment of Colonel M' Arthur, accom
panied by some boats, was marched down to the Spring-
wells, to decoy the enemy. The British were thus induced
to believe, that a descent would be made from that point;
and that an attack would immediately be made upon Mai
den; which ought to have been done before this time.
They accordingly dreAV all their forces to that place.
Next morning the army marched about a mile above

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 73

Detroit, where boats had been taken in the night. The
regiments of Colonels Miller and Cass embarked at once,
and in fifteen minutes landed on the Canada shore with
out opposition. General Hull 'was among the last fco
embark, and as his boat reached the shore, he was heard
to exclaim, "The critical moment draws near!" The
American flag was unfurled, and the Huzzas of the front,
were ansAvered by the rear, and the citizens of Detroit. An
encampment was formed in the farm of Colonel Baubee, a
British officer; the quarters of the general being fixed in a
brick house near the centre of the camp, and not far from
the bank of the river. On the same day the general issued
his famous proclamation, as follows :

"By WILLIAM HULL, Brigadier General, command
ing the American Northwestern Army.

"Inhabitants of Canada! After thirty years of peace
and prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms.
The injuries and aggression, the insults and indignities
of Great Britain, have once more left them no alternative
but manly resistance or unconditional submission. The
army under my command has invaded your country, and
the standard of the union now waves over the Territory
of Canada. To the peaceable, unoffending inhabitants, It-
brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find
enemies, not to make them. I come to protect, not injure
you — separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wil
derness from Great Britain, you have no participation in
her councils, no interest in her conduct. You have felt
her tyranny; you have seen her injustice; but I do not ask
you to avenge the one or to redress the other. The United
States are sufficiently powerful to afford every security,
consistent with their rights or your expectations. I tender
you the invaluable blessings of civil, political and religious
liberty, and their necessary results, individual and general
prosperity — that liberty which gave decision to our coun
sels, and energy to our conduct, in a struggle for independ
ence; and which conducted us safely and triumphantly

74 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

through the stormy period of the Revolution — that liberty
which has raised us to an elevated rank among the nations
of the world ; and which has afforded us a greater measure
of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than
ever fell to the lot of any other people.

"In the name of my country, and by the authority of
my government, I promise you protection to your persons,
property and rights. Remain at your homes; pursue your
peaceful and customary avocations; raise not your hands
against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for
the freedom and independence we now enjoy. Being chil
dren, therefore, of the same family with us, and heirs to
the same heritage, the arrival of an army of friends, must
be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. You will be
emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored
to the dignified station of freedinen. Had I any doubt of
eventual success, I might ask your assistance ; but I do not ;
I come prepared for every contingency. I have a force,
which will look down all opposition ; and that force is but
the vanguard of a much greater! If contrary to your
own interests and the just epectation of my country, you
should take part in the approaching contest, you will be
considered and treated as enemies, and the horrors and
calamities of war will stalk before you. If the barbarous
and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and the
savages are let loose to murder our citizens, and butcher
our women and children, this war will be a war of exter
mination. The first stroke of the tomahawk, that first
attempt with the scalping knife, will be the signal for one
indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man found
fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken prisoner.
Instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates of rea
son, duty, justice and humanity cannot prevent the employ
ment of a force which respects no rights or knows no
wrongs, it will be prevented by a severe and relentless sys
tem of retaliation. I doubt not your courage and firmness ;
I will not doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender
your services voluntarily, they will be accepted readily.
The United States offers you peace, liberty, and security;
your choice lies between these and war. Choose, then, but

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 75

choose wisely — and may He who knows the justice of our
cause, and who holds in His hands the fate of nations,
guide you to a result the most compatible with your rights
and your interests.

"WILLIAM HULL."
By the general,

A. F. Hull, Captain 13th U. S. Regiment and aide.
Sandwich, July 12, 1812.

This proclamation had a tendency to recall the greater
part of the inhabitants of Sandwich and the adjacent
country to their dwellings. They had fled to the woods
on the approach of the Americans, as if an army of canni
bals had invaded their country. The British officers had
used every means to induce the people to believe, that the
Americans were worse than savages.

The Territory of Upper Canada, which was thus invaded
by General Hull, is a very extensive country. From south
east to north west it is more than 1,000 miles long ; and from
Lake Erie northward it is upwards of 500 miles across,
but in general its breadth is less than 300 miles. The
population in 1806 was estimated at 80,000.

On the 13th, Captain Ulry with 40 men was sent down
towards Maiden to reconnoitre. At a bridge over Turkey
creek, about 9 miles from camp, he discovered w^here a
party of nearly 200 Indians had been lying in ambush to
cut off any detachment, that might cross the bridge, which
had been partly destroyed. A Canadian farmer informed
the Captain, that there were a great many Indians in the
neighborhood; and not considering it prudent to risk a
battle with superior numbers he returned to camp. This
information and an alarm, which occurred at night in the
camp, induced the general next day to fortify his cainp
with a breastwork, except the side next the river which
was defended by cannon.

76 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

On the 14th a detachment from Captain Sloan's cavalry
was sent up the river to reconnoitre. At 8 :00 o'clock in
the evening two of them returned with information, that a
body of Indians had gone up the river about sunset. Col
onel M' Arthur was ordered to pursue them with 100 men
from his own regiment, and a rifle corps from Colonel
Findley's. At half after 9:00, he marched without blank
ets or provisions, accompanied by the reconnoitering party,
which in the meantime had returned. They went but 8
miles that night, expecting to overtake the Indians early
next morning in a wood before them. They did not, how
ever, come up with the Indians, till they had reached
Ruskin river, about twenty-four miles above Sandwich;
and here the savages received information of their approach
soon enough to escape into the woods, in which the mounted
men could not pursue them for logs and brush.

Captain Smith, of the Detroit dragoons, now overtook
them, with orders for the party to go on to the river
Thames or Trench, to procure provisions. Having reached
that river, they encamped about half a mile from the
mouth, opposite the house of Mr. Isaac Hull, a nephew of
the general's, where a corporal and six militia men of the
enemy were stationed as a guard to the family. The
colonel disarmed them and sent them home on parole.
Next day they marched some distance up the river, and
on their return collected all the boats they could find, in
which they brought off nearly two hundred barrels of flour,
400 blankets, a number of guns, and a considerable quan
tity of military stores, most of which was public property,
but the colonel gave receipts for all, as if it had been
private property, and paid for the provisions they con
sumed out of his own funds. They arrived at camp on
the evening of the 17th, having penetrated upwards of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 77

sixty miles into the province unmolested, the inhabitants
having received them in a friendly manner.

Deserters from Maiden, and inhabitants of the country,
now came into the camp daily to obtain protection from
the American commander, many of whom were known to
return immediately to the fort with all the information
they could collect. On the 16th, Colonel Cass and Lieut. -
Col. Miller were sent down towards Maiden with a de
tachment, the object and the result of which will be under
stood from the following report of Colonel Cass :

"Sir — In conformity with your instructions, I pro
ceeded with a detachment of 280 men to reconnoitre the
enemy's advanced posts. We found them in possession of
a bridge over the Aux Kanards river, at the distance of
4 miles from Maiden. After examining their position I
left one company of riflemen, to conceal themselves near
the bridge, and upon our appearance on the opposite side
of the river, to commence firing upon the enemy. I then
proceeded with the remainder of the detachment about
five miles up, to a ford across the Kanards, and down on
the southern bank of the river. About sunset we arrived
in sight of the enemy. Being entirely destitute of guides,
we marched too close to the bank of the river, and found
our progress checked by a creek which was impassible.
We were then compelled to march a mile up the creek in
order to effect a passage. This gave the enemy time to
make his arrangements and prepare for defense. On com
ing down the creek, we found them formed. They com
menced a distant fire of musqetry. The riflemen of our
detachment were formed upon the wings, and the two com
panies of infantry in the center. The men moved on with
great spirit and alacrity. After the first discharge the
British retreated. We continued advancing. Three times
they formed and as often retreated. We drove them about
half a mile, when it became so dark that we were obliged
to relinquish the pursuit. Two privates of the 41st reg
iment were wounded and taken prisoners. We learned from
deserters, that nine or ten were wounded, and some killed.

78 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

We could gain no certain information of the number op
posed to us. It consisted of a considerable detachment
from the 41st regiment, some militia, and a body of In
dians. The guard at the bridge consisted of 50 men. Our
riflemen stationed at the bridge, on this side the Kanards,
discovered the enemy reinforcing the whole afternoon.
There is no doubt but their numbers exceeded ours. Lieut.
Colonel Miller conducted himself in a most spirited and
able manner. I have every reason to be satisfied with the
conduct of the whole detachment."

Next morning Captain Brown of the 4th United States
regiment went down to Maiden, without the knowledge of
Colonel Cass; but there is no doubt of his mission being
known to General Hull ; the object of it has never yet been
developed. Presently a reinforcement of our troops
arrived, consisting of the balance of the 4th regiment, and
a piece of artillery under the command of Lieutenant
Eastman. A council of officers was now convened, a
majority of whom insisted on leaving the bridge. Colonel
Cass and Captain Snelling, insisted on holding it, as it
would be of the utmost importance in inarching the army
to Maiden. Their opinion being overruled, and no order
to hold the bridge being received from the general, the
whole detachment marched back to camp. The abandon
ment of this bridge, Avhich had been gained so easy, and
which in the possession of the enemy would be the chief
obstruction to the advance of the army, was a most fatal
error. It was sufficient itself to develop the character
of the general; and I can scarcely restrain my indigna
tion sufficiently while writing, to mention the event in de
liberate terms. The officers from this occurrence began
to distrust the views of the general, and their opinion of
his abilities began to dwindle into contempt. It was evi
dent to every person, that the possession of the bridge
was important to the success of the enterprise; and had

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 79

the army marched immediately to Maiden, that fortress
must have fallen an easy conquest. The command of the
river, and security to the upper country, would have been
the consequences. Colonel Cass' orders were, to recon
noitre the advance posts of the enemy, but not to hold
any position he might conquer.

In the evening a report prevailed, that the Queen Char
lotte was sailing up the straits, and committing depreda
tions on the American side ; and that the British had again
occupied the bridge. Colonel Findley in consequence went
down to the bridge with a small party to reconnoitre. He
found it torn up, and a breastwork of timber erected on the
south side, to defend the pass. The Queen Charlotte also
occupied a station convenient to aid in its defense. Col
onel Findley having returned next day, another small party
under Captain Snelling, went down in the evening as a
corps of observation. General Hull for his part staid close
in his quarters at Sandwich; but to induce his officers to
believe, that he really intended to attack Maiden, he issued
the following general order, by way of retaliation for the
capture of his baggage; the execution of it would have
placed our army on a level with the disgraceful conduct
of the British.

"Whereas the private property, consisting principally
of the necessary clothing of the officers and soldiers of
this army, has been seized by the British force, and is
detained at Maiden or its dependencies, notwithstanding
application has been made for the restitution of it. In
order to remunerate those officers and soldiers who have
suffered, the general directs that all personal property of
officers now serving in the British army, at the aforesaid
post, shall be taken under special orders from the general,
and delivered to the quartermaster general for safe keep
ing, until the orders of the government are known on the
subject. One hundred and fifty men properly officered,

80 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

will be detached for command to-morrow morning at 5 :00
o'clock from Colonel M' Arthur's regiment. Colonel M' Ar
thur will command and will call at headquarters for
instructions."

In pursuance of this order, Colonel M' Arthur was sent
down to relieve Captain Snelling, who was found at the
Petit Cote settlement about a mile above the bridge. From
this place to the bridge, the country is a dry, level prairie.
About 300 yards from the Kanards, there is a small ridge
across the road about 8 feet high, which is covered towards
the west with small oak and hazle bushes. From the ridge
to the river the prairie is somewhat marshy and covered
with long grass. The river is about 25 yards wide and
very deep, and on the south side a thick wood commences
at a short distance from the bridge. Colonel M' Arthur
was instructed to ascertain the situation of the bridge and
the position of the Queen Charlotte; but not to go within
the reach of her guns, nor attempt to pass the bridge. This
information the general had already received from the
other parties repeatedly, and, of course, was merely amus
ing his men and spending time by this conduct.

Colonel M' Arthur left his men at the Petit Cote settle
ment, and went with Adjutant Put huff and a few riflemen
to the top of the ridge to reconnoitre. He found the plank
had been torn off the bridge, and that a battery had been
erected at the south end of it, near which there were about
60 regulars, 450 Canadian militia, 25 dragoons, and 50
Indians. Some firing occurred between the riflemen and
the Indians, some of whom came over the bridge; and, as
the colonel rode down to view the Queen Charlotte, he was
fired on by a gun boat which accompanied her, and which
had approached him unperceived, under the bank of the
river. They now all retreated uninjured to the main de
tachment; but the colonel not yet being satisfied, returned

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 81

to the ridge again with a few others, to make further ob
servations. They \vere there fired on again by some
Indians who in the meantime had concealed themselves in
the brushwood. The whole detachment immediately came
up to their relief, and drove the Indians back over the
bridge; but as they retired Tecumseh followed them Avith
a considerable force, when a halt was called and another
skirmish ensued. Ammunition becoming scarce, the col
onel sent an express to camp to inform the general of all
the circumstances; and, at the same time concluded to re
turn to camp with the detachment. When the express
arrived, Colonel Cass pushed down with 150 men, and a
six pounder, to reinforce AF Arthur. About sunset they
met at Turkey Creek bridge, nine miles from camp, and
immediately returned to the Petit Cote settlement where
they encamped for the night. Next morning on recon-
noitering the enemy, he was found to be considerably rein
forced both in men and artillery. At the desire of Colonel
Cass, the whole detachment marched down near the bridge,
and with the six pounder exchanged a few shot with the
battery, The wrhole detachment then marched back to
camp, hungry and fatigued, without having effected any
thing valuable.

TECUMSEH, who was very conspicuous among the
Indians for his influence, and for his bravery and skill in
Indian warfare, was about this time said to be appointed
a brigadier general by the British.

The whole army now began to lose all confidence in
General Hull. His sending detachments to contend for the
bridge, and when it was taken, his failing to hold it, or to
march immediately to Maiden, and, afterwards sending
party after party to reconnoitre and skirmish, were strong,
irresistible proofs of incapacity or of treachery, which
must have convinced even the British themselves, that he

82 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

either did not intend to attack their fort, or that he had
neither courage nor skill to execute such an enterprise.
The distrust of the army was still more confirmed, by his
leaving them and going over to Detroit on the 21st of July,
where he remained till the 26th under a variety of frivo
lous pretexts. While he was thus wasting his time and
resources, the government entertained the most favorable
opinion of his firmness and ability. His proclamation
was read throughout the union, and highly applauded as
the production of superior talents ; and great expectations
were formed by an admiring and sanguine people. A peace
of nearly thirty years duration, under a popular, delibera
tive form of government, had accustomed the people to
judge the abilities of public men, by the fine things they
were able to say; and hence men the best qualified to act,
were overlooked and neglected for those who were only
qualified to speak and write.

The British forces at Maiden were in the meantime
daily augmented; and the greatest exertions were made
night and day to strengthen that post by entrenchments
and picketing.

By the absence of General Hull at Detroit, the com
mand devolved on Colonel M'Arthur, who immediately
dispatched Captain M'Cullough, with the rangers and
spies, to examine wh ether a road could not be made, to
cross the Kanards above the bridge, so as to avoid the
battery, and the guns of the Queen Charlotte. The captain
reported, that a road for the artillery was impracticable,
on account of swamps and morasses.

It being reported, that the Indians came above the Aux
Kanards in considerable numbers, Colonel M'Arthur sent
Major Denny with three companies of militia, making 117
men, to oppose them. He marched on the night of the 24th
with instructions to form an ambuscade at some place

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 83

where the Indians were expected to pass, and thus cut them
off, unless they were too powerful; in which case he was
to be situated so as to have a retreat in his power. He
formed an ambuscade next morning in the Petit Cote set
tlement, and caught a Frenchman, with his three sons, who-
said he was going to reap his harvest. He proved to be
the captain of a company of militia, then in service at Mai
den, from which place he had been sent out as a spy.
Major Denny then marched his party in view of the enemy,
and having again retired, and stopped about noon to rest ii*
the shade, a small party of Indians came along very near
his men. Having discovered them, he ordered his men to
charge and fire well; which they executed so as to kill
many of the Indians. The remainder were pursued by
some of the men, about a half a mile, before they returned.
The fugitives meeting with a strong reinforcement, re
turned also to renew the contest. Major Denny endeav
ored to gain an advantageous position in a point of woods,
but was anticipated by the Indians ; and after a short con
flict, a part of his line gave way, and he was obliged to
retreat in confusion. He was pursued about two miles
and a half by the Indians, till they had reached near
Turkey creek bridge. The major endeavored in vain to
rally his men before they crossed the bridge and met Gen
eral Lucas with a reinforcement. He lost but six killed,
and two wounded ; the loss of the British and Indians was •
at least double that number.

Reports of an unfavorable nature, respecting the con
duct of Major Denny in this affair, being circulated in the
camp, he requested a court of inquiry, which was granted
by Colonel M'Arthur. After full investigation he was
honorably acquitted; and the sentence of the court was
approved by General Hull.

84 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

On the 28th of July, intelligence was received in camp,
that Fort Macinaw had surrendered on the 17th. This
event arrested all the offensive operations of General Hull
in Upper Canada, nothing more being done by the army
after this date, except the building of an inconsiderable
fort, in a disadvantageous place about half a mile below
camp, around the house of Mr. Gowies. The surrender of
Mackinaw alarmed General Hull excessively. He declared,
"The whole northern hordes of Indians will be let loose
upon us." His anticipations no doubt Avere just; the loss
of that fort must have injured our cause very much among
the savages; and it is to be recorded with regret, that the.
government itself neglected a post so important, in not
ordering more men for its defense ; while the officer imme
diately in command was perhaps in some degree culpable,
in not placing it in the most defensible condition; and
General Hull still more so, in neglecting to apprise him
of the declaration of war. The general government was
certainly well acquainted with the situation and import
ance of the place. The legislature of Kentucky had partic
ularly called the attention of the war department to this
point. In its neglected state, with only a lieutenant to
defend it, the enemy found it an easy conquest. The fol
lowing is the report of Lieut. P. Hanks, who was its com
mander, to General Hull, after his arrival at Detroit,
August 4th.

"Sir — I take the earliest opportunity to acquaint your
excellency, witli the surrender of the garrison of Macinaw,
under my command, ,to his Britannic Majesty's forces,
under the command of Captain Roberts, on the 17th of
July, the particulars of which are as follows : On the 16th
I was informed by the Indian interpreter, that he had dis
covered from an Indian, that the several nations of In
dians, then at St. Josephs (a British garrison distant

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 85

about 40 miles) intended to make an immediate attack
on Macinaw. I was inclined from the coolness I had dis
covered in some of the principal chiefs of the Ottawa and
Chippewa nations, who had but a few days before professed
the greatest friendship for the United States, to place con
fidence in this report. I immediately called a meeting of
the American gentlemen at that time on the Island, in
which it was thought proper to dispatch a confidential per
son to St. Josephs, to watch the motions of the Indians.
Captain Daurman, of the militia was thought the most
suitable person for this service. He embarked about sun
set, and met the British forces within ten or fifteen miles
of the island, by whom he was made a prisoner, and put on
his parole of honor. He was landed on the island at day
break, with positive instructions to give me no intelli
gence whatever. He was also instructed to. take the in
habitants of the village indiscriminately to a place on the
west side of the island, where their persons an'd property
would be protected by a British guard ; but should they go
to the fort, they would be subject to a general massacre by
the savages, which would be inevitable if the garrison fired
a gun. This information I received from Doctor Day, who
was passing through the village, when every 'person was
flying for refuge to the enemy. Immediately on being in
formed of the approach of the enemy, I placed ammunition,
etc., in the block houses, and made every preparation for
action. About nine o'clock I could discover that the enemy
were in possession of the heights that commanded the fort ;
with one piece of artillery directed to the most defenseless
part of the garrison. The Indians were to be seen at this
time in great numbers in the edge of the woods. At half
past eleven, the enemy sent in a fla£ of truce, demanding
the surrender of the fort and island to his Britannic
Majesty's forces. This sir, was the first intimation I had
of the declaration of war. I, however, had anticipated it,
and was as well prepared to meet such an event, as I pos
sibly could have been with the force under my command,
amounting to 57 effective men, including officers. The
American gentlemen who were prisoners were permitted to
accompany the flag. From them I ascertained the strength

86 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

of the enemy to be from 900 to 1,000 men, consisting of reg
ular troops, Canadians, and savages; that they had two
pieces of artillery, and were provided with ladders and
ropes for the purpose of scaling the works if necessary.
After I had obtained this information, I consulted my offi
cers, and also the American gentlemen present ; the result
of which was, that it was impossible for the garrison to
hold out against such superior force. In this opinion I
fully concurred, from a conviction that it was the only
measure that could prevent a general massacre. The fort
and garrison were accordingly surrendered."

The report concluded with requesting a court of in
quiry. By the articles of capitulation the garrison was to
march out with the honors of war, and to be paroled and
conveyed to the United States; private property was to be
held sacred; and all citizens, who would not take the oath
of allegiance to the British government, were to depart
within a month. The army to which Lieutenant Hanks
surrendered, was ascertained after the capitulation, to con
sist of 46 regulars, 260 Canadian militia, and 715 Indians,
making an army of more than a thousand men.

Early in August, an express arrived at the army of
General Hull, with information that Captain Henry Brush,
with a company of volunteers, was near the river Raisin
with provisions for the army ; and that he wanted an escort,
as it was ascertained that the British and Indians had
crossed on the American side, with a view to intercept
the mail and convoys of provisions. The colonels of the
Ohio militia applied to General Hull for leave to take a
detachment, and open the communication with Captain
Brush, and conduct the provisions in safety to Detroit;
but the general would not grant their request, and seemed
indifferent about the fate of Captain Brush and his pro
visions. At length, however, he consented, that Major
Vanhorne might go as an escort to the mail and join Cap-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 87

tain Brush at the river Raisin. The major crossed the
Detroit river on the 4th of August, and marched that even
ing as far as the river De Corce. Here they lay on their
arms in the bushes till morning, when they marched again,
with four spies before them. Having passed the Maguaga
village, Captain McCullough of the spies unfortunately
missed his way, and as he was passing 'round a cornfield,
was fired on by ten or twelve Indians, who were lying in
ambush. He fell, and was tomahawked and scalped by the
savages. His loss was severely felt by the army, for he was
brave, intrepid and skillful in the department of spies.

Soon after the occurrence, a number of mounted militia,
and some gentlemen who wished to go to the river Raisin,
joined the detachment; and a Frenchman informed Major
Vanhorne, that three or four hundred Indians and some
British were lying in ambush near Brownstown, for the
purpose of intercepting his party. Accustomed to hear
false reports from the French he did not sufficiently re
spect this information; but marched on with his front
guard of 24 men divided into two columns, each preceded
by three dragoons, and the main party in the same order,
the mail with an escort of horsemen being placed in the
center. Where the ground would permit, the columns
marched a hundred yards apart. Having arrived near
Brownstown, the road passes through a narrow prairie,
skirted by thick woods, with the creek, which runs by
Brownstown, on the right. The woods on the creek come
to a point towards the town, through which point the road
passes to the ford. On the left are several small Indian
cornfields, and thickets of thorn bushes ; so that the columns
of the party had to approach near each other at the creek.
As they entered the open ground of the town, the Indians
commenced a heavy fire on the right column from the op
posite side of the creek, and on the left from the bushes on

88 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

that side. The suddenness of the attack threw the troops
into some confusion, and the major, apprehensive that he
would be surrounded, immediately ordered a retreat. The
detachment was halted several times, and fired on the
enemy who pursued them some distance. The retreat was
continued to the river De Corce — seventeen killed and sev
eral wounded being left behind. Among the killed were
Captains ITlry, Gilchrist, Boersler, Lieutenant Pents and
Ensign Rubey. The loss of so many officers was caused by
their attempting to rally their men. The loss of the enemy
was nearly as great as ours.

On this occasion the force of the enemy was greatly
exaggerated, as it was in many other instances. Major
Vanhorne, though a gentleman and a soldier, was certainly
not entitled to the praise bestowed upon him by some of his
countrymen. Being Avarned of his danger, he should have
taken care to prevent a surprise; and had he done so, he
would doubtless have been victorious. The enemy had a
great advantage in the ground, but in point of numbers he
was not superior. I do not wish to detract from the real
merits of Major Vanhorne, but at Detroit, in October, 1813,
I was informed by an American gentleman of high stand
ing, who had made particular inquiry, that the force of the
enemy in this case did not exceed forty British and seventy
Indians; and this statement is corroborated by the recollec
tion, that the main army wras still in Canada, and the Brit
ish being in daily expectation of an attack on Maiden,
would not send a large detachment to the American side.
The practice, so common among the officers in Hull's army,
of estimating extravagantly the numbers of British and
Indians opposed to them in skirmishes, was calculated to
have an injurious effect on our affairs. It had a tendency
to discourage their men, to cover their own mismanage-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 89

meiit, and to alarm the general, whose susceptibility of
fear, did not require any extraordinary impressions.

On the 6th the colonels again solicited leave from the
general, to march a detachment of 500 men to Brownstown,
for the purpose of burying the dead and attempting again
to open a communication with Captain Brush, who had
arrived at the river Raisin with the provisions. The gen
eral would not permit more than 100 men to go, which was
entirely too few, considering the late defeat and the pre
vailing opinion of the enemies' numbers. The project was,
therefore, abandoned for the want of men.

A council being convened at headquarters, consisting of
the field officers, with Captain Dyson and Lieutenant East
man of the artillery, it was agreed by all except the two
last, to make an immediate attack upon Maiden. In con
sequence of this decision the following general order was
issued :

"Sandwich, August 7, 1812.

"Doctor Edwards will take charge of the medical and
surgical departments until further orders, and will immed
iately make every preparation to take the field against the
enemy. All the tents and baggage not necessary will be
immediately sent to Detroit. The boats not necessary for
the movement of the army will be sent to Detroit, An
officer and 25 convalescents will be left at the fort at
Gowies, with a boat sufficient to carry them across the river
if necessary. All the artillery not taken by the army will
be sent immediately to Detroit. The army will take seven
days' provisions. Three days' provisions will be drawn
to-morrow morning and will be cooked, the residue will be
taken in wagons. Pork will be drawn for the meat part of
the ration. One hundred axes, fifty spades, and twenty
pickaxes will be taken for the army; and a raft of timber
and plank suitable for bridges, will be prepared and floated
down with the batteries. Only one day's whiskey will be
drawn each day, and twelve barrels will be taken in wagons.

90 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

All the artificers, and all men on any kind of extra duty,
will immediately join their regiments.

(Signed) Wm. Hull, Brig. Gen., Com."

On the receipt of this order, the army in the hope of
making an immediate attack upon Maiden, were animated
with new life and activity. Every preparation was indus
triously made, and every countenance was bright with joy.
But how shall I name with deliberation the order which
followed! The whole army was immediately ordered to
recross to Detroit and encamp in the rear of the fort, and
thus relinquish all offensive operations in Canada! With
what deep contempt was this order heard ; with what sullen
murmuring was it executed ! A few weeks before, the army
had landed triumphantly in the enemy's country ; and now,
without any ostensible cause, was ordered to return in the
most disgraceful manner. What feelings of indignation
filled every true American bosom; and what anguish was
felt by a number of the poor inhabitants, who, confiding
in General Hull's promises of protection, had made them
selves obnoxious to the vengeance of their own government !

The whole army now recrossed the river in sullen pro
cession and indignant contempt, and encamped once more
behind Fort Detroit. Major Denny was left in the stock
ade work at Gowies, with a hundred and thirty convales
cents, and Lieutenant Anderson's corps of artillerists. He
was ridiculously instructed "to hold possession of this part
of Upper Canada, and afford all possible protection to the
well disposed inhabitants." He was to defend the post to
the last extremity against musquetry ; but if overpowered
by artillery he was authorized to retreat.

On the same day after the army had recrossed, Colonel
Miller, with Majors Vanhorne and Morrison of the Ohio
volunteers, was sent with a detachment to make another
attempt to open the communication with Captain Brush at

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 91

the river Raisin. The only account of their operations
Avhieh has been published, is that by General Hull, which
follows :

"The main body of the army having recrossed the river
Detroit, on the night and morning of the 8th of August, six
hundred men were immediately detached under the com
mand of Lieut. Col. Miller, to open the communication with
the river Raisin and protect the provisions. This detach
ment consisted of the 4th U. S. regiment and two small de
tachments under the command of Lieutenant Stansbury
and Ensign M'Abe, of the 1st regiment; detachments from
the Ohio and Michigan volunteers; a corps of artillerists
with one six pounder, and a howitzer under the command
of Lieutenant Eastman; a part of Captain Smith's and
Sloan's cavalry, commanded by Captain Sloan, of the Ohio
volunteers. Lieut. Col. Miller marched from Detroit on
the afternoon of the 8th of August, and on the 9th in the
afternoon about 4 o'clock, the front guard commanded by
Captain Snelling of the 4th U. S. regiment, was fired on by
an extensive line of British and Indians, about two miles
below Maguaga village, where there had been a small open
ing on the bank of Detroit river, surrounded with thick
brush and white oak timber, and about 14 miles from
Detroit. At this time the main body was marching in two
lines, and Captain Snelling maintained his position in a
most gallant manner, under a very heavy fire, until the line
was formed and advanced to the ground he occupied, wThen
the whole, except the rear guard was brought into actioii.
The enemy were formed behind a temporary breastwork
of logs, with the Indians extending in a thick woods on
their left. Lieut. Col. Miller ordered his whole line to ad
vance, and when within a small distance of the enemy, made
a general fire upon them, and immediately followed it up
with charged bayonets, when the whole British line and
Indians commenced a retreat. They were pursued in a
most vigorous manner about two miles, and the pursuit
only discontinued on account of the fatigue of the men, the
approach of evening, and the necessity of returning to take
care of the wounded. The judicious arrangements made

92 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

by Lieut. Col. Miller, and the gallant manner in which
they were executed, justly entitles him to the highest honor.
From the moment the line commenced the fire, it contin
ually moved on, and the enemy maintained their position
until forced at the point of the bayonet. The Indians on
the left under the command of Tecumseh fought with great
obstinacy, but were continually forced, and compelled to
retreat, The victory was complete in every part of the
line; but the success would have been more brilliant, had
the cavalry charged the enemy on their retreat, when a
most favorable opportunity presented. Although orders
were given for that purpose, unfortunately they were not
executed. Majors Vanhorne and Morrison were associated
with Colonel Miller as field officers in this command, and
were highly distinguished by their exertions in forming the
line, and the firm intrepid manner they led their respective
commands to action."

At the commencement Colonel Miller was thrown from
his horse, and remained on foot through the rest of the
battle; of course the most active part of the command de
volved on Majors Vanhorne and Morrison, who certainly
deserve great credit for their conduct in this affair. The
officers and men generally behaved very well, with the ex
ception only of Captain Sloan of the cavalry, and Capt. A.
F. Hull. The 4th regiment lost ten killed and 32 wounded ;
the Ohio and Michigan militia, 8 killed and 28 wounded.

The British were commanded by Major Muir of the 41st
regiment. His force comprised about four hundred regu
lars and Canadian militia, with a large body of Indians
under Tecumseh. Forty Indians were found dead on the
field; fifteen regulars were killed and wounded, and 4 taken
prisoners; the loss of the Canadian militia and volunteers,
was never ascertained, but as they were in the hottest part
of the action, it must have been great. Muir and Tecumseh
were both wounded.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 93

Colonel Miller sent an express to General Hull with
information of his success, and a request for a supply of
provisions. About ten o'clock at night, Colonel M' Arthur
was ordered, to take a hundred men from his regiment, and
proceed down the river in boats, with 600 rations for Col
onel Miller's detachment, and to bring up the wounded to
Detroit. Colonel M' Arthur immediately applied to David
Baird, the contractor, who was strongly suspected of being
a British agent in disguise, but could not prevail on him to
issue the rations before 2 :00 o'clock in the morning. As
soon as he received them, he embarked in nine boats, and
arrived safe at Colonel Miller's encampment two miles
above Brownstown. He had to pass the Queen Charlotte
and brig Hunter in the river, but in consequence of a heavy
rain they did not perceive him. As soon as he could deliver
the provisions and place the wounded in his boats, he com
menced his return in obedience to his orders; but having
permitted as many of his men as desired, to join Colonel
Miller, his boats were so poorly manned that he had to row
one himself, while it was steered by a wounded soldier. He
had but just left the camp, which was not far below the
head of the island between Maiden and Brownstown, when
signal guns were fired at the former place, and answered
by the Queen Charlotte and Hunter. When the boats ar
rived near the head of the island, those vessels were seen
sailing up, on the other side of the river. The men immed
iately put to shore, and all who were able ran across a
marsh into the woods, leaving the wounded in the boats.
But the energy of the colonel saved them from the enemy ;
he followed his men to the woods, and with some difficulty
prevailed on them to return to their duty. Having a bar
rel of whiskey on board, he invited them to fill their can
teens, while he told them the story of the Indian, who stuck
to his bottle of rum, while descending the falls of Niagara.

94 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

They now proceeded up to a place, where the woods were
nearer to the river, and carried out the wounded, the col
onel encouraging the men by his own exertions. The brig
Hunter, in the meantime, had anchored above the head of
the island, to prevent the boats from ascending the river.
An express was immediately sent to Detroit, to inform the
general of their situation, and for wagons to carry up the
wounded. The colonel, however, having forseen the diffi
culties of the voyage, had previously requested Colonel
Godfrey and Captains Sibhy and Knaggs of the Michigan
militia, to meet him with wagons. They had complied,
and the express soon returned with the pleasing intelli
gence of their approach. The nearest they could come, was
a quarter of a mile above the boats on the bank of the river,
which rendered it necessary to re-embark the wounded and
carry them up in boats. This was done under a constant,
but wholly ineffectual fire from the brig Hunter, which lay
opposite the wagons. Colonel Cass who was always ready
for any service, met them with a detachment, and has
tened down to secure the boats; but the enemy had taken
them before he could arrive.

Colonel Miller had intended to inarch on to the river
Raisin, as soon as he was supplied and relieved of the
wounded; but he was prevented by indisposition; and an
express was sent to General Hull with this information,
and with a request for more provisions. This was a criti
cal moment in the enterprise. It is plain, that Colonel
Miller should have marched on, even if it had been neces
sary to carry him in a litter ; for he was not more than 22
miles from Captain Brush, who had 150 men, and plenty
of provisions. If he had been too sick to proceed in any
manner, one of the other colonels should have been sent in
his place, without waiting for more supplies from Detroit.
The detachment having beaten the enemy, could have

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 95

reached the river Raisin with safety in a day, and without
suffering much for provisions. When Colonel Cass, sev
eral miles below the river De Corce, was informed of Col
onel Miller's situation, he addressed this laconic note to
General Hull : "Sir, Colonel Miller is sick, may I relieve
him? L. Cass." No answer being given to this note, he
returned to Detroit; and Colonel Miller had called a coun
cil of his officers to deliberate on the course he should take,
when an express arrived from the general Avith positive
orders for the detachment to return to Detroit. Thus the
favorable moment for opening the communication with the
river Raisin, was lost for the want of a little energy and
decision. The enterprise was made to miscarry, after the
principal difficulties to be apprehended, had actually been
surmounted. The general is the soul of an army, and if
he had not the requisite qualifications, no matter what
may be the talents of his officers — they will do but little
good. The responsibility of a military commander, like
his power, is unlimited — there is no legal excuse for his
failures but impossibility.

Prom the manner in which our flags had been treated
by the enemy, it was expected, that no more would be sent;
but to the surprise of the whole army, on the 12th a boat
was seen descending with a white flag from Detroit to
Sandwich, where it was known that General Brock had
arrived with the 41st regiment. Colonels M'Arthur, Cass,
and Findley, with some warmth and indignation, immed
iately repaired to headquarters, and inquired of the gen
eral why a flag of truce had been sent to Sandwich. The
general denied having any knowledge of it; and the col
onels then expressed their determination to inquire into the
affair, and have the offender punished. The general seemed
to be somewhat disconcerted, and observed that he would
inquire of Captain Hickman, his volunteer aide, whether he

96 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

had authorized any person to take a flag to the enemy's
camp. He went to the captain, and after a few minutes
returned and said, that Captain Hickman had conversed
with Captain Rough on the subject, but did not wish him
to consider himself permitted to take a flag, but that the
captain had probably considered himself authorized. The
colonels then left their general in disgust, and extended
their inquiries no farther on the subject, but strongly sus
pected his fidelity to the country. He had for several days
been an object of general contempt, having frequently been
intoxicated, and apparently lost to all sense of humor, and
even decency. He was sullen in his deportment and wav
ering in his orders.

A conversation now took place, between the colonels of
the Ohio Volunteers and General J. Taylor, of Kentucky,
respecting the abilities and fidelity of the general. They
were unanimously of the opinion, that if he continued in
the command of the army, it would be surrendered to the
enemy. They came, therefore, to a determination to de
prive him of the command, and solicited Colonel Miller to
assume it. He refused, but declared lie would unite with
them in giving it to M' Arthur. A faint hope remaining,
that they might yet be relieved from the State of Ohio, the
project was abandoned, and Colonel Cass immediately ad
dressed the following letter to the governor of Ohio:

"Detroit, August 12, 1812.

"Dear Sir — From causes not fit to be put on paper, but
which I trust I shall live to communicate to you, this army
lias been reduced to a critical and alarming situation. We
have wholly left the Canadian shore, and have abandoned
the miserable inhabitants, who depended on our will and
our power to protect them, to their fate. Unfortunately
the general and our principal officers could not view our
situation and our prospects in the same light. That Mai
den might easily have been reduced, I have no doubt.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 97

That the army were in force and in spirits enough to have
done it, no one doubts. But the precious opportunity has
fled; and, instead of looking back, we must now look for
ward. The letter from the secretary of war to you, a copy
of which I have seen, authorizes you to preserve and keep
open the communication from the State of Ohio to Detroit.
It is all important that it should be kept open; our very
existence depends upon it. Our supplies must come from
our State. This country does not furnish them. In the
existing state of things, nothing but a large force of 2,000
men at least, will effect the object. It is the unanimous
wish of the army, that you should accompany them. Every
exertion that can, must be made. If this reaches you
safely by Murray, he will tell you more than I can or ought
here to insert. I am, etc., "Lewis Cass."

This letter having been written and shown to the other
officers, they were induced from the appearance of the
British in the meantime at Sandwich, to add the following
endorsement :

"Since the other side of this letter was written, new
circumstances have arisen. The British force is opposite,
and our situation has nearly reached its crisis. Believe
all the bearer will tell you. Believe it, however, it may
astonish you; as much as if told by one of us. Even a
c * * * is talked of by the * * * ! The bearer will sup
ply the vacancy. On you we depend.

Signed by
Cass, Findley, M' Arthur, Taylor and E. Brush.

The intention was, if Governor Meigs could arrive in
time to relieve them, to divest General Hull of the com
mand and confer it on the governor, who had the confidence
of the army.

Major Denny now evacuated the fortification at Gowies,
having previously set fire to the works, which unfortunate
ly communicated to the house and burned it down. On
the 13th the British were seen marching up from Sandwich

98 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

to a place opposite Fort Detroit, within point-blank shot
of our batteries ; yet the general would not suffer Lieuten
ants Dalaby and Anderson to fire on them with our 24
pounders, and they were permitted unmolested to erect
their batteries opposite Detroit.

On the evening of the 14th, a detachment of 300 men,
was sent under the command to two colonels, M' Arthur
and Cass, to endeavor again by a circuitous route to open
the communication Avith the river Raisin. Colonel MJ Ar
thur remonstrated against sending them without pro
visions; upon which the general promised to send provis
ions after them on pack horses, but he failed in the end to
do it. This detachment after marching about 24 miles,
having passed the rivers Rouge and DeCorce some distance,
got into a marsh and could go no farther without pro-
visions. Being still a great distance from the river
Raisin, on account of their circuitous route, a council of
officers were held, which judged it expedient to return.
But in the meantime affairs at Detroit had been brought
to a crisis.

On the morning of the 15th General Hull pitched his
marquee in the centre of the camp with red and blue stripes
painted on its top. This was the first time he had erected
a tent in camp since the 4th of July. It was remarked
with astonishment by every person; and about one o'clock
two British officers arrived from Sandwich with a, flag of
truce, and a letter from General Brock demanding the
surrender of Fort Detroit to His Britannic Majesty's
forces. The following is a copy:

"H. Q. Sandwich, August 15th, 1812.
"Sir — The force at my disposal authorizes me to re
quire of you the surrender of Fort Detroit, It is far from
my inclination to join in a war of extermination ; but you

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 99

must be aware, that the numerous body of Indians, who
have attached themselves to my troops, will be beyond my
control the moment the contest commences. You will
find me disposed to enter into such conditions as will sat
isfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieut. Col.
M'Donnell, and Major Glegg are fully authorized to con
clude any arrangement that may prevent the unnecessary
effusion of blood.

"I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,

"Isaac Brock, Maj. Gen."

"His excellency, Brig. Gen. Hull,
"Commanding at Detroit."

The British were at this time engaged in pulling down
a house opposite Detroit, behind which they had erected
a battery ; and Lieutenants Dalaby and Anderson were bus
ily engaged in completing a battery on our side. When the
troops were informed, that the British had demanded a
surrender of the fort, they laughed at the idea and seemed
to be inspired with new vigor. The general, himself,
seemed to be actuated by contending passions. At one
moment he seemed to be determined to make an obstinate
defense, and save his army from disgrace and his Terri
tory from invasion; then again he would discover symp
toms of the greatest fear and pusillanimity. His conver
sation with his officers was of the most dispiriting nature,
exaggerating the force of the enemy, etc. The absence of
Colonels M7 Arthur and Cass was deeply deplored by the
army, and was a cause of increasing the suspicions against
the general. The threat of the British commander, to let
loose the Indians to massacre and exterminate the peo
ple, excited the most indignant contempt towards a nation,
which pretending to be civilized, could associate with
savages in a war of the most horrible nature. General
Hull, after a considerable struggle in his own mind, which

100 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

was observed in the countenance by the British officer,
at last returned the following reply to the demand they
had brought:

"H. Q. Detroit, August 15, 1812.

"Sir — I have received your letter of this date. I have
no other reply to make, than to inform you that I am
ready to meet any force which may be at your disposal,
and any consequences which may result from its execution
in any way you may think proper to use it.

"I avail myself of this opportunity to inform you, that
the flag of truce, under the direction of Captain Brown,
proceeded contrary to the orders, and without the consent
of Colonel Cass, who commanded the troops who attacked
your picket near the river Kanard bridge. I likewise take
the occasion to inform you, that Gowies house, was set on
fire contrary to my orders, and it did not take place till af
ter the evacuation of the fort. From the best information I
have been able to obtain on the subject, it was set on fire
by some of the inhabitants on the other side of the river.
"I am very respectfully your excellency's most obed
ient servant,

Wm. Hull, Brig. Gen.,

Commanding N. W. Army of the United States.
His excellency, Major General Brock, .

Commanding His Britanic Majesty's forces in
Upper Canada."

This letter being written and delivered to the British
officers, General Hull immediately retired into the fort
with every appearance of alarm; and no sooner had they
landed in Sandwich, than the British armed vessels ap
peared in sight, and the battery on the opposite shore began
to play upon the fort. The fire was returned from our
batteries and the fort, and one of the enemy's guns was
silenced in a few minutes. As soon as the firing com
menced, all the troops, except Colonel Findley's regiment,
were crowded into the fort and posts assigned to as many

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 101

as could be employed. Colonel Findley was stationed
three hundred yards from the fort on the northwest.

Previous to the opening of the batteries, Brigade
Major Jessup and Quartermaster Dugan, rode down the
river to Springwells to view the enemy at Sandwich ; and
from the position of the Queen Charlotte, they condiid-ed:
that the enemy intended to effect a landing at that place.
Having ascertained a position for a battery, whi<;h ^uld
be secure from the fire of her guns, the major returned
to headquarters, and requested that a 24-pounder might
be sent down to sink that vessel. The general told him,
that he had consulted his artillery officers, and they were
of opinion, that a bridge over which it must pass, was not
strong enough to bear the weight of a 24-pounder. The
major informed him that there was plenty of timber near
it, to make it stronger; to which remark the general made
no reply. Major Jessup then returned to the Springwells,
where he found Captain Snelling with a few men and a
brass 6-pounder. Observing that the principal part of
the British forces were at Sandwich, he returned again
to General Hull and requested permission to cross the
river with 150 men, and spike the enemy's cannon on the
battery opposite Detroit. The general said he could not
spare that number. He then asked for one hundred, in
which he was joined by Captain Snelling. The general
replied "I will think of it." The enemy still kept up a
constant fire from the battery; from which they did not
desist until 10 o'clock at night; and at daylight next
morning, the 16th, they commenced again, but their fire had
very little effect. Our batteries returned it with prompti
tude till near 11 o'clock, having in the meantime silenced
two of their guns.

The British had by this time effected a landing at
Springwells with their whole force, consisting of about

102 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

thirty royal artillerists, 300 regulars, 400 militia, and
about 600 Indians, with three 6, and two 3-pounders.
They advanced towards the fort without any opposition,
the militia and regulars being on the margin of the river,
and the Indians next the woods on the west of the town.
When they had arrived within three-quarters of a mile
from the fort, two 24-pounders loaded with grape shot,
were levelled at them under the direction of Captain
Forsythe and Lieutenant Anderson; but just as the artil
lerists were applying the matches, Captain Dyson the
senior officer of the artillery, came up and drew his sword,
and swore that the first man who attempted to fire on the
enemy* should be cut to pieces.

General Hull had taken refuge on the east side of the
fort under the wall, where he was sure the balls of the
enemy could not hit him — yet he seemed to be stupified
and nearly torpid with fear. A ball from the British
battery, which now kept up a constant fire, struck in the
fort and killed Captain Hanks, Lieutenant Sibley, and Doc
tor Reynolds, and wounded Doctor Blood. Another passed
through the gate and killed two soldiers in the barracks.
Two men were also killed on the outside. The general had
crowded so many men into the fort, together with the
women and children, who had come there for protection,
that it was almost impossible for a ball to strike in the fort,
without killing some person. Very little injury, however,
was experienced from the shells of the enemy; though
well directed, they generally burst too soon.

Under these circumstances, which excited in the gen
eral the most terrible apprehensions, an officer of the
Michigan militia came into the fort and inquired whether
General Hull expected Colonel Brush to defend the city
with two or three hundred men? He stated that the
British forces were at the lanyard below the town, upon

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 103

which information General Hull stepped into a room in
the barracks, and returning in a few minutes, handed a
note to his son, who immediately hoisted a white flag on
a pike staff, and inquired whether he could say anything in
addition to the note — being answered in the negative he
went out and proceeded to meet General Brock. When
he returned from the enemy, he was accompanied by Col
onel M'Donnell and Major Glegg. It was now evident to
every person that the general had tendered a capitulation ;
and white flags in the meantime being hoisted on the walls
in different places, the firing from the British batteries
was discontinued. General Hull now called upon General
Taylor, of Kentucky, Major Jessup, and several others,
to assist in drawing up the articles of capitulation ; but
they all indignantly refused their assistance. However,
the business was soon arranged between the general and
the British officers; who then immediately returned to
the tanyard, where the British forces had halted. Our
troops in the meantime were ordered to stack their arms;
Colonel Findley with his regiment being ordered into the
fort for the same purpose. It is impossible to describe
the indignation which was felt and expressed by the offi
cers on this occasion. The men very generally shed tears,
and the common expression as they indignantly dashed
down their arms, often breaking them to pieces, was
"damn such a general."

The Indians soon began their devastations by killing
the cattle and sheep in the commons. About 12 o'clock
the British forces with General Brock at their head
marched into the fort; the Americans were inarched out,
and put into an adjoining garden ; the American flag was
pulled down, and the British hoisted in its place. The
firing of their cannon, with the yelling of the savages, and
the discharging of their guns in the air, closed the scene

104 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and proclaimed their joy at their success. The following
are the articles of capitulation :

"Camp at Detroit, August 16, 1812.
"Capitulation for the surrender of Fort Detroit, en
tered into between Major General Brock, commanding His
Britannic Majesty's forces on the one part, and Brigadier
General Hull, commanding the northwestern army of the
United States, on the other part :

"1. Fort Detroit with all the troops, regulars as well
as militia, will be immediately surrendered to the British
forces under the command of Major General Brock, and
will be considered prisoners of war, with the exception of
such of the militia of the Michigan Territory as have not
joined the army.

"2. All public stores, arms, and all public documents,
including everything else of a public nature, will be im
mediately given up.

"3. Private persons and property of every description
will be respected.

"4. His excellency, Brigadier General Hull, having
expressed a desire that a detachment from the State of
Ohio, on its way to join the army, as well as one sent from
Detroit, under the command of Colonel M' Arthur shall
be included in the above capitulation, it is accordingly
agreed to ; it is, however, to be understood, that such part
of the Ohio militia as have not joined the army will be
permitted to return to their homes, on condition that they
will not serve during the war. Their arms, however, will
be delivered up, if belonging to the public.

"5. The garrison will march out at the hour of 12
o'clock this day, and the British forces will take imme
diate possession of the fort.

"J. M'Donnell, Lt. Col. Mil. P. A. D. C.
"J. B. Glegg, Maj. A. D. C.
"J. Miller, Lt, Col. 4th Regt. U. S. Inft.
"E. Brush, Col. 1st Regt. Mich. Mil."
"Approved :

"Win. Hull, Brig. (Jen. Com. N. W. Army.
"Isaac Brock, Maj. Gen."

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 105

To these articles, two additional ones were added, to
which General Brock says, "certain considerations induced
him to agree." They were not known to the troops at the
time.

"Detroit, August 16th, 1812.

"It is agreed, that the officers and soldiers of the Ohio
militia, shall be permitted to proceed to their respective
homes, on this condition, that they are not to serve during
the present war, unless they are exchanged.

"Wm. Hull, Brig. Gen.
"Isaac Brock, Maj. Gen."

The other additional article places the Michigan mili
tia and volunteers under Major Wetherell on the same
principles with the Ohio militia.

Colonel M' Arthur, with his detachment, being ignorant
of these transactions, was hastening back, with all possible
dispatch ; having had no provisions except a few green
pumpkins and potatoes from Friday morning till Sunday
evening, when he arrived within a mile of the fort, he was
informed of its surrender, and immediately ordered his
men back to the river Rouge. There he found an ox, which
being killed and divided among his men was eaten half raw.
After some consultation with his officers, he sent Captain
Mansfield with a flag of truce to the fort. On his way he
was robbed of his horse and his arms by the Indians, and
in the evening returned to the detachment, in company
with Majors Dixon and Givens of the British army.
Captain Elliott arrived about the same time and handed
Colonel M' Arthur the articles of capitulation. The colonel
struck his sword in the ground and broke it to pieces, while
tears of indignation stood in his eyes. The detachment
then marched to the fort, and stacked their arms in the
citadel. Colonels M' Arthur and Cass both remonstrated
against surrendering rifles, which were private property,

106 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

but without success. They then observed, that they had
already surrendered the muskets, or they would contend
for the rifles.

While the troops were stationed in the ordnance yard,
the British guard pulled off their knapsacks, and took
their knives from their scabbards; the Indians at the same
time being employed in robbing the citizens of their prop
erty and taking the horses from the dragoons.

Several pieces of brass cannon, which had been sur
rendered on the 16th of August, '76, by Colonel Baum to
the American General Stark, were viewed with the great
est pleasure by the British officers, some of whom saluted
them with kisses.

The troops who had surrendered in the fort, were es
corted by the British guards to their vessels, which were
lying in the river, and being stowed aboard, they were
floated down to Springwells. The Michigan militia were
liberated. Colonel M'Arthur's detachment was embarked
next morning and they all descended the river, the 4th
regiment being destined for Quebec, and the militia for the
State of Ohio, in which they were landed at different places
on the shores of Lake Erie. They returned home dejected
and spiritless, the issue of the campaign having proved so
very different from the anticipations with which they
commenced it. General Hull being landed from Lake
Erie, made the best of his way to Massachusetts, his former
place of residence, consigned to eternal infamy, with the
curses of his country lowering over his head.

To prove that the fort \vas not surrendered for the want
of ammunition and provisions, it is only necessary to state
the facts, on the authority of private and official informa
tion. For the 24-pounders, there \vere six hundred rounds
of fixed ammunition, prepared for use, of which two hun
dred were grape shot; the same quantity was ready for the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 107

6-pounders, and two hundred rounds for the 4-pounders.
The number of shells was very considerable. For the mus
kets seventy-five thousand cartridges were made up, be
sides twenty-four rounds apiece in each man's box. In the
magazine there were sixty barrels of powder, and one hun
dred and fifty tons of lead. In the contractor's store there
was at least twenty-five day's provisions, and in the Terri
tory a considerable quantity of wheat, and a sufficiency of
windmills to grind it. To this stock might have been added
Captain Brush's escort of one hundred and fifty horse loads
of flour, and three hundred beeves at the river Raisin.
The whole would have enabled the fort to stand a siege, if
the enemy had been strong enough to besiege it, until the
governor of Ohio could have relieved them. But cowardice
had conspired with fate to produce a different result.

There were nearly two thousand four hundred stands
of arms surrendered to the enemy, besides those in the
arsenal ; and the following is the British official return of
the ordnance:

Iron Brass

9 24 pounders 3 6 pounders

5 9 ditto 4 2 ditto

j*_6 ditto 3 1 ditto

17 iron pieces 1 8-inch howitzer

j|2 brass pieces _!_ 5 J do. do.

29 total 12 brass pieces

Prom this account of the arms surrendered; from the
preceding statement of the British force, and from the de
scription of troops which composed each army, it is abund
antly evident, that the American force under General Hull,
was at least doubly as efficient as that to which he surren
dered; and in addition to this great superiority of force,
he had the advantage of a strong fortress which might have
been defended against numbers vastly superior.

108 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

If General Hull had made a bold and vigorous attack
upon Maiden, when he first crossed into Canada, though he
had even then lost much precious time, there cannot be a
doubt, but that the fort would have surrendered without
much loss on our part, and all the British forces in that
quarter would have fallen into our hands. But it is doubt
ful whether the British, having the command of the Lake,
would not have soon compelled him to abandon it. Fortifi
cations might have been erected on the island of Bois
Blanc opposite Maiden, which would have commanded the
river Detroit still more effectually ; but it would have been
very expensive to maintain an army there, sufficient with
these advantages only, to hold the country against the com
mand of the lake, the importance of which had been duly
appreciated by the British government. The fall of Mai
den, however, would doubtless have awed the savages, into
a temporary neutrality at least, which would have greatly
relieved our frontier settlements.

The administration of the general government exhibited
great want of foresight in sending General Hull to Canada,
without having taken the necessary measures to obtain the
command of Lake Erie: and, unless it had been determined
to hold Upper Canada, during the war at least, and thus
to cut off all communication between the British and In
dians, the invasion of that territory was wholly unneces
sary and improper. Although the foregoing account of the
operations of General Hull, clearly proves his incapacity
to conduct any species of warfare, yet we ought not to con
ceal the errors of others in relation to the affairs he had
to manage. It is a fact that General Hull, while governor
of Michigan, previous to his being appointed a brigadier in
the army, and as early as the 6th of March, 1812, in a
memorial which he laid before the war department, did sug
gest the propriety of having a superior naval force on Lake

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 109

Erie, as an auxiliary in the reduction of Upper Canada,
without which it would be impossible to effect that object;
and he pointed out the various difficulties which must at
tend a different course. In another communication on the
llth of April, after he had received his appointment in the
army, he recommended in strong and explicit terms, the
erection of a navy on the lakes. The United States had
then but one old transport vessel on Lake Erie, which was
repairing, and was not even launched for a month after
the declaration of war. He represented to the government,
that unless the northwestern army was strengthened by
addition to its numbers, and followed by detachments to
keep open the communication, and insure supplies from the
State of Ohio ; and without the aid of a superior naval force
on Lake Erie, it would be impossible for that army to carry
on offensive operations in Upper Canada, or even to main
tain its position at Detroit. But the war department dis
regarded these suggestions, and expected General Hull to
get command of the lakes, with the forces placed at his dis
posal. Nothing could be more chimerical, unless General
Dearborn had been ready to co-operate with a powerful
army on the Niagara strait. By the capture of Maiden,
with all the British forces in that quarter, and by an effi
cient invasion at the same time from Niagara so as to cut
off the communication of the British with Lake Erie and
the upper country, the objects of the government might
have been effected, without the expense of a navy on Lake
Erie. But General Dearborn was not even ready to make
an attempt at invasion, before the unfortunate affair at
Queenstown on the 12th of October. While Hull was in
vading Upper Canada he was lying at his ease at Green-
bush, and on the 9th of August he concluded an armistice
with the governor-general of the Canadas, wThich was not
to extend above Fort Erie on the Niagara. This measure

110 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

was proposed by Governor Prevost, in consequences of in
telligence that the orders in council were repealed. By
excluding General Hull from the benefit of this arrange
ment, his opponent, General Brock, would have been able in
a short time to bring all the British forces against him.
This forms no excuse, however, for the surrender of Detroit,
for the armistice below was unknown to General Hull, till
he was informed of it after the capitulation by General
Brock. In this instance General Dearborn acted very im
prudently, in suffering himself to be lulled by an armis
tice, which was disapproved by the President, when it was
his duty to co-operate with the northwestern army, by
threatening an invasion at least, which would prevent Gen
eral Brock from pressing with all his force against Hull.
Thus, in the catalogue of our early failures, we discover
many blunders and causes of miscarriage, besides those for
which the commander of the northwestern army has to
answer.

No sooner was General Brock in full possession of De
troit, than he issued the following proclamation:

"Whereas, the Territory of Michigan was this day ceded
by capitulation to the arms of His Britannic Majesty, with
out any other condition than the protection of private prop
erty, and wishing to give an early proof of the moderation
and justice of the government, I do hereby announce to all
the inhabitants of the said Territory, that the laws hereto
fore in existence shall continue in force, until His Majesty's
pleasure be known or so long as the peace and safety of the
said territory will admit thereof. And I do hereby also
declare and make known to the inhabitants, that they shall
be protected in the full exercise and enjoyment of their
religion, of which all persons both civil and military will
take notice, and govern themselves accordingly. All per
sons having in their possession, or having any knowledge of
any public property, shall forthwith deliver in the same.
Officers of the militia will be held responsible that all arms

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 111

in the possession of the militiamen, be immediately deliv
ered up, and all individuals whatever, who have in their
possession arms of any kind, will deliver them up without
delay. Given under my hand at Detroit, 16th of August,
1812, and in the 52nd year of His Majesty's reign.

"Isaac Brock, G. C."

This proclamation was executed in a few days, by the
delivery or seizure of all the arms in the hands of the citi
zens, whether public or private property. Having garri
soned Detroit with 250 men, the general left it under the
command of Colonel Proctor, and retired to Maiden, where
he learned that the President of the United States had dis
approved of the armistice negotiated with General Dear
born, and that preparations would be made to invade
Canada on the Niagara strait. The greater part of his
troops were in consequence sent down to Forts George and
Erie, to which places he soon followed them, having prev
iously planned an expedition to be conducted by Major
Muir against Fort Wayne.

In concluding nay account of this disastrous campaign,
it may not be amiss to state the final result in relation to
General Hull. He requested an investigation of his con
duct, and a court-martial was ordered by the Executive of
the United States, of which General Dearborn was presi
dent. This court met on the 3rd of January, 1814, in the
city of Albany, New York, before which General Hull ap
peared, and was charged witli two crimes: 1st, Treason;
2nd, Cowardice. He plead not guilty. The court after a
patient and impartial investigation finally pronounced
their decision on the 26th of March. They acquitted him
on the charge of treason, as not properly coming before
them; but found him guilty of cowardice, and sentenced
him to be shot to death ; at the same time they recommended
him to the mercy of the President, on account of his age and

112 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

his revolutionary services. The President approved the
sentence on the 25th of April, and remitted its execution.
On the same day the following general order was issued :

"Washington City, April 25th, 1814.
"The rolls of the army are to be no longer disgraced by
having upon them the name of Brigadier General Win.
Hull. The general court martial, of which General Dear
born is president, is hereby dissolved.
"By order of

"J. B. Walbaeh, Adjt. Gen."

CHAPTER III.

PROCEEDINGS AT CHICAGO — ORGANIZATION AND MARCH OF
TROOPS FROM KENTUCKY AND OHIO — SIEGE AND
RELIEF OF FORT WAYNE — MOUNTED EX
PEDITIONS, ETC.

General Hull being warned by the fate of Mackinaw,
thought proper about the last of July, to send an express
by way of Fort Wayne to Captain Heald, who commanded
at Fort Dearborn, near the mouth of Chicago river, at the
southwest extremity at Lake Michigan, with orders to dis
mantle the fort, and deliver to the Indians in that neigh
borhood, all the public property of his possession, which
he could not bring away. Captain Wells, who lived at
Fort Wayne, volunteered his services, with the aid of about
fifty Miami Indians, to bring away the garrison with the
women and children. He set out from Fort Wayne about
the 3rd, and arrived at Chicago on the 12th of August.
For several days a large number of Potawatamies, and
Winebagoes had been encamped round the fort, but most
of them professed to be friendly. Tecumseh and the Brit
ish kept up a regular correspondence by runners with those
Indians, who were waiting to hear the result of the con
test about Maiden before they would join either side.

On the 14th, Captain Heald distributed the public stores
among the different tribes, with which they were much
pleased. In the evening of the same day, Mr. Griffith, who
acted as an interpreter and trader at the fort, was informed
by a chief whose name was Black Patridge, that "leaden

113

114 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

birds had been singing in Ids ears," and that they ought to
be careful on the march they were going to take. From
his suggestion, it was evident that the Indians had been
holding councils on the subject of commencing hostilities.
Their number in the neighborhood of the fort now
amounted to five or six hundred.

On the morning of the 15th at sunrise, the troops, con
sisting of about seventy men, with some women and chil
dren, marched from the fort, with the pack horses in the
centre, and Captain Wells with his Indians in the rear.
They had proceeded about a mile from the fort, when the
front guard was fired on by the savages, who were posted
behind a sandbank on the margin of the lake, and in a
skirt of woods which the party was approaching, the rest
of the country around them being an open prairie. At the
same time they saw a body of Indians passing to their rear,
to cut off their retreat to the fort. The firing now became
general, and the troops seeing nothing but death and mas
sacre before them, formed in line of battle, and returned
the fire of the enemy with much bravery and success, as
they slowly retreated into the prairie. The Indians made
several desperate efforts to rush up and tomahawk them;
but every charge was repulsed by the firmness of the troops,
who fought with desperation, determined to sell their live&
as dear as possible. Captain Wells being killed, his In
dians retired from the party and joined the others. Sev
eral women and children were also killed ; and our ranks
were at last so reduced, as scarcely to exceed 20 effective
men, yet they continued resolute, and stuck together, re
solved to fight while one remained able to fire. But the
Indians now withdrew some distance, and sent a small
French boy to demand a surrender. The boy Avas Captain
Heald's interpreter, who had run off to the Indians at the
commencement of the action. He advanced cautiously,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 115

and Mr. Griffith, who was aftenvards a lieutenant in a com
pany of spies, in Colonel Johnson's regiment from Ken
tucky, advanced to meet him, intending to kill him for his
perfidy. But the boy declared that it was the only way
he had to save his life, and appeared sorry that he had been
obliged to act in that manner. He then made known his
business; the Indians proposed to spare the lives of our
men, provided they would surrender. The proposal being
made known to the surviving soldiers, they unanimously
determined to reject it. The boy returned with this answer
to the Indians, but in a short time he came back and en
treated Mr. Griffith to use his influence with Captain
Heald, to make him surrender, as the Indians were very
numerous. The captain, his lady, and Mr. Griffith were
all wounded. He at last consented to surrender, and the
troops having laid down their arms, the Indians advanced
to receive them ; and, notwithstanding their promises they
now perfidiously tomahawked three or four of the men.
One Indian Avith the fury of a demon in his countenance,
advanced to Mrs. Heald with his tomahawk drawn. She
had been accustomed to danger; and, knowing the temper
of the Indians, with great presence of mind, she looked him
in the face, and smiling, said : "Surely you will not kill a
squaw."

His arm fell nerveless ; the conciliating smile of an inno
cent female, appealing to the magnanimity of a warrior,
reached the heart of the savage and subdued the barbarity
of his soul. He immediately took the lady under his pro
tection. She was the daughter of General Samuel Wells,
of Kentucky. The head of Captain Wells was cut off; and
his heart was cut out and eaten by the savages.

The Indians having divided their prisoners as usual in
such cases, it was the fate of Captain Heald, his1 lady and
Mr. Griffith, to be taken by the Ottawas on the lake beyond

116 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the mouth of the river St. Joseph. Their wounds being
severe, they looked upon destruction as inevitable; but
heaven often smiles when we least expect it. Griffith had
observed a canoe, which was large enough to carry them ;
and they contrived to escape in it by night. In this frail
bark they traversed the lake 200 miles to Mackinaw, where
the British commander afforded them the means of return
ing to the United States.

The attack on the garrison of Chicago was caused by
intelligence received from Tecumseh. On the night prev
ious to the evacuation of the fort, a runner had arrived with
information from Tecumseh, that Major Vanhorne had
been defeated at Brownstown, that the army under Hull
had returned to Detroit, and that there was every prospect
of success. This intelligence decided the Indians in that
quarter to join the British side, and they resolved to remain
no longer inactive.

After reading the above narrative, which is a plain, un
varnished statement of facts, furnished by an eye witness,
what must we think of the British government and its
agents, who could thus instigate the sanguinary savage of
the forest to deeds of ingratitude, perfidy, and murder?
How low must we estimate the civilization of those, who
could court the alliance of these barbarians in war, at the
same time knowing, encouraging, and proclaiming to the
world, their ruthless mode of warfare, and paying them a
graduated price for the scalps of men, women, and chil
dren? I appeal to my countrymen and to the world to say,
whether the vengeance of the American people ought not to
be hurled alike against these fiends of the forest and their
British associates and instigators? And what kind of an
American is he, let me ask, who can defend and justify the
conduct of the British government, when all these transac
tions are known and well authenticated to him?

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 117

The various advantages now gained by the allies, includ
ing their capture of the whole army at Detroit, completely
fixed nearly all the Indians in the British interest. Very
few remained friendly towards the United States; and
those who did, were threatened with war and extermina
tion. Our old friend, the Little Turtle, had died in the
summer, and most of his nation had joined the enemy.
The plans of Tecumseli appeared to be in a successful train
of completion, and the siege of Forts Wayne and Harrison
at the same moment, as the principal remaining obstacles,
in the way of driving the white inhabitants over the Ohio
river, were resolved on by his followers. The Potawa-
taniies and Ottawas were to be assisted in the siege of Fort
Wayne by the British under Major Muir ; while the Wine-
bagoes and that part of the Mianiies who had determined
on hostility, were to take Fort Harrison if possible by
stratagem. The first of September was as early as they
could be ready for action ; and about that time they agreed
to make simultaneous attacks on those forts, which they ac
cordingly carried into execution; but fortunately, Tecum
seli and the British were delayed at Maiden till the 115th
of September, before they could march to join the party
at Fort Wayne.

In the meantime the most active preparations were
making in the States of Ohio and Kentucky to prosecute
the war Avith renewed vigor. The governor of Ohio, as
soon as he had been informed of the dangerous situation
of Hull's army, had immediately ordered the remaining
portion of the detached militia of his State, amounting to
twelve hundred men, to be embodied and inarched to
Urbana under the command of Brigadier General Tupper.
The secretary of war had also previously called on Gover
nor Scott of Kentucky for fifteen hundred men, including
the regulars enlisted in that State, to reinforce the north-

118 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

western army. Early in May the governor of Kentucky, in
obedience to instructions from the war department, had
organized ten regiments, amounting to five thousand five
hundred men, as the quota of that State, under the act of
Congress for detaching one hundred thousand militia for
the service of the United States. All of these regiments
had been filled by volunteering, the citizens of Kentucky
having eagerly joined the standard of their country as soon
as she called for men.

The regiments of volunteers, which had been organized
on the north side of Kentucky river, under the command of
Colonels John M. Scott, Wm. Lewis and John Allen were
ordered into service, under the requisition made by the war
department. The 17th United States' regiment, under Col
onel Samuel Wells, late General Wells of the militia, who
had fought in the battle of Tippecanoe, was to march with
this detachment. They were ordered to rendezvous at
Georgetown, in Scott county, on the 15th of August, where
Brigadier General John Payne, of Scott, was to receive the
command. When the whole assembled, they amounted to
more than 2,000 men, there having been a regiment of vol
unteers ordered to march, above the number required by the
government. The patriotic zeal of the citizens of Ken
tucky was never more conspicuous than on this occasion.
The ranks were filled with the most respectable citizens;
the most promising young men in the country, the most
intelligent, the most wealthy, had eagerly enrolled them
selves for service. Many of the officers were men of the
highest standing for talents and integrity. Colonel John
Allen, who commanded a rifle regiment, was surpassed
by none, in his qualifications as an attorney at the bar of
Kentucky, and in his estimable qualities and virtues as a
private citizen. Major Martin D. Hardin of the same reg
iment, the intimate friend of the colonel, stood also in the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 119

first ranks as a lawyer and a private citizen. He was
shortly afterwards appointed Secretary of State by Gov
ernor Shelby, who succeeded Governor Scott, in the latter
part of this month. Major George Madison was Auditor
of Public Accounts, and was held in the highest estimation
by his countrymen. He had fought and bled in St. Claire's
defeat, and had served his country in many other expe
ditions against the Indians. Colonels Scott and Lewis
were also experienced officers in Indian warfare, and high
ly esteemed as private citizens. John Simpson, Esq., a
captain in the rifle regiment, had been speaker of the house
of representatives in Kentucky, and was now elected a rep
resentative in Congress. There was indeed no part of this
corps of volunteers, in which citizens of the first respec
tability were not to be found — all ready to meet the hazards
and privations of an arduous and perilous campaign, in
defense of their country's rights. In noticing individuals
in this place, I must not, however, pass by the Reverend
Samuel Shannon, who accompanied Colonel Scott's regi
ment as chaplain. This venerable divine, in the early part
of the revolution, had left Princeton college, where he was
then a student, to enter as a lieutenant into the revolu
tionary army, in which he served, except when a prisoner,
to the termination of the war. At an advanced age, he now
stepped forward again in defense of his country. He in
structed the young soldier in his duties, and animated him
by his own zeal, and by placing before him the former in
dignities of the British, and the many heroic achievements
of the revolution. He was a plain old gentleman, but his
piety, his patriotism, and his politics, were of the most
genuine description.

Early on the 16th of August, the troops were paraded
and reviewed by Governor Scott, whose appearance alone
was sufficient to inspire them with sentiments of courage

120 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and patriotism. The remembrance of his revolutionary ser
vices, and his former campaigns against the Indians, to
gether with the dignity of his appearance and his venerable
age, spoke more to the feelings of these intelligent men,
than the most eloquent language could have conveyed.

After ten o'clock they were paraded again, and ad
dressed by the Reverend James Blythe, principal of the
Transylvania University, in a short and appropriate ser
mon. The honorable Henry Clay then addressed them
with his usual eloquence, and painted in lively colours, the
honor which belongs to the volunteer soldier, fighting to
defend the rights of his injured country. At the very
moment, when General Hull was on this day capitulating
in the most disgraceful manner in Detroit, Mr. Clay was in
this address anticipating the fall of Maiden and the con
quest of Upper Canada. How much at variance, the
treacherous, dastardly deeds of the general, and the ani
mating, patriotic anticipations of the orator !

On the 17th the troops were inspected by Brigade Major
Garrard, an officer well versed in military tactics and dis
cipline; and on the next day they drew two months pay
in advance. They had been induced to expect sixteen dol
lars more in advance, in lieu of the clothing to which they
were entitled ; and some of them expressed dissatisfaction
at riot receiving it. Major Gano, of Colonel Scott's regi
ment paraded his battalion, and to try their patriotism pro
posed to his men, either to go without, and trust to the jus
tice of the government to furnish the clothing hereafter,
or to return home. Six men volunteered to return; they
were furnished with an escort to guard them out of camp
and through the town with appropriate music. This was
a disgrace, which no man of any honor or feeling could have
endured. When arrived at home, some of them were

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 121

treated with so much contempt by their wives, that they
returned to the army and continued to discharge their duty.

While the troops lay at Georgetown, an appropriate
address from the general was circulated in camp, and on
the 19th they marched for Newport and Cincinnati. The
weather was rainy and the roads were deep ; but the men
were in high spirits, expecting to join General Hull at
Maiden or Detroit, and acquire laurels in the conquest of
Upper Canada. On the 24th, they reached Newport, where
the unwelcome news of the surrender of Detroit and the
Michigan territory was received. At first no person could
believe the intelligence. It was so wholly unexpected, that
the highest evidence was required to confirm it. Such evi
dence was soon afterwards received. The effect on the
minds of the men was very dispiriting ; instead of reaping
laurels in Canada, it was now evident, they would have to
contend, with an inferior force, against the progress of the
allies in our own territory. But their ardor and their
spirits soon revived with the idea and the resolution of
acting a conspicuous part in the front of danger. Having
drawn arms and camp equipage on the 25th and 26th, they
crossed the Ohio on the 27th to Cincinnati.

When the news of the surrender of Detroit, spread
through the States of Ohio and Kentucky, it created an ex
citement and indignation as great as the catastrophe was
unexpected. But one sentiment, indeed, pervaded the
western country. Every citizen seemed animated with a
desire to wipe off the disgrace, with which our arms had
been stained ; and to avert the desolation which menaced
the frontiers of Ohio and the western territories. It was
well known, that most of the savage tribes, who had not
previously joined the British standard, but were watching
the course of events, in order to determine what side it
would be best to take, would consider our reverses at Mac-

122 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

inaw, Detroit, and Chicago, as entitling the British arms
to a decided preference, and that they would immediately
commence their depredations on the frontiers which were
exposed at every point.

In the meantime the balance of the detached militia in
Kentucky had been ordered into service. Governor Harri
son, who had fought the battle of Tippecanoe, had been
authorized to take command of all the troops of the In
diana and Illinois Territories, and carry on the war in that
quarter against the Indians; and had also been empowered
by the war department to call on the governor of Kentucky,
for any portion of the contingent of that State which was
not in service. Under this authority he had repaired to
Kentucky, and called for the balance of her troops after
the above regiments had been selected for the northwestern
army, intending to carry an expedition against the hostile
tribes on the Illinois river. He was at Frankfort making
arrangements for their march, when the intelligence was
received that the army under Hull was in a critical sit
uation.

A few days before the actual attack on Detroit by Gen
eral Brock, an express had been sent by General Hull, to
hasten the reinforcement which had been ordered to join
him from Kentucky. By this conveyance several of the
principal officers of the army had written to their friends
in Cincinnati, as well as to the governor of Kentucky, stat
ing their entire want of confidence in their commander, and
their apprehensions of some fatal disaster from his miser
able arrangements and apparent imbecility and cowardice.
These letters also declared it to be the common wish of the
army, that Governor Harrison should accompany the ex
pected reinforcements He was also very popular in Ken
tucky, and was anxiously desired as their commander by
the troops marching from that State to the northwestern

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 123

army. But the authority with which lie had been invested
by the President, did not entitle him to command any
corps, which was not intended for operations in the west
ern territories.

The question of giving Harrison the command of the
detachment on the march from Kentucky for Detroit, pre
sented great difficulties to the mind of Governor Scott,
The motives to make the appointment were numerous. He
had ample testimony of its being the wish of the army at
Detroit, The 4th United States regiment in particular,
which had acquired so much fame at Tippecanoe, under the
command of Harrison, he was assured by an officer of that
corps, were eager to see their old commander again placed
over them. The same desire was felt by the Kentucky
militia; and the citizens echoed their sentiments in every
part of the State. To these may be added his own ardent
attachment to Governor Harrison, and entire confidence
in his fitness for the command. The obstacles in the way
of the appointment were, that Harrison was not a citizen
of Kentucky, the laws of which would not sanction the
appointment of any other to an office in the militia, and
that a major general had already been appointed for the
detached militia, one only being required and admissible
in that corps. Had Governor Scott been capable of shrink
ing from his duty and the responsibility of the occasion, he
might have easily evaded this delicate business, as the day
on which he was deliberating upon it, was the last but one
that he had to remain in office. That he might, however,
neither act unadvisedly, nor appear to assume too much, in
this situation, he determined to ask the advice of the gove**-
nor elect, and such members of Congress, and officers of the
general and State governments, as could be conveniently
collected. At this caucus, composed of Governor Shelby,
the honorable H. Clay, speaker of the house of representa-

124 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

tives in Congress, the honorable Thomas Todd, judge of the
Federal circuit court, etc., it was unanimously resolved to
recomment to Governor Scott, to give Harrison a brevet
commission of major general in the Kentucky militia, apd
authorize him to take command of the detachment now
marching to Detroit; and to reinforce it with another reg
iment which he had called into service, and an additional
body of mounted volunteer riflemen. The governor con
ferred the appointment agreeably to their advice, which
received: the general approbation of the people, and was
hailed by the troops at Cincinnati with the most enthus
iastic joy.

The regiment commanded by Colonel Barbour, when
ordered into service at the call of Governor Harrison was
directed to rendezvous at the Red Banks, with a view of
marching to the aid of Governor Edwards at Kaskaskia in
the Illinois Territory. The regiments of Colonels Wilcox
and Miller were ordered to rendezvous at Louisville, and
on the Ohio below, for the purpose of marching to Vin-
cennes to protect the Indiana Territory. Colonels Barbee
and Jennings were at first ordered to the same place; but
in consequence of the perilous situation of the northwestern
army, they were now directed by express to rendezvous at
Georgetown on the 1st of September, and pursue the other
regiments by the way of Newport and Cincinnati for the
northwestern frontiers. In the regiment of Colonel Jen
nings, the honorable Samuel M'Kee and Thomas Mont
gomery, members of Congress, were serving as privates in
the ranks. They were ready to execute by their personal
sendees in the humblest station, the measures which they
advocated in the Legislature of the Union. The regiment
of Colonel Poague was ordered to rendezvous at Newport,
on its way to the northwestern army; and a regiment of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 125

dragoons under Colonel Simrall was likewise, directed to
proceed for the same destination.

About this time also, the secretary of war ordered fif
teen hundred men from the back parts of the State of Vir
ginia, who were organized and placed by the governor of
that State under the command of General Leftwich. TAVO
thousand men were likewise ordered from the back parts
of Pennsylvania, who were placed by the choice of their
officers under the command of General Crooks. A com
pany of twelve month's volunteers, called the Pittsburgh
blues, and another of Petersburg!! volunteers in Virginia,
were also received into service — the whole from those
States being destined for the northwestern army.

General Harrison appointed the honorable R. M. John-
son, Win. S. Hunter, and John Logan. Esq., his aides, and
made some other preparatory arrangements before he pro
ceeded to Cincinnati to enter on his command. Informa
tion of these proceedings was also transmitted to the war
department, with a request that he might be confirmed in
the command which he had received from the governor of
Kentucky. About the 25th of August, he published an
address to the people of that State, accompanied by another
from Governor Scott, in which they called for a corps of
five hundred mounted volunteers, to proceed to the north
west without delay. An address was also published on the
same subject by the honorable R. M. Johnson, wjio had
previously distinguished himself in Congress, by his zeal in
the cause of his country. He was directed by General
Harrison to remain a few days at Georgetown, and bring on
such mounted troops as might be raised by the 1st of Sep
tember. Captain John Arnold, who had marched a com
pany to Vincennes in May to aid Governor Harrison, and
who had commanded a spy company, and been in the ad
vance guard, in Wayne's battle with the Indians in '94, now

126 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

raised a company of mounted riflemen, seventy-six strong,
in five days, and rendezvoused on the 1st of September at
Georgetown. Captain James Johnson raised a similar
company in the counties of Scott and Harrison, and went
on two days in advance of the troops who rendezvoused on
the 1st of September.

In consequence of some of the regiments, which had been
intended for Indians, being ordered to the northwest, Gen
eral Harrison thought it advisable, to raise an additional
force for that Territory. In compliance with his request,
Governor Shelby issued a proclamation early in September,
for raising a large corps of mounted volunteers, to repair
immediately to Vincennes. The whole of the Kentucky
troops destined for that quarter were placed under the im
mediate command of General Samuel Hopkins, a venerable
revolutionary officer, who was at this time a member of
Congress. In obedience to the proclamation of the gover
nor, the citizens crowded again to the standard of their
country. To sum up the occurrences of the times in a few
words, it may be said, that the whole State of Kentucky,
was for several weeks a constant scene of military parade.
The most ardent zeal and patriotism prevailed in every
breast. Every person seemed willing to march for the de
fense of the frontiers — the question was not, who will go
—it was, who will stay?

Kentucky thus sent upwards of seven thousand of her
citizens into the field — while they are marching to their
places of destination, to form the armies under Harrison
and Hopkins ; and before we proceed to detail their opera
tions, it will be proper to notice some other transactions by
the executives of Kentucky and the Union. The government
of the United States, being well apprised of the means taken
by the British agents from Canada, to sway the Indians in
their favor, made an attempt as soon as war was declared

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 127

to allay the rising storm. The various tribes of Indians
bordering on our frontiers were invited to a general council
to be held at Piqua on the 15th of August. They were re
quested to bring their families, and kindle a great council
fire; and the most beneficial results were anticipated.
Governor Meigs, Thomas Worthington and Jeremiah Mor
row, Esq., were appointed commissioners. They repaired
to Piqua at the time appointed ; but our disasters and the
intrigues of the British completely defeated the plans of
the government. The Shawanoese brought their families,
the Wyandots of Sandusky, the Mingoes, some Delawares
and Ottawas, and a few Miamies attended. A large body
of Miamies came five miles on this side of Fort Wayne,
where they halted till they received information of the
massacre of the garrison of Chicago, and the surrender of
Mackinaw and Detroit, when they returned and aided the
Potawatamies in the siege of Fort Wayne. Those who at
tended professed great friendship ; but little reliance, how
ever, was placed in many of them, except the Shawanoese
and Wyandots, who still possessed some integrity. They
had been induced to believe that the Americans by inviting
them to bring their women and children, intended to get
them all in their power, and then massacre the whole,

A measure of much greater importance and practicabil
ity than negotiating with the Indians, was now proposed
from another source. Governor Shelby being installed as
the executive of Kentucky, hastened to communicate to the
war department, his views respecting the military affairs of
the western country. Having had much experience in the
revolution and in former Indian wars in this quarter, he
foresaw the disasters which must result from the plan of
having every movement ordered or sanctioned by the war
department before its adoption. He, therefore, recom
mended the appointment of a Board of War, in the western

128 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

country. His advice was not entirely disregarded on this
occasion, and will deserve to be seriously considered by war
ministers in future, who may be disposed to think they can
direct operations on the frontiers, better than the com
manding general, or a Board of War sitting near the scenes
of action. In any war in which the United States may en
gage, if the secretary undertakes to control the general in
minor movements and plans, on a distant frontier, defeats,
disasters, and disgrace will inevitably ensue. The follow
ing is the communication of Governor Shelby :

"Frankfort, Ky., September 5th, 1812.

"Sir — In a government possessing the same extent of
territory as that of the United States, with her inhabitants
scattered and detached, and organized as it is, that energy
cannot be exercised as in governments more compact.

"Impressed with the truth of the preceeding fact, and
being called by my fellow citizens to fill the executive de
partment of the government of this State, and having en
tered on the duties of the important station, I feel it a duty
incumbent on me, to state to you sir, my ideas on the sub
ject of war measures northwest of the Ohio river.

"When the northwestern army, commanded by General
Hull, marched, all western America Avas flattered with the
hope of success; too soon have we experienced a reverse,
and that hope which beamed in every countenance a few
days since, is now followed by astonishment, by mortifica
tion and anxiety, arising from a rapid succession of mis
fortunes, unknown in the annals of our historical events.
The surrender of the fort of Michilimacana and its garrison
—Detroit and the army commanded by General Hull — the
evacuation of Chicago, and the murder of the garrison, on
the way from thence to Fort Wayne, by the Indians, are
distressing facts.

"The Indians, thus elated with success, encouraged and
supported by the British from Canada, will now endeavor
to extend their savage and barbarous devastations along
the extensive frontier of the State of Ohio, and the several
Territories unless checked bv the detachment of militia

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 129

lately ordered from this State by my predecessor, and the
regular troops who have marched under Colonel Wells.
It is believed from information received from various
sources, that the Indians are collecting in force, at several
points from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi river, with
the intent to make vigorous attacks on both the Indiana
and Illinois Territories; and should they be successful in
a direction towards Vincennes, we shall, I fear, for a time
have the Ohio river for a barrier, from the mouth of Ken
tucky to the Junction of Ohio and the Mississippi.

"To regain possession of the posts on the waters of the
Lakes will require time; but, in the meanwhile, to stop the
invasion of the enemy is all important to the welfare of our
common country. It is expected that the troops which
have marched, and are now marching from this State, the
State of Ohio and Indiana Territory, will be so arranged
by Governor Harrison, in whom they have great confidence,
as to protect the great extent of frontier, and to act offen
sively likewise, if properly supplied with the provisions
and other necessaries.

"It is not to be expected from the success our Indian
enemy have met with, and the aid they will receive from the
British, that they will be subdued this campaign ; they are
elated and will act with more vigor, and be more deter
mined than usual. To subdue them is the important que^
tion. The time of the present detachment of militia now
in service, will expire next February; to keep the enemy
in check, it is conjectured their places will be supplied by
troops of a similar description, ready to take the field next
spring at as early a period, as the nature of the country
in which they will have to act, and other circumstances
will justify the measure.

"To march an army at a critical moment to act offen
sively, is an object ever to be desired, and on such move
ments the success of the campaign often depends. So re
mote is the scene of war in western America from the seat
of the general government, and so various are the measures
to be pursued, which are to guide an army to honor and
success, against a subtle, wary enemy, it appears to me
impossible for the President to adopt with certainty, a line

9

130 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

of operations to be observed by any officer, appointed to
command in this section of the United States, however
skillful the commander, and however judicious the arrange
ments may be at the moment when made, circumstances
often occur which render a change necessary. On an
emergency of this kind, to be compelled to have recourse
to the war department, forward a statement of facts, and
receive an answer, will not only greatly retard the move
ments of an army, but may wholly defeat the desired object.

"From the same source other causes may arise, which
will often delay the marching of an army, perplex both
officers and soldiers, have a tendency to disgust men with
the service, and in a long tedious war render it difficult
for the government to call forth those resources, which the
exigency of the case may require.

"The cases here alluded to, will arise from occurrences
which it will be impossible for you to correct in due tinib,
and which have come within my own observation in times
past. Inattention, or any other misconduct, in quarter
masters, contractors, commissaries and paymasters, or
either of them, in the western country, so distant from you,
may produce irremediable misfortune.

"The circumstances which lead me to these reflections,
arise from the delay which took place in marching the first
detachment of the militia from this State, under General
Payne. Notwithstanding the emergency of the case re
quired the utmost promptitude, being intended to succour
General Hull; yet everything necessary for their equip
ment, except arms and ammunition, was purchased and pre
pared after marching orders were issued ; and the dispatch
at last is greatly to be attributed to the exertion of indi
viduals ; nay, even the patriotic spirit of the ladies in mak
ing markees and tents. Although it would have been im
possible for this army, under any arrangement, to have
reached Detroit, in time to have relieved General Hull —
yet, if it had not been detained at Georgetown and Newport,
waiting for the necessary supplies at both places, possibly
by forced marches, the garrison at Chicago might have
been saved.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 131

"I am not disposed to find fault with any arrangement
which has been made, nor with any officer of any depart
ment of the government, yet, when important facts occur
they ought to be made known, and the evil in future pre
vented. When the orders issued for calling into actual
service, three regiments of this State's quota of the 100,000
militia, they were promised two month's pay at the place
of rendezvous. This I am informed was complied with.
In two or three days after these regiments marched from
Georgetown, a requisition was made for the residue of this
State's quota; three regiments of infantry and about 300
cavalry have marched to join General Payne; and three
other regiments have crossed the Ohio below into the In
diana and Illinois Territories. These troops are certainly
entitled to every compensation and equipment, which those
first ordered into service received — yet, I am induced to
believe, they have not received the two month's pay in ad
vance, nor scarcely any other article of equipment to make
them comfortable, and protect them from the inclemency
of the weather, nor hospital stores. Such is the fact as
respected two regiments and the cavalry, that passed this
place. Men who engage for so long a tour as six month*,
are compelled to expend money for necessary articles of
clothing, and the cavalry in considerable addition to that
of the infantry. Many thousand dollars of debts have been
contracted, under a confidence that two months pay in ad
vance would be made to the whole of the militia, when
called into actual service. Both debtors and creditors
have been disappointed, except as to the three first regi
ments, which has occasioned murmurings and discontent —
a circumstance to be regretted, not only as it respects the
soldiers and their creditors, but as to the effect it may have
on a future call of the militia.

"To aid the great objects of the government in arrang
ing and carrying on the necessary war measures, is the duty
of every American citizen ; but more especially is it the duty
of those characters who are selected in the several States,
to carry into effect the executive departments thereof.
Since coming into my present office, I have seriously re
flected on the present situation of our northwestern fron-

132 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

tiers, and am induced to believe, that unless some change
of measures is adopted, the object of the President as con
templated at present, will be defeated, however wisely
planned — much blood be spilt unnecessarily — immense
sums of money improperly spent — and, what I most appre
hend and dread, a dissatisfaction among our citizens to the
great cause, from some of the reasons heretofore assigned.

"To remedy the mischiefs apprehended, I Avill take the
liberty of suggesting to the President, the propriety of ap
pointing a board of respectable characters, resident in the
western country, responsible to him, in any way which it
shall be his pleasure to direct, with power to call into ser
vice, under the laws of Congress, the militia which may be
required, from time to time, from the States of Kentucky,
Ohio, and the Territories of Indiana and Illinois, to direct
their operations either of offense or defense — to require
from the war department all the munitions of war neces
sary for the supply of the troops, and all necessary equip
ments — to have the control over the subordinate agents of
the war department, within the district assigned, and to
make it the duty of the board to report to the department
of war, from time to time, the measures by them adopted.

"A board thus organized, would not fail of success in
all the war measures in this section of the United States;
characters properly selected to such an office, would feel a
prompt desire to promote our common cause; from their
knowledge of the country, they would be able to direct the
necessary operations against the enemy, and whenever
necessary, being in the vicinity of the army, give their ad
vice to the officer commanding, and order out detachments
to his aid, or divert the enemy so as certainly to insure suc
cess in the main enterprise, and secure our frontiers from
savage cruelty and devastation.

"If such a board was now organized, and had the con
trol of the present armament, I would pledge myself the
Indians would have cause to lament this campaign, and
their temerity in joining the British, and deserting the
friendship of the United States. This is not a singular or
novel idea — it is one formerly entertained and practiced
by General Washington, when President of the United

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 133

States, and still adhered to by all men of experience in
this country.

"While I am writing this letter, I have received a dis
patch from Governor Harrison, dated at Piqua, of the sec
ond instant, to which he informs me that General Win
chester is ordered on to take command of the detachment
sent from this State for the relief of General Hull. This
arrangement at once divides the army under Governor
Harrison, and renders either part unequal to any object of
importance, and ruins the fairest prospects of the expedi
tion. It shows, however, in the strongest point of view, the
utility of the plan that I propose, of forming a board of war
measures in the western country, who would have a clear
knowledge of the whole ground before them, and could
project plans against the enemy, which might with cer
tainty be carried into complete effect. Notwithstanding
our late ill-fortune on the lakes, I made great calculations
upon the army under Governor Harrison — had they pro
ceeded rapidly on, it is more than probable he could, with
the force he had, have retaken Detroit with very little loss.
In his army, were many of the most influential and re
spectable citizens of this State, from whom everything was
to be expected, which possibly could be achieved by any
set of men on earth. And I believe had his march not been
interrupted, in a very short time, we should have seen the
flag of the United States, again waving on the bank of
Lake Erie.

"Before I had concluded this letter, information was
received, that a number of families had been killed by the
Indians, on the waters of White river, twelve or fifteen
miles from the Ohio in the Indiana Territory ; and that the
inhabitants thereof, are crossing to this State by hundreds.
Should the Indians attack the Territories of Indiana and
Illinois, in that force which the present situation of our
affairs, as relates to the war against Canada, seems almost
to invite them to, there is no power here to order men out
of this State to their assistance, nor is there the smallest
provision made of arms or ammunition for an expedition,
should it be expedient to carry one into the Indian towns,
to draw them from our frontiers into their own country.

134 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

"I have written yon a long letter; the happiness and
welfare of my country have prompted me to it, and will, I
trust, be a sufficient apology.

"I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant,

"Isaac Shelby."

"The Hon Win. Eustis, Secretary of WTar."

The following is the answer of Mr. Secretary Eustis to
the preceding letter. It indicates the extent of the discre
tionary powers with which General Harrison was en
trusted.

"War Department, September 17, 1812.

"Sir — Your excellency's letter of the 5th inst. has been
received and laid before the President. The intelligence
and patriotism which have dictated the useful information
wrhich you have been pleased to communicate is duly ap
preciated.

"The embarrassments attending the organization, direc
tion, and supplies of any force, with the difficulty of deter
mining the amount, and time which exigencies may require,
at so distant a point from the seat of government have been
sensibly felt. To find an adequate remedy, has engaged
much of the attention of the executive.

"From a board of intelligent, influential, and patriotic
citizens, much useful information, and other essential ad
vantages might be derived. Whether they could be clothed
with the powers suggested, is a question requiring consid
eration. To meet existing emergencies, after consulting
the lawful authority vested in the President, it has been de
termined to vest the command of all the forces on the
western and northwestern frontier in an officer, whose
military character and knowledge of the country, appear
to be combined with the public confidence. General Har
rison has accordingly been appointed to the chief command,
with authority to employ officers, and to draw from the pub
lic stores, and every other practical source, all the means
of effecting the object of his command.

"In the great and unexpected demands created by the
late disasters, it will necessarily happen that deficiences in

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 135

the supplies will be experienced. Every exertion, however,
is making to provide for the troops, the munitions which
they require.

"I have the honor to enclose a copy of requisition made
on Governor Scott — should requisitions be made beyond the
quota assigned to the State of Kentucky, the President is
assured of a prompt co-operation on the part of the execu
tive, under the act of February, 1795.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your
obedient servant,

"Wm. Eustis."

"His excellency, Governor Shelby."

"P. S. — In addition to the supplies ordered from Pitts
burgh, ten thousand pair of shoes, five thousand blankets,
tents, camp equipage, and quartermaster's stores, are on
their way from Philadelphia for the northwestern army.
A part of them at least are on their way, and will be fol
lowed by the remainder without loss of time."

We will now proceed with the operations of the north
western army under Harrison. When he arrived at Cin
cinnati, and took command of the first regiments which
had marched from Kentucky, he immediately issued the fol
lowing general order, whicli will give an idea of the kind of
discipline and tactics, that were practiced on this campaign.

"Headquarters, August 28, 1 812.

"The troops will continue their march in the direction
of Dayton by way of Lebanon, at an early hour on to-mor
row morning.

"The commandants of the several corps will at every
convenient opportunity commence drilling their men to the
performance of the evolutions, contemplated by the com-
mander-in-chief for the order of march and battle. The
principal feature in all these evolutions, is that of a battal
ion changing its direction, by swinging round on its centre.
This, however, is not to be done by wheeling, which by a
large body in the woods, is impracticable. It is to be per
formed thus: The battalion being on its march in a single
rank, and its centre being ascertained, the front division

136 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

comes to the right about, excepting the man in the rear of
that division, who steps two feet to the right; at the same
time the front man of the second division, takes a position
about six feet to the left of the man in the rear of the front
division, and dresses with him in a line at right angles to
the line of march. These two men acting as markers or
guides for the formation of the new alignment, at the word
— 'form the new alignment — march' ; the men of the front,
file round their guide and form in succession on his right.
At the same time the men of the rear division, file up in suc
cession to the left of the guide, and dress in a line with him
and the guide of the front division. This manaeuvre may
be performed by any number of men — by company and
platoon as well as by battalion.

"Wm. H. Harrison,
"Maj. Gen. Commanding."

On the next day the troops marched very early, and on
the morning of the 31st, after they had passed Lebanon a
few miles, and were about 40 from Cincinnati, the general
who had been detained overtook them. To give him an
evidence of their esteem and confidence, as he passed from
rear to front, they saluted him with three cheers. This re
ception was gratifying, as it proved that they would cheer
fully fight under his command ; and such was the ardor of
these volunteers, and their confidence in their general, that
they would have beaten any equal number of the best
British regulars. With the officers of their choice to com
mand them, they would have preferred death on the field of
battle to an ignominious retreat or surrender.

On the 1st of September they arrived at Dayton; and
on the next day as they were marching for Piqua, General
Harrison was overtaken by an express, with a communi
cation from the war department, which informed him, that
he had been appointed a brigadier general in the army of
the United States, on the 22nd of August, and assigned to
the command of all the forces in the Indiana and Illinois

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 137

Territories, with instructions to consult and co-operate
with General Hull, and with Governor Howard of the Mis
souri Territory. In answer to this communication he de
clined accepting the appointment, until he could hear the
determination of the government, after the surrender of
Detroit, and the character in which he was then acting,
had been known at the war department. He also wished
to know how far his acceptance would make him subor
dinate to General Winchester, who was to command the
northwestern army, in the main design of regaining our
lost Territory and taking Maiden. He gave it as his opin
ion, that there was a necessity for having one head in the
western country to direct all the military movements ; and
with regard to the selection of a suitable person, he re
spectfully suggested the advantages which he possessed
over Winchester, in his personal influence in the western
States, and in his perfect knowledge of the country, in
which he had risen from the youngest ensign in the United
States regiment. The importance of possessing the confi
dence of the militia troops, and the impossibility of obtain
ing a correct knowledge of the country from the existing
maps, were also briefly noticed in his answer.

On the 3rd the troops arrived at Piqua, 80 miles from
Cincinnati, and only three from the outside settlements.
Piqua is the Indian name for this place, which is called
Washington by the people of Ohio. It is a little village,
situated on the west bank of the Great Miami. The general
having now ascertained, that Port Wayne was invested by
the neighboring Indians, detached from this place, Colonel
Allen's regiment with two companies from Lewis and one
from Scott's regiments, with instructions to make forced
marches for its relief. A regiment of TOO mounted men,
under the command of Colonel Adams, had also advanced
with the same view, as far as Shane's crossing of the St.

138 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Marys. This corps was composed of the citizens of Ohio,
of all ages and conditions, who had, unsolicited by the gov
ernment, volunteered and organized themselves for the pro
tection of the frontiers, and the relief of Fort Wayne.
Many gentlemen, who held important offices in the State,
and not a few of the most wealthy and respectable citizens
of Cincinnati, were to be found in this regiment. Such,
indeed was the ardor of the citizens to serve in this way,
that every road to the frontiers was crowded with unso
licited volunteers. Their zeal was highly honorable to
themselves, but in the end it proved disadvantageous to the
cause; for they consumed much of the provisions, which
had been accumulated at the outposts by the orders ot
General Hull, the want of which was afterwards severely
felt.

On the evening of the 4th, General Harrison received
further intelligence, that a British and Indian force had
left Maiden on the 18th of August, to join the Indians al
ready at the siege. Having previously been advised that
General Winchester was ordered by the war department,
to take command of the troops destined to reinforce the
northwestern army, he had intended to resign them to him
at Piqua, for which purpose he had written to Winchester
to come on to that place ; but on learning the critical situa
tion of Fort Wayne, lie determined not to wait for Win
chester, but to retain the command till he had relieved the
fort,

Early next day, the 5th of September, he paraded the
remainder of the troops, and delivered them a speech, in
which he stated, that Fort Wayne was in imminent danger,
and tli at it was absolutely necessary to make forced
marches to relieve it. He read several articles of war, pre
scribing the duty of soldiers, and explained the necessity
for such regulations. He then observed, that if there was

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 139

any person, who would not submit to such regulations, or
who was afraid to risk his life in defense of his country, he
might return home, as he did not wish to have any person
with him who was afraid to fight or unwilling to discharge
his duties. One man only said he wished to return, and his
friends having obtained leave as usual to escort him on his
way, he was hoisted on a rail and carried to the Big Miami,
in the w^aters of which they absolved him from the obliga
tions of courage and patriotism, and then gave him leave
of absence.

The troops were detained here till the 6th for want of
flints, a very small, yet indispensable article. On that day
they marched, leaving the greater part of their clothes aiid
heavy baggage at Piqua, and overtook Colonel Allen's regi
ment early on the 8th at St. Mary's river, where an express
from the general had overtaken him with orders to halt and
build some block houses, for the security of provisions and
the protection of the sick. This place is commonly known
by the name of Girty's town. The men were here put ou
half rations, but any one who did not like such fare had
leave to remain at the block houses. Major R. M. Johnson
arrived on the evening of the same day, with a corps of
mounted volunteers, consisting of the companies of Cap
tains Arnold and Johnson, and a company from Mason
county, under the command of Captain Ward. The army
was now about two thousand two hundred men strong.

While the troops were at Piqua, Mr. Johnson the Indian
agent, at the request of General Harrison, had procured
some Shawanoe Indians to go down to the mouth of the
Anglaize, the site of old Fort Defiance, and examine
whether any British force had passed up to the siege of
Fort Wayne. A Shawanoe half blood, by the name of
Logan, who had received his name in consequence of his
having been taken prisoner when a boy, by General Logan,

140 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

in an excursion from Kentucky, had also been sent by the
agent, to ascertain the situation of the fort. He was an
Indian of great merit, and a chief warrior in his tribe. He
was about six feet high and robust, with broad shoulders
and a prominent forehead. He was much attached to Gen
eral Harrison and a warm friend to our cause, which he
promoted by acting as a guide and a spy for our army. On
his trip to Fort Wayne, he eluded all the vigilance of the
enemy, got into the fort, and returned with the information
of its being beseiged. He also brought intelligence, that
Stephen Johnson, a brother to the Indian agent, had been
killed in sight of the fort, while attempting to escape as an
express, and that the Indians had tried every stratagem to
get possession of the fort. This information was import
ant, as well as the report of the Indians from the Auglaize,
that there was no appearance of a British army having gone
up the Miami of the Lakes. The hostile Indians were
taking similar measures to obtain information of Harri
son's movements. On the night of the 8th, while the army
lay in tolerable open order, at the St. Marys, the besiegers
at Fort Wayne sent their spies to examine it. They did not
get round the camp before daylight, and returned with a
report, that "Kentucky was coming as numerous as tlie
trees."

Early next morning the army inarched for Fort Wayne,
except the mounted volunteers, who remained till 12
o'clock, to rest their horses, and elect a major to command
the corps. R. M. Johnson was chosen for this office, and
Benjamin S. Chambers was appointed quartermaster, and
the reverend James Suggette, adjutant to his battalion.
The army arrived in the evening at the camp of Colonel
Adams, at Shane's crossing of the St. Marys; and Major
Johnson came up in the night, and encamped half a mile
above the main army. On the morning of the 10th, some

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 141

delay was caused by repairing broken wagons and making
other necessary arrangements. General Harrison was un
remitting in the discharge of his duties. Every department
underwent his personal inspection; and the temper and
condition of every corps in the army was known to him.
The delay this morning was not spent idly by the officers
and men. Most of the different corps were paraded and
drilled. Major Johnson's battalion was drilled on horse
back, by Captain James Johnson, whose zeal and military
information was surpassed by few men of his age and
opportunities.

In the following general order, which was issued at this
place, the reader will find the system of tactics pursued by
the general in forming his troops for fighting in the woods.

"H. Q. Second Crossing of St. Marys,

"September 10, 1812.

"The signal for a general charge will be beating the roll.
At night the officers and men will lie upon their arms and
their clothes. Two or more guns firing in succession will
constitute an alarm, at which the whole army will parade
in the order of the encampment, which will be a hollow
square, unless otherwise directed. When a sentinel dis
charges his gun in the night, ascertain the cause; and
should he have sufficient reason to believe on examination,
that an enemy is near, he will cause two guns to be fired in
quick succession. Should the firing proceed from an insuf
ficient cause to give an alarm, the officer of the guard will
immediately call out "all is well," which will be repeated
through the army. The same shall take place upon an
accidental firing in the day time. The order of battle, for a
rear attack in the day time, while the army are on the
march, will be so far attended to, with respect to the rear
line, that the rear battalions of Colonels Lewis and Allen's
regiments only are to turn upon their centres, while the
heads of the front battalions are to close up to the front
lines, then facing from the centre, gmarch out until they
respectively gain the flanks of the front line. Should the

142 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

attack be in front, the senior officer nearest the flank bat
talion, will judge of the propriety of bringing up that bat
talion to form on the flank of the front line. The 2nd
battalions of Colonels Lewis and Allen's regiments, will
in all cases close up, as the leading battalions shall advance
and make room for them. Captain Garrard's troop form
ing guard will also close up and act as circumstances may
require.

"Wm. H. Harrison, Maj. Gen. Com/'

The army now marched in the following order. The
17th United States' regiment, Colonel Wells, and the rifle
regiment, Colonel Allen, formed the right column, at the
distance of two hundred yards from the road; Colonels
Lewis and Scott's regiment, the left column, at the same
distance from the road on the left. The wagons and pack
horses were on the road in the centre. The horsemen from
Ohio, under Colonel Adams formed the right flank, and the
mounted riflemen from Kentucky, under Major Johnson,
the left. A battalion from the former, commanded by Gen
eral Lytle, acting as major, constituted the advance, while
Captain Garrard's troop of horse from Kentucky, formed
the rear guard. Spies were placed from half a mile to a
mile in front, and also beyond the right and left flanks.

The progress of the army now was slow, and there was
very little water on their route. On the llth, Lieutenant
Suggette, adjutant of Johnson's battalion, was sent with
twenty men from that battalion to reconnoitre in advance.
Logan and two other Shawanoes went with them as guides.
They fell in with a party of Indians, who fled immediately,
leaving a young Potawatamie chief mortally wounded. In
the evening they returned to the army, and their little en
counter, being the first that had occurred, had some effect
in raising the spirits of the troops. As soon as the army
had encamped this evening, the general, with his aides and
the officer of the day, Colonel Allen, was careful to ride

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 143

round to examine the ground and inspect the whole en
campment, which without delay was strongly fortified \vjtli
a breast work of logs, and the underbrush was cleared away
for thirty paces on the outside. The mounted men en
camped within the lines. During the night there were a
number of alarms, caused by the Indians attempting to
approach and examine the camp. The army was now with
in twenty miles of Fort Wayne, at which it would be able
to arrive the next day.

Very early in the morning the whole were in motion,
every man being prepared for action, and expecting to meet
the Indians at a well-known swamp, about five miles on
this side of the fort. As the army approached it, the horse
men under Johnson and Adams were sent round it to the
right and left. It was about a mile long, and three hun
dred yards wide, except where the road crossed it, at which
place it was not more than 100 yards wide. At this season,
it was tolerably dry, and no enemy was to be seen, nor any
appearance of one except a recent encampment, immed
iately beyond the swamp. About a mile farther a single
Indian was seen and fired upon, which caused the army to
form the line of battle, but no others appearing the march
was resumed, and about two hours before sunset, the troops
arrived at 'the fort. Their arrival was the source of no
little joy to the garrison, and the people who had taken
refuge in the fort, The Indians had fled, most of them on
the evening before, and some only a few minutes before the
appearance of the army. They were pursued by the Ohio
horsemen, but without success. The fort had been closely
invested for ten or twelve days by the Indians, who had
made several pieces of wooden cannon, by boring out pieces
of timber, and strengthening them with iron hoops. The
army encamped round the fort, where a feAV days previous
there had been a handsome little village ; but it was now in

144 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ruins, having been burnt down by the Indians, together
with the United States' factory, which had been erected to
furnish the ungrateful wretches with farming utensils.

Until the 1st of September, the savages about the fort
had professed friendship, with a view to get possession of it
by some stratagem. Captain Rhea, who commanded, was
addicted to intoxication, for which and his other miscon
duct he was arrested by General Harrison; but on account
of his age he was permitted to resign. The fort was \vell
prepared to resist a siege by Indians, as it had plenty of
provisions and water, and about seventy men with four
small field pieces. It is delightfully situated on an emi
nence on the south bank of the Miami of the Lake, immed
iately below the formation of that river by the junction of
the St. Marys from the southwest with the St. Josephs from
the north. It is well constructed of block houses and
picketing, but could not resist a British force, as there are
several eminences on the south side, from which it could
be commanded by a six or nine pounder.

This is the place, where the Miami Indians formerly
had their principal town; and here many an unfortunate
prisoner suffered death by burning at the stake. It was
here also, that General Harmer suffered his army to be cut
up and defeated in detachments after he had burnt the town
in the fall of the year 1700. F'or more than a century be
fore that time, it had been the principal place of rendez
vous between the Indians of the lakes, and those of the
Wabash and Illinois, and had been much resorted about the
year 756 and previously, by French traders from Canada.
The Miami is navigable for boats from this place to the
Lake, and the portage to the nearest navigable branch of
the Wabash, is but seven or eight miles, through a level
marshy prairie, from which the water runs both to the
Wabash and Sfc. Marys. A canal at some future day will

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 145

unite these rivers, and thus render a town at Fort
as formerly, the most considerable place in all that country.
The corn which had been cultivated in the fields by the
villagers, was nearly all destroyed by the Indians ; the re
mains served as forage for the mounted corps. Captain
Wells, who was massacred at Chicago, had a handsome
farm in the forks of the river, with some good buildings,
which were all destroyed in the general devastation.

On the day after the arrival of the army, reconnoitering
parties were sent out in every direction, and at the same
time a council of field officers was convened, in which it
was determined, agreeably to plans submitted by General
Harrison, to divide the army into two divisions, and march
on the next day in quest of the Indians and their towns.
The first division was composed of the regiments of Lewis
and Allen, and Captain Garrard's troops of horse, under
General Payne and accompanied by General Harrison.
They were to destroy the Miami villages at the forks of the
W abash, about thirty miles from the fort. The other
division was to destroy the Potawatamie village on the Elk
Hart river, a branch of the St. Josephs of Lake Michigan.
It was to be commanded by Colonel Wells, and to consist of
one battalion under Johnson, and the mounted men from
Ohio, under Adams. The greater part of the latter corps,
however, returned home next morning. They had left
their homes in the expectation of remaining but a short
period in service, and had already exceeded the time which
they had allowed themselves for the excursion. When
General Harrison was informed of the intention of the
corps to return, he addressed them in a public speech, in
which he requested them to remain with him, and march
on the intended expedition. General Lytle and Major
Dunlap with 150 men determined to stay — all the others
adhered to their determination to return. The main ob-
10

146 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ject, which the general expected to accomplish by the pro
posed expeditions, was to destroy the corn of the Indians
so that they could not find the means of subsistence for
making another attack on the fort.

The party under Payne, having traversed a fine region
of country, arrived on the 15th at the village in the forks,
which was abandoned by the Indians. They encamped in
the town, destroyed all its huts and cabins, and cut up the
corn and other vegetables in the fields. Next day the
spies discovered several other deserted villages lower down,
which w^ere all in like manner destroyed. The toinb of a
chief, built of logs and daubed with clay, was found in one
of these villages. He was laid on his blanket, with his gun
and his pipe by his side, and a small tin pan on his breast,
containing a wooden spoon, and a number of earrings and
broaches — all deemed necessary no doubt on his journey to
the other world. On the 18th they arrived again at the
fort, without having lost a man or seen a living Indian.

The party under Wells had to march about sixty miles
to the village against which they were sent. Captain
Audrain, who was son-in-law, and Mr. Wells, who was son
to the colonel, went with them as guides; and Captain
Arnold's company marched at the distance of near a mile
in front to act as spies. On the 16th, having crossed the
Elk Hart river, above the village about three miles, the line
of battle was formed on a plain, thinly timbered. Major
Johnson's mounted battalion was placed in front on the left
flank, and Major Dunlap's mounted men on the right in
front; with orders to advance to the right and left of the
town and surround it. The infantry were formed in line
of battle, then broke off by heads of companies, and fol
lowed the others in rapid motion. In a few minutes the
mounted men were in the rear of the village, but to the
regret of every person it was found destitute of inhabitants,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 147

the Indians having fled two days previous. They had left
a considerable quantity of corn, gathered and laid on scaf
folds to dry, with abundance of beans, potatoes and other
vegetables, which furnished ample store of provisions for
the men and forage for the horses. This village was called
Five Medals, from a chief of that name who made it his
residence. On a pole before the door of that chief, a red
flag was hung, with a broom tied above it, and on another
pole at the tomb of an old woman, a white flag was flying.
The body of the old woman Avas entire, sitting upright with
her face towards the east, and a basket beside her, contain
ing trinkets, such as owl and hawk bills and claws, a
variety of bones, and bunches of roots tied together ; all of
which indicated that she had been revered as a sorceress,
and probably a doctress.

In one of the huts was found a morning report of one of
Hull's captains — also a Liberty Hall newspaper, printed
at Cincinnati, containing an account of General Harrison's
army. Several coarse bags, which appeared to have con
tained shot, and pieces of boxes with London and Maiden
printed on them, were also picked up in the cabins, which
proved that these Indians were intimately connected with
the British, and had been furnished with information by
some traitor in our own country. The village with about
seventy acres of corn was totally destroyed, and on the
same evening the army returned as far as the Elk Hart
river. Next morning they marched rapidly toward the
fort, Captain Arnold's company being thrown in the rear,
to act as a guard, and to bring up the weak, the sick, and
the lame. This was an arduous task, for the men having
marched very hard, and having been very scarce of pro
visions, except the green vegetables taken in the village,
were exceedingly fatigued, and many of them were taken
sick, one of whom died on the return. When the foot

148 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

troops gave out through fatigue, they were aided by the
horsemen, who cheerfully dismounted to assist their fellow
soldiers. On the 18th the main body arrived at the fort a
few hours after the party under Payne.

In the meantime Colonel Simrall had arrived at the fort
on the 17th, with his regiment of dragoons, armed with
muskets, 320 strong, (and a company of mounted riflemen
under Colonel Farrow, from Montgomery county, Ken
tucky). General Harrison sent them on the evening of the
18th to the town of Little Turtle, about twenty miles to
the northwest, with orders to destroy it all, except the
buildings erected by the United States for the Little Turtle,
whose friendship for the Americans after the treaty of
Greenville, had contributed greatly to tbe perservation of
peace. Colonel Simrall executed his orders with a degree
of promptness and dispatch, which indicated the true sol
dier, and on the 19th he returned in the evening to the Fort.
Captain Farrow's company was now placed under Major
Johnson, whose battalion was thus rendered about 250
strong.

Brigadier General James Winchester now arrived to
take command of the first troops, which had marched from
Kentucky to reinforce the northwestern army. He, too,
had been a revolutionary officer, and was now advanced in
years. He was a wealthy citizen of Tennessee, where he
had lived many years in a degree of elegant luxury and ease,
which was not calculated to season him for a northern
campaign in the forest. His arrival produced much un
easiness among the troops, being a regular officer, with
whom they were unacquainted, many of the militia seemed
disposed not to be commanded by him; and General Har
rison with the field officers had to exert all their influence
to reconcile the army to the change. The troops had con
fidently expected, that General Harrison would be con-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 149

firmed in the command, and by this time he had completely
secured the confidence of every soldier in the army. He
was affable and courteous in his manners, and indefatig
able in his attention to every branch of business. His sol
diers seemed to anticipate the wishes of their general ; it
was only necessary to be known that he wished something
done, and all were anxious to risk their lives in its accom
plishment. His men would have fought better and suffered
more with him, than with any other general in America;
and whatever might have been the merits of General Win
chester, it was certainly an unfortunate arrangement which
transferred the command to him at this moment. It is ab
solutely necessary that militia soldiers should have great
confidence in their general, if they are required, either to
obey with promptness, or to fight with bravery. The men
were at last reconciled to march under Winchester, but
with a confident belief, that Harrison would yet be rein
stated in the command; and which accordingly was done,
as soon as the war department was informed of his appoint
ment in the Kentucky troops, and his popularity in the
western country.

On the 19th the command of the troops at the Fort was
transferred by a general order to Winchester; and at the
same time he was informed by General Harrison that any
other part of the infantry which he might deem necessary
to the execution of his plans, should be placed at his dis
posal. On the same evening, General Harrison turned
back to take command of the forces collecting in the rear ;
and to prepare for a mounted expedition against Detroit.
He intended to make a coup de main on that place, with a
mounted force which would march by an unfrequented
route from Fort Wayne, up the St. Josephs to the head
waters of the river Raisin. The troops collecting in the
rear, were the three regiments from Kentucky, under Bar-

150 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

bee, Poague and Jennings ; and three companies of mounted
riflemen from the same State, under Captains Roper, Bacon
and Clarke; and also a corps of mounted men from Ohio,
who was rendezvoused at Dayton on the 15th, in pursuance
of a previous call by Meigs and Harrison, which had been
made early in September, with a view to employ them in an
expedition against some of the Indian towns. This corps
was commanded by Colonel Findley, who had entered the
service again, after being surrendered by Hull. The
mounted men and the regiment of Jennings had arrived at
St. Marys, where General Harrison met them on the 20th,
the rest of the infantry being still farther in the rear. The
general had left orders at Fort Wayne for Johnson's bat
talion, and Colonel Simrall's dragoons, which corps were
not included in Winchester's command, to return to St.
Marys as soon as possible. Major Johnson had according
ly marched early on the morning of the 20th, and when he
had travelled about twenty miles was met by orders from
Harrison to return to the fort, and wait with the dragoons
for further orders, which was promptly done, with the
exception of Ensign William Holton, and about 25 men, of
Captain Ward's company. They refused to obey the order
to return, and manfully proceeded home to Kentucky. The
battalion arrived at the fort in the evening next day, from
which in the meantime General Winchester had removed
his camp into the forks of the river, and early on the 22nd
he marched down the river on the north side, following very
nearly the route in which Wayne's army returned after the
battle of '94. His object was to go as far as the old fort
Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, and wait there to
form a junction with the infantry in the rear, who were
to come down that river from St. Marys. The following
order was issued by the general, which will serve as a speci
men of his tactics and police :

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 151

"The front guard in three lines, two deep in the road,
and in Indian files on the flanks at distance of fifty and
one hundred yards, as the ground will admit. A fatigue
party to consist of one captain, one ensign, two sergeants,
and two corporals with fifty men, will follow the front
guard for the purpose of opening the road. The remainder
of the infantry to march on the flanks in the following or
der: Colonels Wells and Allen's regiments on the right,
and Lewis and Scott's on the left. The general and brigade
baggage, commissaries and quartermaster's stores, immed
iately in the rear of the fatigue party. The cavalry in the
following order: Captain Garrard and twenty men to pre
cede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of
each line; the lieutenant and eighteen men in the rear of the
whole army and baggage ; the balance of the cavalry equally
divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental
baggage wagons will fall according to the respective ranks
of the commanding officers. The officers commanding corps
previous to their marching will examine carefully the arms
and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they
are in good order. They will also be particularly careful,
that the men do not waste their cartridges. No loaded
muskets are to be put in the wagons. One-half of the
fatigue party is to work at a time and the others will carry
their arms. The wagon master will attend to loading the
wagons, and see that articles are put in, in good order,
and that each wagon and' team carry a reasonable load.
The hour of march will be 9 :00 o'clock this morning. The
officer of the day is charged with this order. The line of
battle will be the same as that of General Harrison in his
last march to Fort Wayne.

"James Winchester, Brig. Gen."

As great caution was observed on the march, and. the
camp strongly fortified every night, the army advanced
very slowly, not exceeding five or six miles a day. Some
Indians were seen, and there was considerable appearance
of more being in the country around. A volunteer com
pany of spies had been organized under Captain Ballard,
and Lieutenant Harrison Munday of the rifle regiment,

152 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and Ensign Liggett of the 17th United States' infantry.
They generally marched in advance to reconnoitre the
country. On the 25th Ensign Liggett obtained permis
sion from his captain, to proceed as far as old Fort De
fiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize on the south side of
the Miami. Four men of M'Cracken's company from
Woodford, Kentucky, went with him. Late in the evening,
while preparing something to eat, they were discovered by
a Frenchman and eight Indians, who crept up and sur
prised them with a call to surrender. They were positive
ly assured, that they would not be hurt, and would be per
mitted to wear their arms till they entered the British
camp. On these conditions they surrendered; but the
Indians and Frenchman, as they marched on, concerted
in their own language, and executed the following plan,
for their destruction. Five of the Indians, each having
marked his victim, walked behind and on one side of the
men, and at a given signal fired upon them. Four of them
fell dead — Liggett only escaped the first fire ; he sprung to
a tree but wasi shot also while raising his gun to his face.
Next day Captain Ballard, with a part of his company
being in advance, discovered the dead bodies, and a party
of Indians watching near them. He formed his men for
action, with the Miami on his right; but not liking his
position, and perceiving that the Indians were too strong
for him, he fell back 200 yards, and formed in a stronger
position. The enemy supposing he had fled, filed off from
their right flank, intending to surround him on his left,
and cut off his retreat. He heard them pass by on his left
without discovering him, and then filed off by the left in
their rear, and by a circuitous roiite arrived safe at the
camp.

Lieutenant Munday, with another part of the spies
presently happened at the same place, and discovering

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 153

some Indians, who still remained there, formed his men
and charged upon them, at the same time saluting them
with their own yell. They fled precipitately, and Munday
on discovering their superior numbers, took advantage of
their panic to retreat himself. Next morning, the 27th,
Captain Ballard, with the spies and Captain Garrard's
troop of horse, accompanied by Major Woolfor, aide to
the general, and some other volunteers, went forward to
bury the dead. The Indians were still in ambush, but
Captain Ballard expecting it, approached them in a dif
ferent direction, so as to disconcert their plans. He
attacked them with a brisk fire, and Captain Garrard im
mediately ordered a charge, on which they lied in every
direction, leaving trails of blood from their killed and
wounded.

These Indians were the advance of an army destined to
attack Fort Wayne, and consisting of 200 regulars under
Major Muir, witli four pieces of artillery, and about 1,000
Indians, commanded by Elliott. They had brought their
baggage and artillery by water to the old Fort Defiance,
at the mouth of the Auglaize, where they had left their
boats and were advancing up the south side of the Miami
towards Fort Wayne. About the time that Liggett's
party was massacred, quartermaster sergeant McCoy, of
Scott's regiment, was taken by the Indians and carried to
the British camp. He represented the strength of the
army under Winchester much above the truth, and in
formed them that another army as strong was expected
clown immediately to join Winchester. Major Muir on
receiving this intelligence, which agreed pretty well as to
Winchester's force, with the reports of his spies, consid
ered his situation as critical ; and on the defeat of his ad
vance by Captain Ballard, in the morning of the 27th, he
immediately retreated from his position twelve miles

154 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

above the Auglaize, to the boats he had left at its mouth,
and reembarked his baggage and artillery the same day.
He then determined to give Winchester battle, relying if
defeated on effecting a retreat in his boats. He selected
an advantageous place for an attack, where Wayne's old
trace crosses a creek on the north side of the Miami, about
four miles above Defiance. But on inarching to the ground
on the morning of the 28th, he found that about three-
fourths of the Indians had abandoned the project. The
news of another army coming down the Auglaize, and the
leaving of the artillery in the boats, had frightened them
to this conduct. Major Muir then immediately retreated
down the river, to the distance of twenty miles the same
day, leaving some mounted Indians to watch the move
ments of his enemies.

General Winchester had all this time received no cer
tain information of the army thus opposed to him. On
the morning of the 26th, Captain Hickman had volun
teered to go on horseback with Riddle, an intelligent spy,
well versed in Indian affairs, and reconnoitre the country
down the river. They crossed the Miami to the south
side, then crossed the country to the Auglaize, and des
cended on the east side of that river to the Miami, which
they recrossed about tAVO miles below the mouth of the
former, and returned up the north side to the army. In
this route, they had surrounded the enemy without having
discovered him. In the first instance they had crossed the
Miami above the army of the allies, and where they re-
crossed it below, the Indians having traveled in a beaten
path, and the regulars by water, the traces of a large force
were not discoverable. However, the Indian sign which
they had seen, combined with the conduct of the skirmish
ing parties, convinced those experienced in such affairs,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 155

that a large body of the enemy was somewhere in the
neighborhood.

The camp was, therefore, strongly fortified on the night
of the 27th, and the march was resumed next day under
the expectation of meeting the enemy and having a battle.
Presently the spies from each army met and fired at each
other ; the line of battle was immediately formed ; but the
enemy having disappeared, the march was again resumed.
When the army had arrived within a few miles of the
creek, at which Major Muir had prepared that morning
to give it battle, a halt was called by General Winchester.
He had learned that the passage of that creek would be an
advantageous place, for the enemy to make an attack, and
he determined to cross to the south side of the Miami.
A ford being found, the army crossed over, and immediate
ly the trail of the enemy with his artillery was discovered
on the south side. An advantageous piece of ground was
chosen for a camp, which was well fortified as usual.
Spies were sent down to reconnoitre at the mouth of the
Auglaize, but they returned without much information.
They stated, that the brush was so thick about that place,
and the sign of Indians so abundant, that it was unsafe
for spies on foot to penetrate to the old fort.

A council of war was now held. Some of the officers
were for sending a detachment in purusit of the enemy,
but a large majority were of opinion, that the enemy must
have obtained correct information of the strength of the
army, and have taken a decisive course, that if he intended
to give us battle, he would do it without our forces being
divided; and that if. he was unable to do this, he had no
doubt retreated too far already to be overtaken. The
general was of this opinion, and the council decided that
several mounted parties should be sent out in different
directions to search for the enemy ; and that an express at

156 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the same time should be sent to General Harrison to
acquaint him with the situation of the army, and that its
provisions were nearly exhausted. These measures were
executed next morning. An express was sent to General
Harrison, and four parties of spies were sent to recon
noitre in different directions. The spies all returned in
the course of the day, and from their reports no doubt re
mained, but that the enemy had retreated. On the next
day, the 30th of September, General Winchester moved
his camp down the river, within a mile of Defiance, where
he fortified himself again on a high bank of the Miami,
and remained there several days, so destitute of provisions,
that the men had to subsist on a very short allowance of
the most indifferent beef. They continued, however, to
do their duty as soldiers with promptitude and cheerful
ness. On the first of October Colonel Lewis was detached
with 380 men 'to discover with more certainty, whether
the enemy had retreated quite out of the country. He
crossed the Auglaize, and went down on the south side
of the Miami seven or eight miles, and then crossed to the
north side of that river, where he saw sufficient appear
ances of a precipitate retreat, to convince him that the
enemy was entirely gone.

We must now recur to the operations of the troops col
lecting in the rear. We left General Harrison on the 20th
September, with the mounted men and Jenning's regiment
at St. Marys, the balance of the infantry having not then
arrived. The regiments of Colonels Barbee, Poague, and
Jennings arrived at Newport early in September, with
Colonel SimralFs dragoons, but they were detained some
time before they could draw their arms, ammunition, and
two month's pay in advance. The dragoons were obliged
to arm themselves witli muskets, no swords and pistols
having arrived. The government had ordered the neces-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 157

sary supplies, but their agents were inattentive and dila
tory. Many articles of the first necessity had not yet left
Philadelphia, from which place even the tent poles for the
army were to be brought, so improvident were some of the
arrangements for supplying and conducting the troops
on the frontiers. One man only in Colonel SimralPs reg
iment, and he was a substitute, refused to be armed with
a musket. His comrades invited him to the water as usual,
and having initiated him by baptism into the Legion of
dishonor, he was permitted to retire from the toils of war.
The foot regiments, having at last completed their arrange
ments, proceeded to their destination, and had all arrived
on the frontiers about the 20th of September.

On the 21st, Colonel Jennings was ordered to proceed
with his regiment across the St. Marys and down the
Auglaize towards Defiance, to establish an intermediate
post, and escort provisions to General Winchester. Hav
ing advanced about 30 miles, he met writh considerable
signs of Indians, and his spies having advanced to Fort
Defiance and discovered the enemy there, he halted on the
Auglaize, and commenced the building of block houses.
Colonel Findley was sent with his mounted regiment, 350
strong, to destroy the Ottawa towns on Blanch ard's fork
of the Auglaize. About this time General Harrison re
ceived a dispatch from the Avar department, directing him
to join General Winchester with a part of the troops under
his command. This order had been issued on the sup
position, that Harrison had accepted the previous appoint
ment, and was still in Kentucky. In his present situation
he could not comply; but in order to further the views of
the secretary, he immediately determined to place the
regiments of Barbee and Jennings, and the quota of Ohio
troops then in service, at the disposal of General Win
chester.

158 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

General Harrison now proceeded to Piqua to expedite
the supplies for the army, and mature his arrangements
for the coup de main on Detroit. But there on the even
ing of the 24th, he received another communication from
the war department, dated on the 17th of September,
which assigned him the command of the 8th military dis
trict including the northwestern army. He was at the
same time instructed, to provide for the security of the
western frontiers, to retake Detroit with a view to the
conquest of Upper Canada, to penetrate that country as
far as the force under his command would justify him to
proceed. He was advised, that every exertion was being
made by the government, to furnish him with a train of
artillery from Pittsburgh, and all other necessary supplies.
The forces now under his command by order of the gov
ernment, were estimated at ten thousand strong, including
the whole in the State of Ohio and the different territories.
The real number was much greater, in consequence of many
mounted volunteers having entered the service for short
periods unauthorized by the war department. But the
services which he was required to perform, were in the
opinion of old, experienced, and able officers, the most
extensive and arduous, that ever had been required from
any military commander in America. The endless num
ber of posts and scattered settlements, which he was
obliged to maintain and protect, against numerous and
scattered bands of Indians, while he was contending with
the difficulties almost insurmountable in the main expe
dition against the enemy at Maiden, were sufficient to
employ all the time, and talents, and resources, of th€
greatest military genius at the head of a well appointed
army. His forces, however, were raw, undisciplined
militia, which nothing but his address or Jackson's energy
could render efficient. Chaos and misconduct reigned in

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 159

every department, and particularly in that of the supplies,
in which the best organization and arrangements were
necessary, to meet the inconceivable difficulties which
were to be surmounted in that line. He had excellent
materials for an army in the Kentucky militia, bufc he had
no time to spend in preparing them for the field — the
season for action was drawing to a close — not a moment
was to be lost in pushing on the campaign.

He immediately digested the following plan for the
march of the army towards Detroit, viz : the right column,
to be composed of the Virginia and Pennsylvania troops,
to rendezvous at Wooster, and proceed thence by Upper
Sandusky to the rapids of the Miami ; the middle column,
to consist of twelve hundred Ohio militia, to march from
Urbana where they now were, by Fort M' Arthur on Gen
eral Hull's route to the Rapids; the left column, to be
composed of the regulars under Wells, and four regiments
of Kentucky volunteers, to proceed down the Auglaize
and Miami from St. Marys and Defiance to the Rapids.
The mounted men, under a proper officer selected to com
mand them, were to proceed on the route, by which he had
intended to make the coup de main on Detroit. That in
tention, however, was now abandoned; for if they should
take Detroit, as the infantry could not be ready to support
them in it, they must leave it again to the aggravated fury
of the Indians. The object, therefore, at present, was to
sweep the western side of the strait and lake of the Indians,
who were scattered from Brownstown to the Rapids, riot
ing on the plunder of the farms which had been abandoned
by their owners.

The attention of the general was at the same time
directed to the important subject of the supplies, the most
difficult part of his business in the present campaign. On
the 27th he dispatched an express to Pittsburgh, to order

160 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the artillery and supplies from that place to proceed to
Georgetown on the Ohio, and thence by New Lisbon and
Canton to Wooster. Such as the State of Ohio could fur
nish cheaply, he preferred to procure in that country, as
being the most convenient for a land transportation
towards Detroit. The troops were nearly destitute of
winter clothing; and as the prospect of obtaining an ade
quate supply from the government, in due time, was not
very flattering, an appeal had already been made on this
subject by Shelby and Harrison, to the patriotism of the
people of Kentucky, for voluntary contributions of cloth
ing to the militia of that S'tate.

In the plan of the campaign, the rapids of the Miami
were considered as the first object, upon which the forces
were to advance from a military base, drawn along the
hither edge of the swampy district from Upper Sandusky
to St. Marys, by three lines of operations, commencing at
St. Marys, Fort M' Arthur, and Upper Sandusky, which
places were to be the principal points of concentration and
deposit, preparatory to a general advance and combination
at the Rapids.

"This, says Colonel Wood, of the engineers, was an ex
cellent plan ; for by sending the corps different routes,
with a view of concentrating somewhere in the neighbor
hood of the enemy, the march of the army would not only
be expedited, but the frontiers much more effectually pro
tected."

St. Marys was intended to be the principal depot for
provisions, and Upper Sandusky for the artillery and mili
tary stores. That portion of the left wing which was now
at Defiance, was to serve as a corps of observation ; and at
that place provisions were also to be accumulated, pre
paratory to the advance of that corps to occupy the Rapids,
which was to take place when the artillery had reached

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 161

Upper Sandusky, and the other military base ; and its
arrival at the Rapids was to be the signal for a general
advance with, the supplies on all the lines of operation.
A corps of observation was also to be placed at Lower
Sandusky, which with Defiance would form the extremi
ties of a second base when the Rapids were occupied. By
these arrangements the greater part of the troops would
be kept within the bounds of the local contractors, con
suming provisions brought forward at their expense, whilst
all the energies of the quartermaster's department would
be. employed in accumulating provisions at the principal
depots, and providing the means to transport them through
the swampy country to the positions taken in advance,
and particularly to the Rapids of the Miami.

Having digested these plans, General Harrison re
turned again to St. Marys and dispatched Captain Hite
to Fort Wayne, with orders for the horsemen under Col
onel Simrall, and Major Johnson, to come to St. Marys as
soon as possible. With such promptitude and celerity
were these orders obeyed and executed, that the front of
Johnson's battalion arrived at the St. Marys, a distance of
63 miles, about 13 hours after the orders were received.

While Simrall and Johnson were lying at Fort Wayne,
on the 23d of September, six Miami Indians, headed by the
Stone Eater and a nephew of Little Turtle's, and a French
man named Langly, came to the fort, pretending that they
wished to treat for peace. They said all the Miamies had
collected at Mississiniway ; that they had searched for
General Harrison towards Vincennes, and that hearing of
his march to Fort Wayne, they had come there to meet him.
Five of them were detained as hostages, and on the 26th
the Stone Eater and Langly went to bring in the other
chiefs of the tribe, which they promised to do in four days.

11

162 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

The forces now at St. Marys amounted to near 3,000
men. On the morning of the 30th, the companies of Cap
tains Roper, Clarke and Bacon, were ordered to elect a
major and form a battalion ; which associated with John
son's would constitute a regiment and elect a colonel.
Roper was elected major by the battalion, and R. M. John
son was elected colonel by the regiment. Captain Arnold
was elected major in the place of Johnson, and Lieutenant
Ellison was elected to command Arnold's company. This
new regiment, with Colonel Findley's from Ohio, now
formed a brigade, which was placed under the command
of Brigadier General Tupper, of Ohio, a gentleman about
fifty years of age, of a respectable, soldierly appearance,
who had been called into service with the balance of the
detached militia of Ohio, which he had left at Urbana.
This brigade was intended to march in a few days, on the
expedition up the St. Josephs, to scour the country towards
Detroit. But a few hours after it was organized, about
12 o'clock the same day, the express from General Win
chester arrived, with the intelligence that his march had
been much impeded by the Indians; and that on arriving
near Defiance he discovered, that they were accompanied
by British troops with some pieces of artillery. A few
minutes afterwards an express arrived from Governor
Meigs, with a letter from General Kelso, commanding a
detachment of Pennsylvania troops on Lake Erie, contain
ing information that on the 16th of September, 2,000
Indians with some regulars and militia, and two pieces of
artillery, had left Maiden on an expedition against Fort
Wayne.

Orders were immediately issued for a forced march,
three days provision were drawn, with ammunition and
other necessaries, and in three hours all the forces at St.
Marys were in motion to join Winchester, who was sup-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 163

posed to have met all the forces, which the allies could
raise in Upper Canada. Early next day, the 1st of October,
it began to rain very heavy, which soon made the roads
very deep, and rendered the march uncomfortable and
fatiguing. The horsemen at first marched on the flanks;
but when the foot troops halted for dinner, the horsemen
were pushed forward in front, and in the evening passed
the camp of Colonel Jennings, where he had built a block
house. The rain continued very heavy all night, the
weather was very cold for that season, and as the troops
had no tents, their situation was extremely disagreeable.
General Harrison and his staff were similarly situated, and
his patience and fortitude served as an example to encour
age his men. Beech brush was the substitute for a bed,
and answered the purpose of keeping the men out of the
mud and water.

The foot troops were halted at Fort Jennings; and
General Harrison having met another express from Win
chester on the evening of the 2nd, with information that
the enemy had retreated, sent orders for Colonel Barbee
to return with his regiment to St. Marys, and Colonel
Poague to cut a road from Fort Jennings to Defiance.
The mounted troops had continued their march in five
lines. Their number was upwards of one thousand, which
made a grand appearance in the woods. The information
of the retreat of the enemy, had a very dispiriting effect
on the minds of many of the men, who were anxious for a
battle before their discharge, which could not be very dis
tant now, as their terms of service would soon expire, and
forage could not be procured much longer for so many
horse. The general himself was not well pleased, when
he discovered, that the intelligence sent to him had been
much more alarming, that was authorized by the circum
stances. He arrived in the evening at Winchester's camp;

164 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and the troops, having lain all night within three miles
of the same place, proceeded early in the morning past the
carnp, and went down to the point at the mouth of the
Auglaize, where they encamped round the ruins of the
old fort.

A few pack horses, loaded with flour, arrived at Win
chester's camp with General Harrison, which with the
intelligence of his confirmation in the command was very
gratifying to the troops. Their sufferings, however, had
become so great, as to threaten serious consequences to the
service, if they could not speedily be relieved. With a view
to allay the uneasiness prevailing among them, on the
next day after his arrival, he had all the troops paraded,
when Colonel Allen and Major Hardin addressed them
in very effecting terms, and portrayed in a lively manner,
the confidence and expectations which this army had ex
cited; and exhorted them to bear their privations with
patience and fortitude. General Harrison then addressed
them himself, as a father would his children. He ob
served that his fame then theirs were identified ; and then
proceeded to flatter their pride as Kentuckians. He
affectingly asked them:

"If you fellow soldiers from Kentucky, so famed for
patriotism, refuse to bear the hardships incident to war,
and to defend the rights of your insulted country, where
shall I look for men who will go with me?"

He then told them, that immense supplies were lying
at St. Marys, to which was a direct opening, that rations
would be forwarded with speed, that in the evening he
expected a hundred beeves with more flour, that the gov
ernment was doing its best to supply them, and that rein
forcements were coming from Virginia and Pennsylvania,
which would render the army very powerful. General

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 165

Harrison was a very eloquent speaker, and on this occa
sion his speech had a powerful effect on the troops. When
it was finished, they rent the air with shouts of applause,
and harmony with content again prevailed in the camp.
General Harrison now selected a position for a new fort,
about 80 yards up the Auglaize, above the ruins of the old
one. A fatigue party of 250 men were detailed and placed
under the command of Major Joseph Robb, for the pur
pose of cutting timber for the necessary buildings. Gen
eral Winchester also moved his camp from the Miami to
the Auglaize about a mile from its mouth; and General
Harrison, accompanied by Colonel Johnson, and his
original battalion, composed of Johnson's, Ward's, and
Ellison's companies, returned to St. Marys, where these
troops were honorably discharged on^the 7th of October.
Poague's regiment was directed, after cutting the road to
Defiance, to return to the Ottawa old towns on the Aug
laize, about twelve miles from St. Marys, and erect a fort
at that place.

The command of the left wing was now confided to
General Winchester, who accepted it on the solicitation of
General Harrison. His principal employment for the
present was to be the transportation of supplies to De
fiance for the main expedition. He was also instructed
to occupy the Miami Rapids as speedily as possible for the
purpose of securing a large quantity of corn, which had
been raised at that place by the inhabitants, who had now
fled to other settlements for safety. When this instruction
was given, General Harrison expected he would be able in
two weeks to complete the necessary supplies for advanc
ing against Detroit, and with a view to hasten that result,
he soon afterwards recommended to General Winchester,
instead of going to the Rapids, to send two of his regiments
back within the bounds of the contractors' engagements, to

166 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

prevent them from consuming the provisions carried in
advance.

Before General Harrison left Defiance on the evening
of the 4th, he ordered General Tupper to take the whole
of the mounted men, who were now about 800 in number,
and proceed next morning down the Miami as far as the
Rapids, and still farther if he should there find it neces
sary to disperse collections of the enemy, who were said
to be rioting on the relics of General Hull's provisions, and
on the corn of the citizens who had fled to the settlements
for safety. He was to return by Defiance or Tawa towns
on Blanchard's fork to St. Marys. When this order was
issued, General Tupper's command was immediately sup
plied with rations for 8 days, consisting chiefly of beef,
but including all the flour in camp, which was cheerfully
surrendered by the infantry in the hope, that on the in
tended expedition the mounted men would do something
valuable. An application afterwards made by Tupper to
General Winchester for more ammunition, could not, how
ever, be complied with. In the morning the march was not
commenced according to orders, and about 12 o'clock a
party of Indians fired on three men immediately on the op
posite bank of the Miami, one of whom they killed and
scalped and then fled. The camp was considerably alarmed
for a moment, and the troops were formed in order of bat
tle. Presently small parties of horsemen began to cross
the river to reconnoitre and pursue the enemy. Most of
the horses were at grass up the Auglaize, and as fast as the
owners could get them, these parties were formed and
crossed over to engage in the pursuit. As no general
orders were given, some confusion prevailed, every little
squad pursuing its own views. Eight or ten different par
ties had gone, mostly from Colonel SimralPs regiment, in
one of whicli was the colonel himself, and Major M'Dowell,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 167

of the same regiment, was ready to cross with fifty men,
when General Tupper thought proper to order, that no
more should leave the camp. He was apprehensive from
the boldness of the Indians, that a large body might be
lying near in ambush, who would attack the camp from
some other quarter. Captain Young with only nine or ten
men overtook the Indians, about 50 in number, having
fired upon them he retreated, and meeting with no rein
forcements, returned to camp. It was then too late in the
evening to pursue them again with a stronger force. In
the morning General Tupper sent Logan with six other In
dians down the river to reconnoitre; Colonel Simrall in
the meantime had prepared a strong party to renew the
chase, and not long afterwards General Winchester ordered
Tupper to commence his expedition towards the Rapids by
pursuing those Indians. General Tupper alleged that he
was waiting till his Indian spies should return, with infor
mation of the route which the hostile Indians had taken.
In the evening those spies arrived, with information that
they had seen a party of the enemy, about 50 strong, ten
miles down the river. General Winchester now sent for
Tupper, and urged him again to proceed in the morning
and disperse those Indians in his route. General Tupper
replied, that he would prefer to go by the Ottawa towns,
which had been destroyed by Colonel Findley, and follow
the trace from that place to the Rapids. On this day about
three hundred of the mounted riflemen, whose terms of
service had expired, left the camp and returned home, dis
satisfied with the conduct of Tupper, and alleging that
their horses were unfit for the expedition. Next morning
after an interview with Tupper, General Winchester di
rected the regiment of Colonel Simrall to return to the set
tlements in Ohio, for the purpose of recruiting their horses,
and positive orders were then given to General Tupper to

168 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

proceed on the expedition. Colonel Simrall, being con
vinced that Tupper would still find some pretext to evade
the execution of the order in a proper manner, now willing
ly returned to the settlemens, having first given all his am
munition to the other mounted men, by which their supply
was rendered fully adequate to the service. The dragoons
were six-month's men, and reliance being placed on them
for services in a subsequent part of the campaign, it was
thought best to let them retire and hold themselves in read
iness to march, when the main expedition should be ready
to move. The other mounted men had) volunteered for short
periods, and were therefore ordered for the expedition
under Tupper, as the only service they would have an op
portunity to perform. But discontent and insubordination
now began to be manifest among them. Some of the Ken-
tuckians were not inclined to march under Tupper, unless
accompanied by some field officer from Winchester's com
mand. Colonel Allen, therefore, tendered his services to
accompany general Tupper in any capacity he might choose
to receive him. The offer was accepted — but General Win
chester, having misunderstood the nature of the arrange
ment between them, issued an order directing Colonel Allen
to take the command and march towards the Rapids. This
caused a serious misunderstanding between the two gen
erals. Colonel Allen, however, having informed General
Winchester correctly on the subject, the order was imme
diately rescinded. The greater part of the men having by
this time refused to proceed directly to the Rapids, General
Tupper marched them over the Auglaize, and proceeded to
the Ottawa towns, where he professed to expect reinforce
ments from Ohio. The whole of his troops, except about
200, now refused to march towards the Rapids : he therefore
proceeded by the most direct route to Urbana, and honor-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 169

ably discharged those only, who had been willing at all
times to obey.

Charges were soon afterwards exhibited against Tupper
by General Winchester, for his conduct on this occasion, in
consequence of which an arrest was ordered by General
Harrison. The Ohio brigade, under Tupper, in the mean
time had been advanced to Fort M' Arthur on Hull's road,
and when the officer went to serve the arrest, the general
was- gone on an expedition of his own to the Rapids — and
as there was no officer in his brigade, who was qualified to
succeed him in the command, it was deemed most prudent
by the commander-in-chief to stay the prosecution for the
present. A court of inquiry was afterwards demanded by
General Tupper at Fort Meigs, when no person acquainted
with these transactions was there — he was, of course, hon
orably acquitted. The failure, however, appears to have
been caused chiefly by his want of energy and decision, and
in some measure by the insubordination of the troops, pro
ceeding from a want of confidence in their general, which
will always produce this effect among militia.

As General Harrison was returning from Defiance to
St. Marys, he was informed by an express from Fort
Wayne, that the Indians were collecting again at that place,
and when he arrived at St. Marys, he found a corps of 500
niounjted volunteers, who had come /there to join the
mounted expedition to Detroit. They were commanded by
Colonel Allen Trimble, and were dispatched to Fort Wayne
with instructions to proceed again from that post against
the White Pigeon's town, a Potawatamie village about (>0
miles distant, on the headwaters of the St. Josephs of the
Lake. When the colonel arrived at Fort Wayne, nearly
one-half of his command refused to advance any farther —
he proceeded, however, with the balance, and destroyed two
villages, and would have killed and captured the inhabi-

170 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

tants, but for the treachery of one of his guides, who in
tentionally apprised them of their danger.

The Indian messengers, who had been sent from Fort
Wayne to bring in the Miami chiefs from Mississiniway to
hold a council, were now at St. Marys with a number of
those chiefs. They came prepared either to deny or to pal
liate their hostility, as circumstances might dictate. Find
ing the general well informed respecting their conduct, they
threw themselves on the mercy of the government, and
agreed to abide the decision of the president. Five chiefs
were named by General Harrison, which they agreed to
send in to Piqua as hostages, till the pleasure of the presi
dent could be known.

General Harrison now proceeded by Piqua to Urbana,
where some of the Ohio troops under General Tupper
were stationed, and from that place to Franklinton, mak
ing arrangements for expediting the march of the troops,
and for hastening the requisite supplies and artillery. The
troops under Winchester were now employed for some
weeks in completing the new fort, which in honor of their
commander was called F'ort Winchester, and in making
perogues and canoes 5 or 6 miles down the Miami. The
regiment under Barbee, at St. Marys, completed a fort at
that place and called it Fort Barbee. Poague's regiment
built Fort Amanda on the Auglaize, about 12 miles from
the former, and Colonel Jennings completed the fort at his
encampment. These regiments were at the same time em
ployed in constructing boats and canoes, and in escorting
provisions to Defiance. General Harrison kept his head
quarters for some time at Franklinton, forwarding provi
sions and military stores towards Fort M' Arthur and Up
per Sandusky. To the former the Ohio troops at Urbana
removed in the latter part of this month. The most dili
gent exertions were thus making in every quarter to get
ready for the main expedition against Maiden.

CHAPTER IV.

ATTACK ON FORT HARRISON — MASSACRE OF PIGEON ROOST —
EXPEDITIONS OF HOPKINS — OF GOVERNOR EDWARDS AND
COLONEL RUSSELL — DIFFICULTIES OF TRANSPORTATION —
—EXPEDITION TO THE RAPIDS — TO MISSISSINIWAY —
VIEWS AND PLANS OF THE GENERAL,, AND PROSPECTS OF
THE CAMPAIGN.

We must leave the northwestern troops for a moment,
making preparations for their advance towards Detroit to
regain our lost territory, whilst we take a rapid glance at
the military operations in the western territories.

On the 3rd of September, a body of Indians, Kickapoos
and Winebagoes, comprising men, women and children,
assembled at Fort Harrison, where Captain Zachary Tay
lor had the command. They wished to be admitted into
the fort under the pretence of holding a council — they also
pretended to be in great want of provisions. Captain
Taylor gave them something to eat, but as two young men
had been killed on the preceding evening near the fort, he
suspected their treachery and refused to admit them. They
loitered about the fort, still professing to be friendly, till
in the night of the 4th, when they set fire to one of the
block houses. At the same time a large body of warriors,
who had been lying in ambush, commenced a brisk fire,
which was promptly returned by the garrison. As the
house burned down, the Indians fired over the ruins into
the fort, while Captain Taylor with great presence of mind,
pulled down a cabin, and with its materials constructed a

171

172 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

breastwork across the opening produced by the fire. The
Indians made several desperate charges, in which they at
tempted to fire the fort in other places, and to enter by the
breach, but they were repulsed and defeated in every at
tempt. So critical and alarming, however, was the situa
tion of the garrison, that two of the men jumped over the
picketting, preferring the chance to escape through .the
ranks of the enemy, to the prospect of being burnt or mas
sacred in the fort. One of them was killed and the other
retreated back to the walls of the fort after being wounded,
and concealed himself behind some old barrels till morn
ing. At daylight the Indians retreated, but still hovered
round the fort for seven or eight days. Captain Taylor
then strengthened the work where the blockhouse had
stood, and prepared himself for a regular siege. He had
lost in this affair, but three killed and three or four
wounded — bat he had sustained a serious loss in the burn
ing of the blockhouse. It contained his provisions, the
loss of which now exposed his men to great sufferance for
the want of food. Some corn which had been cultivated
near the fort, was their only subsistence for several days.
He immediately attempted to send an express to Vincennes
with intelligence of the event, but it was several days be
fore any person could escape through the Indians, and the
messenger at last had to pass their encampment in the
night.

Captain Taylor merited and received much applause
for the defence he made. His force did not exceed 50 men,
one third of whom were sick, while the number of the enemy
was comparatively very great, comprising all the forces
they could raise in that quarter of the country. They had
assembled with a determination to take the fort either by
stratagem or force, and Captain Taylor, for his gallant
resistance, was immediately brevetted a major.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 173

Exasperated to madness by the failure of their attempt
on Fort Harrison, a considerable party of Indians now
made an eruption into., the settlements on the Pigeon
Roost fork of White river, where they barbarously mas
sacred 21 of the inhabitants, many of them women and
children. The children had their brains knocked out
against trees, and one woman who was pregnant, was
ripped open, and her unborn infant taken from her, and
its brains knocked out. However, this was but a small mat
ter — "it amounted to no essential injury — it was all for the
best, as it was done by the disciples of the Wabash Prophet,
who was in a close and holy alliance with George the Third,
defender of the faith, and legitimate sovereign of Bible
Society nation, which is the bulwark of our most holy reli
gion." Yet it excited the indignation of the uncivilized
republican infidels in the neighboring settlements of In
diana and Kentucky, and several hundred men were col
lected, and arrived at that place on the second day after
the occurrence. The Indians by this time had fled beyond
the reach of pursuit. Colonel Keiger, of Kentucky, how
ever, with a small party who volunteered to go with him,
followed their trail about sixty miles towards the Delaware
towns at the head of White River.

The regiments of Colonels Wilcox, Miller, and B arbour,
of the Kentucky militia, were now on their march to Yin-
cennes, but they did not arrive in time to meet the Indiana
at Fort Harrison. Colonel Russell, being advised of its
critical situation, collected some companies of rangers and
Indiana militia, and by forced marches arrived there on
the 13th, to the great joy of the garrison, who were in a
starving condition. Several wagons with provisions were
now ordered up to the fort, under an escort of 13 men
commanded by Lieutenant Fairbanks, of the regulars.
After Colonel Russell had met and passed this party on

174 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

his return, they were surprised and literally cut to pieces
by the Indians, two or three only escaping. Major M'Gary
with a battalion of Colonel Barbour's regiment, was at the
same time on his way with provisions for the garrison, and
being reinforced with some companies of Russell's rangers,
they arrived in safety at the fort, having buried the man
gled remains of the regulars on their way.

In the Illinois and Missouri territories, many depreda
tions had also been committed by the Indians. Governor
Edwards, of the Illinois territory, had been very attentive
to these matters. He had sent spies into the Indian coun
try, by whom he had ascertained that they were greatly
elated with their success and the prospect of driving the
white people over the Ohio River, and were determined to
carry on a desperate war against the frontiers in the month
of September. To meet the emergency, he had called, under
authority from the war department, on the governor of
Kentucky, for a regiment of men, and Colonel Barbour's
regiment had been ordered by Governor Shelby to march to
Kaskaskia, but General Gibson, the acting Governor of
Indiana, ordered it to Vincennes when F'ort Harrison was
in danger, conceiving that he was authorized to take such
a step, as the lieutenant of Governor Harrison, who was
commander-in-chief of all the forces in those territories.
Governor Edwards, though deprived of this aid, made
vigorous exertions to defend his settlements. He embodied
a portion of the militia, which he held in readiness to act
whenever danger might present. Several companies of
rangers were also encamped on the Mississippi above St.
Louis, and on the Illinois River. These troops served to
keep the savages in check in those regions.

The troops already mentioned, not having been deemed
sufficient to prosecute the war in the western territories,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 175

the following address by Governor Shelby was published
early in this month :

"Frankfort, September 8, 1812.
"Fellow-Citizens of Kentucky :

"I have received information from his excellency, Gov
ernor Harrison, commanding the army northwest of the
Ohio, dated the 5th inst. at Piqua, that the British and In
dians had besieged Fort Wayne and perhaps had taken it :
that it was the object of the enemy to push on to Fort Har
rison and Vincennes — and he has required of me to leave
nothing undone to relieve those places. In addition to
this, information is also received, that the Indians have
murdered twentj^-one persons not more than twenty miles
north of the Ohio: and that a very extensive combination
of savages, aided by the British from Canada, are momently
expected on the frontier of Indiana and Illinois territories.

"With this information before us — and the requisition
of Governor Harrison, that a number of mounted volun
teers, be requested to march to the aid of our suffering fel
low-citizens, it is hoped that it will rouse the spirit and in
dignation of the freemen of Kentucky, and induce a suffi
cient number of them to give their services to their coun
try for a short period on this interesting occasion.

"It is proposed to accept the service of such a number
of mounted volunteers as may be adequate to the defence of
the said territories: and if necessary, follow the enemy,
and carry offensive war into their country, and lay waste
their towns.

"The volunteers will rendezvous at Louisville on the
18th day of this month, with at least thirty days provi
sions. The whole will be commanded by Major General
Samuel Hopkins, an officer of great merit and experience.
Should any company of volunteers not be able to rendez
vous on the day appointed, they can follow on and join the
army on their march.

"Kentuckians : ever pre-eminent for their patriotism,
bravery and good conduct, will, I am persuaded, on this
occasion, give to the world a new evidence of their love for
their country, and a determination, at every hazard, to

176 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

rescue their fellowmen from the murders and devastations
of a cruel and barbarous enemy.

"Isaac Shelby."

In compliance with this address, upwards of two thou
sand mounted volunteers repaired to Louisville, the Red
Banks, and other points of the Ohio, on their way to Vin-
cennes. Such indeed was the excess of numbers that the
governor turned back several hundreds at Louisville, and
two companies from Bath and Montgomery under Cap
tains Manifee and Coope, were stopped at Frankfort. At
Louisville an old veteran, a volunteer in one of the com
panies turned back after fretting a little at Ids fate, was
heard to say by way of consolation :

"Well, well, Kentucky has often glutted the market
with hemp, flour, and tobacco, and now she had done it
with volunteers."

These troops began to arrive at Vincennes about the
21st, and continued daily to arrive until the 2nd of Octo
ber. Some difficulty was experienced in organizing them,
in consequence of their arriving in this irregular manner.
Four regiments, however, were formed, to be commanded
by Colonels Samuel Caldwell, John Thomas, James Allen
and Young Ewing. These regiments constituted two bri
gades, the first to be commanded by General James Ray,
of Mercer, an early adventurer, and the other to be com
manded by General Jonathan Ramsey, of Livingston, Ken
tucky. And a few days after these arrangements were
made, another regiment was added under Colonel Samuel
South, of Madison, George Walker, Esq., was appointed
judge advocate; P. Butler, adjutant general; Majors Wil
liam Trigg and WT. A. Lee, aides to General Hopkins; J. C.
Breckinridge, secretary; and William Blair and Joseph
Weisiger acted as volunteer aids. While the troops were

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 177

collecting, General Hopkins was too unwell to attend to
business in person, but his aides, and his quartermaster
general, Colonel R. Taylor, of Frankfort, Kentucky, were
indefatigable in their attention and exertions.

A corps of 2,000 volunteer mounted riflemen being thus
organized, and every practicable preparation for their
march being made, the general-in-chief preceded to lead
them earl}7 in October against the enemy. He marched up
to Fort Harrison, where some delay took place in perfect
ing his arrangements, particularly in relation to the nec
essary supplies, which were still very inadequate.

Orders were given for drawing ten days' rations, but
many of the men did not get more flour than would last
two days, though beef and bacon were plentiful. The army
then crossed the Wabash and encamped a few miles from
the river, where a council of all the officers was held, and
the general informed them of his intention to march
against the principal Kickapoo village situated on the
waters of the Illinois River. His guides were examined in
the council, and stated the distance to the village to be 85
miles in a northwest direction. The plan of the general
then received the unanimous approbation of his officers.
The march was resumed, and after proceeding about 25
miles to the northwest, a trail of Indians was discovered in
the prairie, which led to' the north. The army pursued it,
and continued their march in that direction, and even
northeast, for several days, frequently crossing trails of
Indians which led to the westward. The want of provi
sions and forage began to be severely felt by the men and
their horses; and a strong suspicion began to prevail
among the troops, that the guides either from ignorance or
treachery were leading them astray. Some Indian huts
and a council house were at last discovered, from which
there were fresh trails leading to the west. But the guides

12

178 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

still went to the north, averring that they knew the country
well, and were now near the villages. Presently one of
them announced that he had discovered a town with his
spy-glass — but on coming nearer, it proved to be nothing
but a fire in the prairie. This produced chagrin and des
pondence in the men, and greatly increased their suspicion
of the guides. The general then turned their march to the
west, declaring that he would act as guide himself. Next
morning a council was called to consider the condition of
the troops and the policy of further pursuit. After mature
consideration, the council was unanimous, that in the
present starving situation of both men and horses, with a
very uncertain prospect of finding the enemy soon, it was
most proper to abandon the pursuit and return. This de
cision being made known through the camp, the men warm
ly approved it and prepared for its execution. The gen
eral, however, thought proper to issue an order, or at least
a request, that the army should follow him one day longer
in search of the enemy ; but when ready to march the men
unanimously took the direction to Vincennes, notwith
standing the remonstrances of their general officers. It
has since been ascertained that the village was still 60 or
70 miles further west. And thus through the lateness of
the season, the scarcity of provisions, and the mistakes of
the guides, the expedition entirely failed to its principal
object, but by exhibiting a formidable force at a greater
distance in the Indian country than any former army had
proceeded, a serviceable impression was made on the fears
of the enemy. Much crimination and recrimination hav
ing passed between the general, his men and the citizens,
in consequence of this failure, a court of inquiry was held
on the general at his request which reported that not one
of the charges or their specifications were supported by evi
dence ; the greater number being expressly negatived by the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 179

evidence adduced on the part of the prosecution, and the
whole of the charges clearly and fully refuted. The Court,
therefore, acquitted the general, and gave as their opinion
that his conduct merited the applause rather than the
censure of his country.

After the mounted men were discharged, and had left
the frontiers, General Hopkins determined to conduct an
expedition of infantry from Fort Harrison against the In
dians on the Wabash. A corps of 1,250 men were accord
ingly prepared for this service, consisting of the regiments
of Kentucky militia, commanded by Colonels Barbour,
Miller, and Wilcox, a small party of regulars under Major
Z. Taylor, and about 50 rangers and spies on horseback,
under Captains Beckers and Washburn. On the llth of
November the march was commenced from Fort Harrison,
and conducted with much caution up the east side of the
Wabash. As the enemy had now been long apprised, and
well informed, of the intended operations against them, it
was deemed extremely probable that they would attempt
to surprise the detachment, and to defeat it on its march,
and that their arrangements for this would be chiefly made
on the west side of the river, where the ground was the
most favorable for such a scheme; hence, the route on the
east side was preferred and cautiously pursued. The pro
visions, forage, and military stores were embarked in seven
boats, which were placed under the command of Colonel
Barbour with a battalion of his regiment. The boats and
the troops on land, generally encamped together at night,
with a view to greater security. A rise of water in the
Wabash from late rains, rendered the progress of the de
tachment very slow, so that it was the 19th before they
arrived at the Prophet's town. Several days were then
spent in reconnoitering the country, and in destroying the
neighboring evacuated villages, together with the corn and

180 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

other resources which had been left about them. The
Prophet's town containing at this time about 40 cabins;
a Winebago village, four miles lower down, on Ponce Pas-
su Creek, and near the W abash on the east side, containing
about 40 houses also ; and a Kickapoo village on the west
side, containing about 160 cabins; were all completely de
stroyed. On the 21st a small party of Indians were dis
covered on Ponce Passu Creek, seven miles east of the
Prophet's town, who fired on a reconnoitering party and
killed one soldier. On the next day Colonels Miller and
Wilcox went out with a party of 60 mounted men, with a
view to bury the man who had been killed, and to obtain
more complete information respecting the enemy, but they
fell into an ambuscade and lost 18 of their men in killed,
wounded and missing. It was ascertained, however, that
the Indians were encamped on the creek in considerable
force. The general now determined to march against them
in the morning, but a violent snow storm with an extreme
degree of cold, which commenced in the night and contin
ued till the evening of the next day, prevented him from
moving until the morning of the 24th. On arriving at the
creek it was found that the enemy had fled before the fall
of snow. The position they had evacuated was as strong
as nature could make it. Their camp was secured on the
rear and flanks by a deep rapid stream, which run round
them in a semi-circle; while their front was rendered in
accessible by a bluff 100 feet high and nearly perpendicu
lar, and which could be ascended at three places only by
steep and difficult ravines. As the enemy would not de
fend themselves in this place, it was evident they had de
termined not to fight ; any further search for them in the
wilderness by foot troops at this inclement season was
therefore perfectly negatory. The general had determined

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 181

to spend another week, at least, in endeavoring to find their
camps, but this occurrence, together with

"the shoeless, shirtless condition of the troops, now clad
in the remnants of their summer clothes; a river full of
ice; hills covered with snow; a rigid climate, and no cer
tain point to which he could further direct his operations ;"

now induced him with the unanimous advice of his officers,
to return immediately to Vincennes. On this expedition
the whole detachment behaved with the greatest propriety
—performing all their duties with promptitude and alac
rity, and enduring many privations and hardships with
cheerfulness and fortitude. Not a murmur nor complaint
was heard. If the conduct and issue of the mounted ex
pedition was disgraceful in some degree to our militia,
their character for exemplary devotion to the common
cause was retrieved by the good conduct of the infantry
on this occasion. Another and more successful enterprise
had also in the meantime been conducted against the In
dians by Governor Edwards and Colonel Russell.

About the time General Hopkins marched from Vin
cennes with his mounted troops, Colonel Russell went with
some rangers, and joined Governor Edwards with a party
of regulars and militia, making altogether about 400 men,
with which they penetrated into the Indian country still
further to the northwest, intending to co-operate with Gen
eral Hopkins on the Illinois River at Peoria, to which place
the latter intended to conduct his expedition against the
Kickapoos. They could hear nothing of the general, how
ever, in that quarter, and being too weak to continue long
by themselves at such a distance in the country of the ene
my, they were obliged to make a stroke and retire. They
accordingly proceeded against a considerable village of
the enemy, about 20 miles above Peoria, and immediately
at the head of the Peoria Lake. They succeeded in sur-

182 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

prising its inhabitants, who immediately fled into a swamp,
which lay between the town and the river. Our men pur
sued them with impetuosity about three miles, frequently
up to the waist in mud and water, nor ceased from pursuit
until they had driven them over the Illinois River. Their
loss was very great: upwards of 20 warriors were found
dead, and many others must have been killed and over
looked in the swamp, beside those who fell in the river and
were carried away by the current. Our loss was four
wounded — none of them mortal. The town together with
a large quantity of corn and other plunder was destroyed,
and about 80 horses brought away by the retiring con
querors.

We must now recur to the movements and transactions
of the northwestern army, under the more immediate direc
tion of the commander-in-chief. The troops moving on the
line of operations, which passed from Delaware by Upper
to Lower Sandusky, composed of the brigades from Vir
ginia and Pennsylvania, and that of Perkins from Ohio,
were now designated in general orders and commonly
known as the right wing of the army: Tuppers brigade
moving on Hull's road formed the centre division, and the
Kentuckians under Winchester were styled the left wing.

General Harrison continued his headquarters at Frank-
linton and Delaware, and was chiefly employed in superin
tending the supplies. Notwithstanding the failure of the
intended expedition to the Rapids under Tupper, he still
placed a high degree of confidence in the militia volun
teers, of which his army was composed; but fearing that
the extreme hardships and difficulties of the campaign
might shake their firmness and evaporate their zeal, he
thought it important to collect a body of men on whom he
could fully rely in the most desperate circumstances. He
therefore ordered, early in October, all the recruits of the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 183

regular army in the western States, to be marched to the
frontiers. Those in Ohio to be commanded by Lieutenant
Colonel Campbell, and those of Tennessee by Colonel An
derson, or some field officer of his regiment.

The different corps of the army were now chiefly em
ployed, for several months, in forwarding supplies on the
different routes on which they had marched, or were des
tined to march. The Virginia and Pennsylvania troops
were employed in escorting the artillery and military stores
towards Upper Sandusky; the Ohio troops conveyed pro
visions from Manary's blockhouse, near the head of the Big
Miami, twenty miles north of Urbana, to Forts McArthur
and Finley on Hull's road; while the Kentuckians were
traversing the swamps of St. Marys and the Auglaize, and
descending those rivers in small craft, to carry provisions
to Fort Winchester and the left wing. The difficulties of
this business cannot be adequately exhibited in a cursory
statement. The letters of the commander-in-chief, to the
war department, at this period, were constantly filled with
details on this subject. On the 22nd of October, he thus
addressed the government:

"I am not able to fix any period for the advance of the
troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident that it cannot be
done on proper principles, until the frost shall become so
severe as to enable us to use the rivers and the margin of
the lake for the transportation of the baggage on the ice.
To get supplies forward, through a swampy wilderness of
nearly 200 miles in wagons or on packhorses, which are to
carry their own provisions, is absolutely impossible.

"The object, however, can be accomplished by using the
margin of the lake as above mentioned, if the troops are
provided with warm clothing, and the winter is such as it
commonly is in this climate. — No species of supplies are
calculated on being found in the Michigan territory. The
farms upon the river Raisin, which might have afforded a
quantity of forage, are nearly all broken up and destroyed.

184 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

This article then, as well as the provisions for the men, is
to be taken from this State — a circumstance which must at
once put to rest every idea for a land conveyance at this
season — since it would require at least two wagons with
forage for each one that is loaded with provisions and
other articles.

"My present plan is, to occupy Sandusky and accumu
late at that place as much provision and forage as possible,
to be taken from thence upon slides to the river Raisin.
At Defiance, Fort Jennings and St. Marys, boats and slides
are preparing to take advantage of a rise of water or a fall
of snow."

He further states that lie had kept the troops from ad
vancing, with a view to save the expense of supplying them
at a greater distance, until the whole should be ready to
move on the main expedition; and that the contractors
had as yet done little or nothing toward making the de
posits which he had urged them to accomplish. The prin
ciple contractor had let out his contract for the northwest
ern part of the State at a rate so low, that the subcontrac
tors were unable to furnish the supplies — and some of
them, too, were characters on whom no reliance could be
placed. The principle contractor, it was said, would make
|100,000 by his contract for that State; yet lie was not
disposed to make the least sacrifice of his own interests
for the public good.

The general proceeds to state in the same letter, that
on account of the troops being kept in the interior,

"Depredations by small parties of Indians may and
will be made, but it is impossible that any considerable
body can advance against the settlements, without being in
danger of being intercepted on their retreat. I am per
suaded that the Indians have done less mischief on the
frontiers since the declaration of war than they did in the
same time preceding it. It was suggested to me a feAv days
ago by a member of Congress, that the possession of De-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 185

troit by the enemy would probably be the most effectual
bar to the attainment of peace. If this was really the case,
I would undertake to recover it with a detachment of the
army at any time. A few hundred packhorses, with a drove
of beeves, without artillery and heavy baggage, would sub
sist the 1,500 or 2,000 men, which I would select for the
purpose, until the balance of the army could arrive. But
having in view offensive operations from Detroit, an ad
vance of this sort would be premature and ultimately dis
advantageous."

A few days after the letter was written, from which the
above extracts are made, Harrison was informed by Gen
erals Perkins and Beall, belonging to a detachment of Ohio
militia under General Wads worth, in the northwestern
parts of the State, that the opening of a road from a point
near Mansfield to Lower Sandusky, in which they had been
engaged by the orders of Governor Meigs, was forbidden by
General Wadsworth; and that a road from Sandusky to
the Rapids would be impassable unless causewayed for a
distance of 15 miles. This information induced the gen
eral to set out immediately to make a personal examination
into the state of affairs in that quarter. He found Major
General Wadsworth commanding 800 men, near the mouth
of the river Huron, and 500 more under Brigadier General
Beall near Mansfield. The two corps were consolidated,
and placed under Brigadier General Perkins with orders
to proceed to Lower Sandusky, and open a road thence to
the Rapids, making the causeways required by the state of
the country. He returned to his headquarters early in
November; and about the 15th of the month, the Pennsyl
vania troops with the artillery passed Mansfield, destined
to meet the Virginia troops at Upper Sandusky.

On the 15th of November General Harrison informed
the war department that he did not think it safe to move
from the Rapids until one million of rations had been ac-

186 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

cumulated at that place. Considerable progress had now
been made — but he adds :

"You can scarcely form an idea, sir, of the difficulty
with which land transportation is effected north of the
fortieth degree of latitude in this country. The country
beyond that, is almost a continued swamp to the lakes.
Where the streams run favorable to your course, a small
strip of better ground is generally found, but in crossing
from one river to another, the greater part of the way at
this season is covered with water. Such is actually the
situation of that space between the Sandusky and the
Miami Rapids ; and from the best information I could ac
quire, whilst I was at Huron, the road over it must be
causewayed at least half the way."

He further stated, that in the opinion of the quarter
master it would require two teams, loaded with forage for
their own subsistence, for every one employed in carrying
the other articles from F'ranklinton to Upper Sandusky,
at which place it was necessary to accumulate, not only
provisions for the men, but forage to serve at least two
thousand horses and oxen, to be employed in advancing on
the main expedition. The expenses of such transportation
must, of course, be enormous. The intention of employing
the dragoons on that expedition was for this reason
abandoned.

About this time Major Hardin had passed between the
left wing at Fort Winchester and the headquarters of the
general — while on the journey he wrote confidentially to
Governor Shelby:

"The late rains have rendered the roads desperate. I
learn that this route is considered the best of the three,
along which provisions are to be conveyed — if so, I am cer
tain that it is morally impossible to provision the army at
Detroit by land. Indeed, such is the state of the road, that
no wagon can take its own forage from Piqua to the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 187

Rapids. As for a water carriage, we could have it to the
Rapids; but while the enenry commands the lake, we are
there cut short. I therefore deem it impracticable to pene
trate Canada from this quarter this season.

"I know that it will be mortifying to Kentucky for this
army to return without doing any thing — but it is better
to do that, than to attempt impossibilities. 1 wish to God
the public mind were informed of our difficulties, and grad
ually prepared for this course * * * . In my opinion, we
should in this quarter disband all, but those sufficient for
a strong frontier guard, and for convoys etc., and prepare
for the next season."

Having thus exhibited the inglorious labors and diffi
culties, which this army had to encounter in procuring
supplies, we will now with more pleasure recount some of
its military movements and exploits. Early in November,
General Tupper, who had previously marched his command
from Urbana to the frontiers on Hull's road, sent his spy
company, under Captain Hinkston, to reconnoitre at the
Rapids. The Captain concealed his men on the southeast
side of the river, where he had discovered a British and
Indian encampment in the opposite bottom, which was an
open prairie. Presently a British officer with a few In
dians came over the river, and when they had advanced
some distance from their boat, Captain Hinkston fired up
on them, and took the officer prisoner. He was a captain
by the name of Clarke. Having returned with him to Gen
eral Tuppers camp, he informed the general that there
were three or four hundred Indians and about 75 British
at the Rapids, where they had come to carry off the corn,
of which a considerable quantity still remained. General
Tupper immediately prepared a strong detachment consist
ing of six hundred and fifty men, who volunteered to go
against the enemy. He notified General Winchester of the
intended movement, and marched on the 10th from Fort

188 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

M' Arthur, with a light six pounder, and 5 days' provisions,
in the knapsacks of his men. The badness of the road
obliged him to leave the six pounder at Hull's packsaddle
blockhouse; and when he arrived at Portage River, 20
miles from the Rapids, he sent his spies in advance to re
connoitre. They met him in the evening, five miles on their
return, with information that the enemy remained in the
same position near the foot of the Rapids. The detach
ment was now halted till near sunset, to avoid being dis
covered by the allies, and then marched to a ford about
two and a half miles above them. Here spies were again
sent to ascertain their precise situation, who returned
about nine o'clock, with information that they were en
camped in close order, and employed in singing and danc
ing. Orders were now given to cross the river, with a view
to attack them at the dawn of day. Colonel Stafford com
manded a battalion on the left flank in single files ; Colonel
Miller's regiment composed the right ; and Major Galloway
commanded a battalion in reserve. In this order they in
tended to cross the river and surround the enemy's camp.
Special instructions were given to each officer, and every
soldier, who did not feel willing to cross, had permission
to shift for himself. The men were much fatigued, and the
weather was very cold. General Tupper pushed into the
water and crossed at the head of the first section. Th<*
others attempted to cross in double files, with their arms
locked together, and when nearly two hundred had gone
over, the greater part of one section were washed off their
feet, and lost their guns. The water was waist deep, and
ran very swift. The few horses belonging to the detach
ment were sent immediately to save the men, and happily
succeeded in getting out the whole. An attempt was next
made to cross on horses, but they being weak were also
washed down, and the riders plunged into the current.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 189

Finding it impracticable to get the detachment over at this
place, those who had succeeded recrossed, and the whole
retired to the woods and encamped.

Next morning, the 14th, General Tupper dispatched an
express to General Winchester, stating his situation, and
suggesting the propriety of a reinforcement, if one had not
already been sent; at the same time remarking that he
could not remain there longer than another day, unless he
could receive a supply of provisions. He then sent his
spies down the river in view of the enemy, with a design to
decoy them over, but the Indians were not to be caught in
this way. Only a few crossed, and they would not venture
far on shore, which was open ground for half a mile. Fail
ing in this project, the general marched the whole of his
troops down in the woods, and showed the heads of his
columns in the open ground. This alarmed the enemy con
siderably. The squaws ran to the woods — the British ran
to their boats and escaped — the Indians more brave than
their allies, paraded and fired across the river, but without
effect. The general then fell back, in hopes to entice them
over, but he could neither induce them to cross nor scare
them off without a fight like the British. At last he
marched back towards his camp. Some Indians were seen,
in the meantime, to mount their horses and ride up the
river, and some of Tupper 's men imprudently pursued a
gang of hogs about half a mile from the main body, while
some others went into an adjoining corn field to gather
corn. The mounted Indians, having crossed the river,
came upon the latter party and killed four of them, and
then boldly charged on the left flank, but were repulsed.
A large body at the same time crossed opposite the head
of the column, where they were met by Major Bentley's bat
talion, and driven back with some loss. A noted chief by
the name of Split-Log was their commander.

190 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Late in the evening the detachment retreated, leaving
accidentally in the camp a sick man who was unable to
march, and who fell a prey to the tomahawk and scalping
knife.

On the next morning, the 15th, the express arrived at
Winchester's camp, with Tuppers request for a reinforce
ment. A detachment of 450 men had already been organ
ized, and marched that morning under the command of
Colonel Lewis, to whom the information in Tupper's des
patch was immediately forwarded. The colonel proceeded
all day in a forced march down the north side of the river,
and in the night dispatched Ensign Todd, quartermaster
to the advance of the left wing, accompanied by five guides
with instructions to proceed to General T upper on the
other side of the river, and agree on some point, for a junc
tion of the detachments on the north side early in the
morning, with a view to attack the Indians in their en
campment. At twelve o'clock in the night, Todd reached
Tupper's camp, and found that it had been abandoned, ap
parently with much precipitation, as the fires were extinct,
and two men were lying there tomahawked and scalped. He
recrossed the river immediately and joined Colonel Lewis
before day, who then retreated to Winchester's camp, under
the impression that Tupper had been defeated.

This movement to the Rapids by Tupper was sufficient
ly bold and hazardous for a spirited soldier, but his conduct
after his failure in attempting to cross the river is not to
be commended. He should doubtless have retreated up the
river to a place where he could cross, and have waited there
for the reinforcement under Lewis. After sending for that
reinforcement, he was surely blamable in breaking up his
camp and retreating, without communicating to it any in
telligence of such a movement. His men, however, behaved
well, having acted bravely in every instance, except in re-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 191

treating, and having performed a severe march, 160 miles
in all, on a road which was then a continued swamp the
whole way.

Though but little execution was done on this excursion,
it frightened off the British without the corn they had come
for, and alarmed the Indians sufficiently to induce them to
fall back to the river Raisin. It probably had the effect,
too, of saving the people of that place from massacre.
These Indians had previously sent them the following mes
sage, committed to writing by a British pen :

"The Hurons and other tribes of Indians, assembled at
the Miami Rapids, to the inhabitants of the river Raisin —
"Friends, listen — you have always told us that you
would give us any assistance in your power. We, therefore,
as the enemy is approaching us within 25 miles, call upon
you all to rise up and come here immediately, bringing
your arms along with you. Should you fail at this time,
we will not consider you in future as friends; and the con
sequences may be very unpleasant. We are well convinced
that you have no writing forbidding you to assist us.
"We are your friends at present,
"(Signed) Round Head,

Walk-In-The-Water."

The appearance of Tupper's detachment, having sepa
rated them from their British instigators, and alarmed
them for their own safety, may have deterred them from
the hostility threatened in this message.

Shortly after this expedition by General Tupper to the
Miami Rapids, a tragical adventure occurred in the left
wing of the army, which merits to be minutely recorded.
Captain James Logan, the Shawanoe chief, by the orders
of General Harrison, proceeded with a small party of his
tribe to reconnoitre in the direction of the Rapids. He met
with a superior force of the enemy near that place, by which
he was so closely pursued that his men were obliged to dis-

192 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

perse for safety in their retreat. Logan, with two of his
companions, Captain John and Bright Horn, arrived at
General Winchester's camp, where he faithfully reported
the incidents of the excursion. But there were certain per
sons in the army who suspected his fidelity, and reproached
him with being friendly, and with communicating intelli
gence, to the enemy. The noble spirit of Logan could not
endure the ungenerous charge. With the sensibility of a
genuine soldier, he felt that his honor and fidelity should
not only be pure and firm, but unsuspected. He did not,
however, demand a court of inquiry — following the natural
dictates of a bold and generous spirit, he determined to
prove by unequivocal deeds of valor and fidelity, that he
was calumniated by his accusers.

On the 22nd of November he proceeded the second time,
accompanied only by the two persons named above, firmly
resolved either to bring in a prisoner or a scalp, or to perish
himself in the attempt. When he had gone about ten
miles down the north side of the Miami, he met with a
British officer, the eldest son of Colonel Elliot, accompan
ied by 5 Indians. As the party was too strong for him,
and he had no chance to escape, four of them being on
horseback, he determined them under the disguise of friend
ship for the British. He advanced with confident boldness,
and a friendly deportment to the enemy — but unfortunately
one of them was Winemac, a celebrated Potawatamie chief,
to whom the person and character of Captain Logan were
perfectly well known. He persisted, however, in his first
determination, and told them he was going to the Rapids to
give information to the British. After conversing some
time, he proceeded on his way, and Winemac with all his
companions, turned and went with him. As they travelled
on together, Winemac and his party closely watched the
others, and when they had proceeded about 8 miles, he

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 193

proposed to the British officer to seize them and tie them.
The officer replied that they were completely in his power ;
that if they attempted to run, they would be shot ; or fail
ing in that, the horses could easily run them down. The
consulation was overheard by Logan; he had previously
intended to go on peaceably till night, then make his es
cape, but he now formed the bold design of extricating
himself by a combat with double his number.

Having signified his resolution to his men, he com
menced the attack by shooting down Winemac himself.
The action lasted till they had. fired three rounds apiece,
during which time Logan and his brave companions drove
the enemy some distance, and separated them from their
horses. By the first fire, both Winemac and Elliott fell;
by the second a young Ottawa chief lost his life; and an
other of the enemy was mortally wounded about the con
clusion of the combat, at which time Logan himself, as he
was stooping down, received a ball just below the breast
bone; it ranged downwards and lodged under the skin on
his back. In the meantime, Bright Horn was also wounded
by a ball which passed through his thigh. As soon as
Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat ; himself and Bright
Horn, wounded as they were, jumped on the horses of the
enemy and rode to Winchester's camp, a distance of 20
miles, in 5 hours. Captain John taking the scalp of the
Ottawa chief, also retreated in safety and arrived at the
camp next morning.

Logan had now rescued his character, as a brave and
faithful soldier, from the obloquy, which had unjustly been
thrown upon him. But he preserved his honor, at the ex
pense of the next best gift of Heaven — his life. His wound
proved mortal. He lived two days in agony, which he bore
with uncommon fortitude, and died with the utmost com
posure and resignation.

13

194 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

"More firmness and consummate bravery has seldom
appeared on the military theatre/' says Winchester, in his
letter to the commanding general. "He was buried with
all the honors due to his rank, and with sorrow as sincerely
and generally displayed, as I ever witnessed/' says Major
Hardin, in a letter to Governor Shelby.

His physiognomy was formed on the best model, and ex
hibited the strongest marks of courage, intelligence, good
humor and sincerity. It was said by the Indians that the
British had offered one hundred and fifty dollars for his
scalp. He had been very serviceable to our cause by acting
as a guide and a spy. He had gone with General Hull to
Detroit, and with the first Kentucky troops, who marched
to the relief of Fort Wayne.

Captain Logan had been taken prisoner by General
Logan, of Kentucky, in the year of 1786, when he was a
youth. The general on parting with him, had given him
his name, which he retained to the end of his life. Before
the treaty of Greenville, he had distinguished himself as a
warrior, though still very young. His mother was a sister
to the celebrated Tecumseh and the Prophet, He stated
that in the summer, preceding his death, he had talked one
whole night with Tecumseh, and endeavored to persuade
him to remain at peace, while Tecumseh on the contrary
endeavored to engage him in the war on the side of the
British. His wife, when she was young, had also been
taken prisoner by Colonel Hardin in 1789, and had re
mained in the family till the treaty of Greenville. In the
army he had formed an attachment for Major Hardin, the
son of the colonel, and son-in-law of General Logan, and
now requested him to see that the money due for his serv
ices was faithfully paid to his family. He also requested
that his family might be removed immediately to Kentucky
and his children educated and brought up in the manner

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 195

of the white people. He observed that he had killed a great
chief, that the hostile Indians knew where his family lived,
and that when he was gone, a few base fellows might creep
up and destroy them.

Major Hardin, having promised to do everything in his
power, to have the wishes of his friend fulfilled, imme
diately obtained permission the general, to proceed with
Logan's little corps of Indians, to the village of Wapogh-
conata, where his family resided. When they reached near
the village, the scalp of the Ottawa chief was tied to a pole
to be carried in triumph to the council house ; and Captain
John, when they came in sight of the town, ordered the
guns of the party to be fired in quick succession, on account
of the death of Logan. A council of the chiefs was pres
ently held, in which after consulting two or three days,
they decided against sending the family of their departed
hero to Kentucky. They appeared, however, to be fully
sensible of the loss they had sustained, and were sincerely
grieved for his death.

About the time that Tupper's expedition to the Rapids
was in execution, General Harrison determined to send an
expedition of horsemen against the Miamies, assembled in
the towns on the Mississiniway River, a branch of the
Wabash. The reader will recollect that a deputation of
chiefs from those Indians met General Harrison at St.
Marys in October and sued for peace — that they agreed to
abide by the decision of the president, and in the meantime
to send in five chiefs to be held as hostages. The president
replied to the communication of the general on this sub
ject, that as the disposition of the several tribes would be
known best by himself, he must treat them as their conduct
and the public interest might in his judgment require. The
hostages were never sent in, and further information of
their intended hostility was obtained. At the time of their

196 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

peace mission, they were alarmed by the successful move
ments, which had been made against other tribes from Fort
Wayne, and by the formidable expedition which was pene
trating their country under General Hopkins. But the
failure of that expedition was soon afterwards known to
them, and they determined to continue hostile. A white
man by the name of William Conner, who had resided
many years with the Delawares, and had a wife among
them, but who was firmly attached to our cause in this war,
was sent to the towns to watch the movements of the
Mianiies. He visited the villages on the Mississiniway
River, and was present at several of their councils. The
question of war with the United States and union with the
British was warmly debated, and there was much division
among the chiefs, but the war party at last prevailed. The
presence and intrigues of Tecumseh, and afterwards the
retreat of General Hopkins, rendered them nearly unani
mous for war.

To avert the evils of their hostility was the object of the
expedition against Mississiniway.

"The situation of this town, as it regards one line of
operations, even if the hostility of the inhabitants was less
equivocal, would render a measure of this kind highly
proper; but from the circumstance of General Hopkin's
failure, it becomes indispensable. Relieved from the fears
excited by the invasion of their country, the Indians from
the upper part of the Illinois River, and to the south of
Lake Michigan, will direct all their efforts against Fort
Wayne, and the convoys which are to follow the left wing
of the army. Mississiniway will be their rendezvous, where
they will receive provisions and every assistance they may
require for any hostile enterprise. From that place they
can by their runners ascertain the period, at which every
convoy may set out from St. Marys, and with certainty in
tercept it on its way to the Miami Rapids. But that place
being broken up, and the provisions destroyed, there will

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 197

be nothing to subsist any body of Indians, nearer than the
Potawatamie towns on the waters of the St. Josephs of the
Lake." — Harrison.

The detachment was placed under the command of Lieu
tenant Colonel Campbell, of the 19th regiment, and con
sisted of Colonel Simrall's dragoons, a squadron of cavalry
under Major Ball, Elliott's company of United States' in
fantry, Alexander's 12 months volunteer riflemen, and
Butler's company of Pittsburgh volunteers — all mounted
and armed with muskets and rifles, and forming together
a corps of 600 men. They inarched from Franklinton on
the 25th of November, by the way of Dayton, to Greenville,
which place they left on the 14th of December for the In
dian town, distant about 80 miles; each man carrying ten
days' rations and as much forage as he could with con
venience. The weather was extremely cold, and the ground
hard frozen and covered with snow. On the evening of the
third day, when the party was about 20 miles from their
destination, a halt was called to take some refreshment and
hold a council. It was determined in the council to march
all night, and to attack the villages very early in the morn
ing. When they had arrived in the night, within three
miles of the first village, as the guides supposed, they halted
again and waited till daylight, when the march was again
resumed. Their progress was delayed a little by a difficult
swamp, of which the guides were ignorant. Presently the
front guard observed four Indians on horseback, who were
pursued, and in a few minutes the first village was sur
rounded. But many of the Indians had already escaped
over the river, on which the village was built — some who
remained made a little resistance, but the greater part
surrendered immediately. Those who had fled were pur
sued by Captain Johnston, some of them killed and seven
or eight captured. The result of the whole was eight war-

198 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

riors killed and forty-two prisoners taken, consisting of
men, women, and children. Colonel Campbell lost two men
killed. In advancing upon the town, Colonel Simrall's
regiment formed the left column, Major Ball's squadron
the right, and the infantry the centre. The prisoners be
ing placed under the infantry as a guard, and the huts be
ing fired, the dragoons proceeded down the river three
miles to the village of Silver Heels, and two other small
towns ; which had all been abandoned by their inhabitants
in confused precipitation. The towns were burnt, and all
the property destroyed or brought away. When the dra
goons returned to the first village, as the whole detachment
was much fatigued, having been thirty-six hours on horse
back, with little intermission, they determined to encamp
till next day. Very little corn had been obtained, the
greater part having been already consumed by the Indians,
or hid in the ground.

The encampment for the night was formed on the bank
of the Mississiniway River, about 200 yards square. The
infantry and riflemen were posted on the bank; Colonel
SimralPs dragoons formed the left and half the rear line ;
Major Ball's squadron formed the right and the rest of the
rear. Major Ball being officer of the day, caused strong
guards to be placed out, with small redoubts at each angle,
at the distance of sixty yards, where a captain's guard with
two sub-alterns were stationed. Beyond these at a similar
distance, the sentinels were placed. During the night, the
sentinels reported that they could perceive Indians round
the camp examining it. A fire was also discovered down
the river. From these appearances an attack was antici
pated, and the men were raised and directed to have their
arms in their hands, two hours before daylight. Reveille
was beat, and Adjutant Payne summoned the field officers
and captains to headquarters to consult about the future

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 199

operations against the principal village, which was 12
miles lower down the river. While the officers were in
council, about half an hour before day, the Indians made a
violent attack upon the rear right angle. The officers went
to their posts, and in a moment the lines were formed and
the fire of the enemy returned with effect. Captain Pierce,
who commanded at the redoubt where the attack was made,
bravely maintained his post till he was shot and toma
hawked. His guard then retreated to the lines. The angle
attacked was composed of Captain Garrard's right, and the
left of Captain Hopkin's company, who resisted the onset
with great firmness. In a few minutes the action became
general along the right flank and a part of the rear. The
spies together with the Pittsburgh Blues promptly rein
forced the point assailed, and took their station on the left
of Captain Hopkins. The action continued near an hour,
and was gallantly supported by Major Ball's squadron,
the reinforcements above named, and some of Captain
Elliott's company. At daylight a gallant charge was made
by Captain Trotter at the head of his troop, from the left
of Ball's squadron, and by Captain Johnston with his
company from the right, with a view to take the Indians in
their flanks and rear. Captain Trotter's command attacked
and dispersed a superior number of Indians, killing several
of them in the encounter. During the attack the enem>
several times advanced close to the lines, apparently deter
mined to rescue the captives or perish in the attempt, but
when daylight appeared and they were charged from the
lines, they despaired of success and fled in every direction.
They left about fifteen dead on the ground, besides what
were thrown into the river and carried away. The loss on
the part of the detachment was eight killed and 48 wounded,
several of whom afterwards died. Captain Trotter and
Lieutenant Hedges, Basey and Hickman were among the

200 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

wounded. Lieutenant Waltz, of Markle's company of vol
unteers, was killed — like the gallant Spencer in the battle
of Tippccanoe, he could not be induced to leave his post
after he had received two wounds, one of which threatened
the loss of his arm, but was mounting his horse to make a
charge, when he was shot through the head. All the offi
cers and soldiers engaged, with very few exceptions, be
haved with great firmness and gallantry. Colonel Simrall
was afterwards particularly commended in a general order
for the excellent discipline of his regiment, which was
deemed equal to that of any other in America. Colonel
Campbell and Majors Ball and M'Dowell were also ap
plauded as excellent officers, besides many others of less
rank.

As soon after the battle as the wounded could be dressed
and litters made to carry them, the detachment commenced
their return. Colonel Campbell had learned from a pris
oner, that Tecumseh with six hundred warriors was but
18 miles beloAv him; of course, it was not prudent to re
main any longer, in the condition in which the battle had
left him. Many of his men were already very much frost
bitten ; and in the wilderness through which he had to re
turn, there were many creeks and swamps, which would be
rendered impassable by a thaw. His march was very slow-
on account of the wounded and sick, and provisions soon
became very scarce. But Captain Hite had been sent ex
press to headquarters on the day after the battle, and a
reinforcement of 90 men with provisions was immediately
sent to meet the detachment. A strong breastwork was
erected every night, and one-third of the men were placed
on guard. When they arrived at Greenville, about 300
were rendered unfit for duty by frost, sickness, and wounds.
They deserve great credit for the firmness with which they

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 201

endured such extraordinary hardships, as well as for their
bravery and good conduct in battle.

"But the character of this gallant detachment, exhibit
ing as it did, perseverance, fortitude, and bravery, would,
however, be incomplete, if in the midst of victory they had
forgotten the feelings of humanity. It is with the sincer-
est pleasure that the general has heard that the most punc
tual obedience was paid at his orders in now only saving
all the women and children, but in sparing all the warriors
who ceased to resist; and that, even Avhen vigorously at
tacked by the enemy, the claims of mercy prevailed over
every sense of their own danger, and this heroic band re
spected the lives of their prisoners. Let an account of
murdered innocence be opened in the records of Heaven,
against our enemies alone. The American soldier will fol
low the example of his government, and the sword of the
one will not be raised against the fallen and the helpless,
nor the gold of the other be paid for the scalps of a mas
sacred enemy.'' — Harrison.

The good effects of the expedition were soon felt. It let
us know distinctly who were our friends and who were our
enemies among the Indians. The Delaware tribe from
White River and all others who were determined to remain
at peace immediately accepted the invitation which had
previously been given by the government, to come within
the limits of the American frontiers. They were settled by
the proper authority, about half way between Piqua and
the Shawanoe village of Wapoghconata on the Auglaize.
Soon after the return of the detachment to Dayton, so many
of Colonel SimralFs regiment were found to be unfit for
immediate service, and the intention of employing dragoons
on the main expedition was so entirely abandoned that the
general determined to disband them immediately — they
were accordingly discharged on the 10th day of January,
and returned home from a service which had been hard in
deed, but to them not less glorious than severe.

202 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

We must now recur again to the toilsome preparations
for the main expedition against Maiden, and the inglorious
war which our troops were doomed to wage with the ele
ments which opposed their progress with all the powers
and majesty of mud.

The troops composing the left wing under Winchester,
when the season became severe, were exposed to many and
great privations. They had left the greater part of their
clothing in the first instance at Piqua, when marching to
the relief of Fort Wayne, and suffered considerably before
they received it again. But as the winter came, an addi
tional supply of winter clothing became necessary. The
government had ordered large supplies of this kind — but
there was in this stage of the war an immense difference
between the ordering of supplies and delivering them on
the frontiers. Harrison and Shelby had also appealed to
the patriotism of the people of Kentucky for voluntary
contributions, and a considerable quantity of clothing was
in this way collected under the superintendence of Gover
nor Shelby. The ladies of Kentucky were not wanting in
such patriotic services as they had it in their power to
render. Of the clothing thus collected, however, but very
little reached the army before Christmas, and much of it
was entirely lost, owing to the misconduct of wagoners and
wagonmasters, and the insuperable difficulties of trans
portation.

Soon after Fort Winchester was finished, the left wing
moved over the river and encamped on the north bank, for
the convenience of firewood. The situation being wet and
disagreeable, they presently moved down to a second, and
then to a third camp, six miles below the Auglaize. About
the first of November they became extremely sickly. The
typhus fever raged with violence, so that three or four
Avould sometimes die in one day. Upwards of 300 were

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 203

daily on the sick list, and so discouraging was the prospect
of advancing, that about the first of December they were
ordered to build huts for their accommodation. Many were
so entirely destitute of shoes and other clothing that they
must have frozen, if they had been obliged to march any
distance. And sometimes the whole army would be for
many days entirely without flour.

All these privations were caused in a great measure by
the difficulties of transportation. The roads were bad be
yond description; none but those who have actually seen
the state of the country seem ever to have formed a correct
estimate of the difficulties to be encountered. The road
from Loramie's blockhouse to the St. Marys, and thence to
Defiance, was one continued swamp, kneedeep to the pack-
horses and up to the hubs of the wagons. It was found
impossible in some instances to get even the empty wagons
along, and many were left sticking in the mire and ravines,
the wagoners being glad to get off with the horses alive.
Sometimes the quartermaster, taking advantage of a tem
porary freeze, would send off a convoy of provisions, which
would be swamped by a thaw before it reached its destina
tion. These natural difficulties were also increased by a
great deficiency of funds, and inadequacy of the other re
sources which were requisite in the quartermaster's de
partment. The only persons who could be procured to act
as packhorse drivers, were generally the most worthless
creatures in society, who took care neither of the horses
nor the goods with which they were entrusted. The horses,
of course, were soon broken down, and many of the packs
lost. The teams hired to haul were also commonly valued
so high on coming into service, that the owners were will
ing to drive them to deviltry and death, with a view to get
ting the price. In addition to this, no bills of lading were
used, or accounts kept with the wagoners — of course, each

204 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

one had an opportunity to plunder the public without much
risk of detection. We are, hence, not to wonder when such
were the difficulties and the means of surmounting them,
that supplies were not more rapidly accumulated at the
various places of deposit.

The following account will exhibit the difficulties of
water transportation. About the first of December, Major
Bodley, an enterprising officer, who was quartermaster of
the Kentucky troops, made an attempt to send nearly 200
barrels of flour down the St. Marys in perogues to the left
wing below Defiance. Previous to this time the water had
rarely been high enough to venture on a voyage in those
small streams. The flour was now shipped in 15 or 20
perogues and canoes, and placed under the command of
Captain Jordon and Lieutenant Cardwell, with upwards
20 men. They descended the river and arrived about a
week afterwards at Shane's crossing, upwards of one hun
dred miles by water, but only twenty by land from the
place where they started. The river was so narrow, crooked,
full of logs, and trees overhanging the banks that it was
with great difficulty they could make any progress. And
now in one freezing night they were completely icebound.
Lieutenant Cardwell waded back through the ice and
swamps to Fort Barbee, with intelligence of their situa
tion. Major Bodley returned with him to the flour and of
fered the men extra wages to cut through the ice and push
forward; but having gained only one mile by two days'
labor, the project was abandoned, and a guard left with
the flour. A few days before Christmas a temporary thaw
took place, which enabled them with much difficulty and
suffering to reach within a few miles of Fort Wayne, where
they were again frozen up. They now abandoned the voy
age and made sleds on which the men hauled the flour to
the fort and left it there.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 205

In the meantime General Winchester's wing was suffer
ing the greatest privations. Trusting to this attempt to
convey supplies by water, the exertions by land were re
laxed. From the 10th to the 22nd of this month, the camp
was without flour, and for some time before they had only
half rations. Poor beef and hickory roots were their whole
subsistence. At the same time fevers and other diseases
raged in almost every tent, in which the sick were exposed,
not only to hunger, but to the inclemency of the season.
The necessary vigilance of the general induced him to send
out reconnoitering parties very frequently, which still fur
ther exposed the men. Yet they disdained to murmur, OP
to utter a thought derogaton7 to the honor of their country.
About the first of this month General Harrison had thought
his supplies in such a state of forwardness that he could
very soon concentrate his forces at the Rapids ; and had in
structed General Winchester to proceed to that place as
soon as he had provisions for a few weeks on hand — but in
the circumstances above described, his condition was very
different from that which would authorize him to advance.

The other divisions of the army had not been pushed out
so far as the left wing, and, of course, had not to encounter
such great privations. Their sufferings, however, were
sufficiently great, and the difficulties of transportation
with them may be understood from the details we have
given in relation to the left wing. In the following ex
tracts from a letter addressed to the war department by
General Harrison, and dated on the 12th of December, at
Delaware, the reader will find some notice of these diffi
culties, together with a development of the views and plans
of the commanding general at this stage of the campaign.

"Since I had the honor to write on the * * * every ex
ertion had been made, and every engine put into operation
to procure and forward supplies for the army to the ad-

206 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

vanced posts. The difficulties which have been, and which
are still to be encountered in this business, are almost in
superable; but they are opposed with unabated firmness
and zeal. The greatest obstacle to our success is the want
of forage, which for this line we are obliged to bring from
the neighborhood of Chillicothe at an immense expense,
which can scarcely be conceived.

"I fear that the expenses of this army will greatly ex
ceed the calculations of the government. The prodigious
destruction of horses can only be conceived by those who
have been accustomed to military operations in a wilder
ness during the winter season. The fine teams which ar
rived on the 10th inst. at Sandusky with the artillery are
entirely worn down, and two trips from M' Arthur's block
house, our nearest deposit to the Rapids, will completely
destroy a brigade of packhorses.

"If there were not some important political reason,
urging the recovery of the Michigan territory, and the cap
ture of Maiden, as soon as those objects can possibly be
effected ; and that to accomplish them a few weeks sooner,
expense was to be disregarded, I should not hesitate to say
that if a small proportion of the sums which will be ex
pended in the quartermaster's department, in the active
prosecution of the campaign during the winter, was de
voted to obtaining the command of Lake Erie, the wishes
of the government in their utmost extent, could be accom
plished without difficulty in the months of April and May.
Maiden, Detroit and Macinaw would fall in rapid succes
sion. On the contrary, all that I can certainly promise to
accomplish during the winter, unless the strait should af
ford us a passage on the ice, is to recover Detroit. I must
further observe, that no military man would think of re
taining Detroit, Maiden being in possession of the enemy,
unless his army was at least twice as strong as the dis
posable force of the enemy. An army advancing to Detroit
along a line of operation, passing so near the principal
force of the enemy, as to allow them access to it whenever
they think proper, must be covered by another army more
considerable than the disposable force of the enemy. T
mention this circumstance to show that the attack ought

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 207

not to be directed against Detroit, but against Maiden, and
that it depends upon the ice affording a safe passage across
the strait, whether I shall be able to proceed in this way
or not. Detroit is not tenable. Were I to take it without
having it in my power to occupy the opposite shore, I
should be under the necessity of hiding the army in the ad
jacent swamp, to preserve it from the effects of the shot
and shells, which the enemy would throw with impunity
from the opposite shore. This result is so obvious to every
man who has the least military information, that it ap
pears to me extraordinary as any other part of General
HulPs conduct, that he should choose to defend Detroit
rather than attack Maiden. There is another circumstance,
sir, which will claim attention. Admitting that Maiden
and Detroit are both taken, Macinaw and St. Josephs will
both remain in the hands of the enemy, until we can create
a force capable of contending with the vessels, which the
British have in Lake Michigan, and which they will be en
abled to maintain there as long as the canoe route by Grand
River and Lake Nississin shall remain open, and for six
months after.

"I have conceived it proper, sir, to lay these statements
before you. If it should be asked why they were not made
sooner — I answer, that although I was always sensible that
there were great difficulties to be encountered in the accom
plishment of the wishes of the President, in relation to the
recovery of Detroit, and the conquest of the adjacent part
of Upper Canada in the manner proposed, I did not ma"ke
sufficient allowance for the imbecility and inexperience of
the public agents, and the villainy of the contractors. I am
still, however, very far from believing that the original
plan is impracticable. I believe on the contrary that it can
be effected. And as I know that my personal fame is ma
terially interested in its success in the manner first pro
posed, my feelings are all engaged in opposition to any de
lay. But I should illy deserve the confidence of the people
or the President, if I were capable of being influenced by a
private consideration, to withhold from the government
any statement, which might throw light upon the opera
tions of an army, the success of which is so important to

208 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the character as well as to the interests of the country. If
it should be the determination to disregard expense and
push on the operations of the army in the manner that
they have been commenced, the President may rely on the
exertions of the troops, which I shall employ in the final
effort. I shall be disappointed, if I cannot select three or
four thousand men from the army, Avho will do as much
as the same number of men, in a similar state of discipline
ever did. If the plan of acquiring the naval superiority
upon the lakes, before the attempt is made on Maiden or
Detroit, should be adopted, I would place fifteen hundred
men in cantonments at the Miami Rapids ( Defiance would
be better, if the troops had not advanced from thence) , re
tain about one thousand more to be distributed in different
garrisons, accumulate provisions at St. Marys, Tawa Town,
Upper Sandusky, Cleveland, and Presque Isle, and em
ploy the dragoons and mounted infantry in desultory ex
peditions against the Indians. The villages south of Lake
Michigan might be struck with effect by making a deposit
of corn and provisions at Fort Wayne.

"I am much disappointed in tlie artillery which ha»
been sent me. There are in all twenty-eight pieces, of
which ten are sixes, and twelve-pounders — the former are
nearly useless. I had five before, and if I had a hundred, I
should only take three or four with me. You will per
ceive by the return of Captain Gratiot, which is enclosed,
that all the carriages for the howitzers, and eight out of
ten for the twelve-pounders, are unfit for use."

Before the above letter was received at the war depart
ment, Mr. Monroe had become the acting secretary, after
the resignation of Doctor Eustis, and had written a long
letter to General Harrison on the military affairs of the
northwest. That letter was immediately answered by the
general, and the correspondence on these subjects was con
tinued througli several others, in which the prospects of the
campaign and the proper measures to be pursued, were
very comprehensively and ably discussed between the sec
retary and the general The result of the whole was, that

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 209

General Harrison was left to prosecute the campaign in
pursuance of Ms own views; and the government deter
mined to make the most active and vigorous exertions to
obtain the command of the lake, which they expected to
accomplish early in the spring. Positive instructions were
given to the general on two points alone. He was ordered,
in the event of entering Canada, to pledge the government
to the inhabitants no further, than a promise of protection
in their lives, liberty and property. He was also in
structed not to make any transitory acquisitions, or to
wrest any of their possessions from the enemy with tem
porary views only, but to advance prepared to hold all the
ground he could gain. He was told that the President
was not so anxious to push on the expedition with rapidity,
as to be well prepared to render permanent any acquisi
tion that might be made. Some further extracts from this
correspondence will be given, after we have detailed some
of the movements, which took place about this time, as the
different corps were advancing towards a concentration for
the main expedition.

Early in December a detachment of Perkins' brigade
arrived at Lower Sandusky, and repaired an old stockade
which had been erected to protect an Indian store, formerly
established at that place by the government, Soon after
wards the whole of the brigade arrived at that post. On
the 10th a battalion of Pennsylvanians reached Upper San-
dusky with twenty-one pieces of artillery, which had been
brought from Pittsburgh by Lieutenant Hukill. A regi
ment of the same troops, and some companies of the Vir
ginia brigade, were immediately sent after them by General
Harrison to strengthen that important depot; and about
the 20th he arrived himself and established his headquar
ters at the same place. Whilst there, he received commun
ications from Colonel Campbell, informing him of the re-

14

210 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

suit of the expedition to Mississiniway, which induced him
to return to Chillicothe, to concert with Governor Meigs
another expedition to the same place, more effectually to
subdue the Indians in that quarter. As lie was proceed
ing again to the frontiers, he received at Franklinton the
letter from Mr. Secretary Monroe mentioned above, from
which the following is an extract:

"At this distance, and with an imperfect knowledge
of the actual state of things, it is impossible for the Presi
dent to decide, satisfactorily to himself, or with advantage
to the public, whether it is practicable for you to accom
plish the objects of the expedition in their full extent dur
ing the present winter. No person can be so competent
to that decision as yourself; and the President has great
confidence in the solidity of the opinion which you may
form. He wishes you to weigh maturely this important
subject, and take that part which your judgment may dic
tate. It is expected that you will forthwith form a clear
and distinct plan, as to the objects which you may deem
attainable, the time within which they may be attained,
and the force necessary for the purpose ; and that you com
municate the same with precision to this department. As
soon as you have formed this plan, you will proceed to
execute it, without waiting for an answer ; and as the gov
ernment is made acquainted with it, measures will be
adopted to give your operations all the aid in its power."

The following are extracts from the answers of Gen
eral Harrison, which are dated on the 4th and 8th of Jan
uary at Franklinton :

"When I was directed to take command in the latter
end of September, I thought it possible by great exertions
to effect the objects of the campaign before the setting in
of winter. I distinctly stated, however, to the secretary of
war, that there was always a period of rainy weather in
this country in the months of November and December, in
which the roads within the settlements were almost im-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 211

passable ; and the swamps, which extend northwardly from
about 40th degree of north latitude, entirely so; and that
the circumstance would render it impossible to advance
with the army before that period, without exposing it to
inevitable destruction, unless a sufficiency of provisions
could be taken on to subsist it until the severe frosts should
remove the impediments to transportation.

uThe experience of a few days was sufficient to con
vince me, that the supplies of provisions could not be pro
cured for our autumnal advance; and even if this difficulty
was removed, another of equal magnitude existed in the
want of artillery. There remained then no alternative but
to prepare for a winter campaign. But in order to take
advantage of every circumstance in our favor, boats and
perogues were prepared in considerable numbers on the
Auglaize and St. Marys, in the hope that when the land
transportation could not be used, we might by the means
of these rivers, take on large supplies to the Rapids of the
Miami. An effort was made also, to procure flour from
Presque Isle by coasting the lake with small boats. These
measures were calculated on, as collateral aids only. The
more sure one of providing a large number of packhorses
and ox teams were resorted to, and the deputy quarter
master general, Colonel Morrison, was instructed accord
ingly. Considering the Miami Rapids as the first point of
destination provisions were ordered to be accumulated
along a concave base, extending from St. Marys on the
left, to the mouth of the Huron, and afterwards Lower
Sandusky on the right. From this base the Rapids could
be approached by three routes, or lines of operation, two
of which were pretty effectually secured by the posts which
were established and the positions taken upon the third.
St. Marys, M' Arthur blockhouse, and Upper Sandusky
were selected as principle deposits. The troops, except
ing those with General Winchester, were kept within the
bounds of the local contractors, that they might not con
sume the provisions procured by the United States' com
missaries, and which were intended to form the grand de
posit at the Miami Rapids. It was not until late in Oc
tober that much effect could be given to these arrange-

212 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ments; and for the six following weeks little or nothing
could be done from the uncommonly unfavorable state of
the weather, which afforded just rain enough to render
the roads almost impassable for wagons, and not a suffi
ciency to raise the waters to a navigable state. Great
exertions, however, were made to prepare for the change,
which might reasonably be expected. The last twenty
days of December were entirely favorable to our views,
and were so well employed by Colonel Morrison as to
afford the most flattering prospect of being able to take on
to the Rapids early in this month, a sufficiency of pro
visions and stores to authorize an advance upon Maiden
from the 25th inst. to the 10th of February. Our hopes
were again a little checked by a general thaw, succeeded
by a very deep snow whilst the ground was in that soft
state. It is, however, cold again, and we calculate on being
able to use with effect the sleds, a considerable number
of which I had caused to be prepared.

"The instruction which I received from Doctor Eustis,
with regard to the conduct of the war in this department,
amounted to a complete carte, blanche. The principle
objects of the campaign were pointed out, and I was left
at liberty to proceed to their full execution during the
present winter, or to make arrangements for their accom
plishment in the spring, by occupying such posts as might
facilitate the intended operations. The wishes of the gov
ernment to recover the ground which had been lost and to
conquer Upper Canada, were, however, expressed in such
strong terms and the funds which were placed at my dis
posal were declared to be so ample if not unlimited, that
I did not consider myself authorized to adopt the alterna
tive of delay from any other motive than that of the safety
of the army. My letters have contained frequent allusions
to the monstrous expense, which would attend the opera
tions of an army at this season of the year, penetrating to
the enemy through an immense forest of one hundred and
fifty miles. The silence of the secretary on the subject
left me no room to doubt the correctness of the opinion
which I had at first formed — that the object in view was
considered so important that expense was to be disre-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 213

garded. I thought it best, however, to come to a full under
standing on the subject, and with this view my letter of
the 12th ultimo from Delaware was written.

"My plan of operations had been, and now is, to occupy
the Miami Rapids, and to deposit there as much provisions
as possible, to move from thence with a choice detachment
of the army, and with as much provision, artillery and
ammunition as the means of transportation will allow —
make a demonstration towards Detroit, and by a sudden
passage of the strait upon the ice, an actual investiture
of Maiden.

"With regard to the amount of force, which such an
expedition would require, I have made my calculations,
not upon that which the enemy might have at Maiden, at
the time the enterprise should commence, but upon what
they would be able to assemble there with time enough to
resist us. I know the facility with which troops may be
brought at this season, by what is called the back route
along the river Thames from the vicinity of Niagara to
Detroit and Maiden. Had General Smyth's attempts
been successful, my plan could have been executed with a
much smaller force, than I should deem it prudent to em
ploy under present circumstances. I have indeed no doubt,
that we should encounter at Maiden the very troops which
contended with General Van Ransalear on the heights of
Queenstown. It is the same thing with regard to the In
dians. The British have wisely dismissed the greater
part of them to save their provisions, but a whistle will be
almost sufficient to collect them again."

He next states that if our force appeared weak, it would
encourage the timid, the cautious and wavering among the
Indians and Canadians, to take the field against us; and
that if our means of transportation should not be suffi
cient to carry all the supplies with us at once, very strong
detachments would be required to escort the successive
trips — for, he continues :

"Such is the nature of Indian warfare that it is impos
sible to tell where the storm will fall. It is a rule, there-

214 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

fore, with me when operating against them, never to make
a detachment, neither to the front nor the rear, which is
not able to contend with their whole force. From these
statements you will perceive sir, how difficult it would be
for me at present to ascertain with any degree of correct
ness, the number of men with which I should advance from
the Rapids. It was my intention to have assembled there,
from 4,500 to 5,000 men, and to be governed by circum
stances in forming the detachment with which I should
advance. This is still my plan, and it was always my in
tention to dismiss at that period, all that I deemed super
fluous."

The nominal amount of the army was ten thousand —
but the effective force was much less.

"Notwithstanding the large nominal amount of the
army under my command, their sufferings for the want of
clothing and the rigor of the season reduces the effective
number to less than two-thirds of the aggregate. You will
read with as much pain as I write it, that a fine body of
regular troops belonging to the 17th and 19th regiments
under Colonel Wells, has been nearly destroyed for the
want of clothing. The whole of the effective men upon
this frontier does not exceed six thousand three hundred
infantry.

"Upon the whole sir, my reaching Maiden this winter
depends upon circumstances which I cannot control — the
freezing of the strait in such a manner as to enable me to
pass over the troops and artillery.

"General Winchester is I hope now, or will be in a day
or two at the Rapids. Provisions in large quantities are
progressing thither. I calculate on being there myself by
the 20th inst. with the troops which are intended for the
march upon Maiden. In the event of occurrences which
may induce a suspension of operations beyond the Rapids,
measures will be taken to make and secure at that place
a deposit of provisions equal to the support of the troops
in any enterprise that may be undertaken in the spring.
Should our offensive operations be suspended until that
time, it is my decided opinion that the most effectual and

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 215

cheapest plan will be to obtain the command of the lake.
This being once effected every difficulty will be removed.
An army of 4,000 men landed on the north side of the lake
below Maiden, will soon reduce that place, retake Detroit,
and with the aid of the fleet proceed down the lake to co
operate with the army from Niagara."

The secretary had written, that "The destruction of the
Queen Charlotte, and of the whole of the naval force of
the enemy, frozen up as it is presumed to be in the ice,
would be an important attainment. It is one which is
recommended to your particular attention."

To which the general replied — "The enterprise against
the Queen Charlotte has been long mediated and shall not
escape my attention."

In the letter of the 8th he states :

"A suspension of the operations of this army for the
Avinter, without having accomplished the principle object
for which it was embodied, is an event which has long been
looked for, by most of the wrell-informed men who know
the character of the country, and recollect that the army
of General Wayne after a whole summer's preparation,
was unable to advance more than seventy miles from the
Ohio, and that the prudent caution of President Washing
ton had directed it to be placed in winter quarters at the
very season that our arrangements were commenced. You
do me justice in believing that my exertions have been un-
remitted, and I am sensible of the commission of one error
only, that has injuriously affected our interests; and that is
in retaining too large a force at Defiance. The disad
vantages attending it were, however, seen at the period of
my committing the management of that wing to General
Winchester. Possessing a superior rank in the line of the
army to that which was tendered to me, I considered him
rather in the light of an associate in command than an in
ferior. I therefore, recommended to him, instead of order
ing it, to send back two regiments within the bounds of
White's contract. Had this measure been pursued, there
would have been at Fort Winchester 100,000 rations more
than there is at present. The general who possesses the

216 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

most estimable qualities of the head and heart, was de
ceived as I was, with regard to the period when the army
could advance, and he did not think that the reduction of
issues would be so important, as it is now ascertained it
would have been."

Instead of sending back any part of his command, Gen
eral Winchester was constantly anxious, whenever he had a
moderate supply of provisions on hand, to advance further
and fix his camp at the Rapids. It was to obtain the
sanction of General Harrison for such a movement that
Major Hardin was dispatched to headquarters early in
November, when he wrote the letter to Governor Shelby
from which an extract has been given in this chapter. On
the 12th of that month, General Winchester came to a
positive determination to move his camp to the Rapids at
every hazard — but his advance was fortunately arrested
by the timely arrival of a dispatch from General Harrison.
In the letter from which we are making these extracts,
the general proceeds :

"As the greater part of the expenses of the campaign
have already been incurred, I beg leave to assure you, sir,
that trifling difficulties will not oppose the progress of the
army at Maiden ; but at the same time I also promise you,
that no measure shall be adopted but when the prospects
of success are as clear as they can be in any military
operations."

On the subject of obtaining the command of the lake,
he wrote:

"I have no means of estimating correctly the cost of a
naval armament, capable of effecting this object, but from
my knowledge of the expense of transporting supplies
through a swampy wilderness, I do believe that the expense
which will be incurred in six weeks in the spring, in an
attempt to transport the provisions for the army along the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 217

road leading from the Rapids to Detroit, would build
and equip the vessels for this purpose."

By these copious extracts the reader is made well ac
quainted, with the causes which have so long retarded the
march of the army; with its present situation and re
sources, and with the ulterior plans and prospects of the
general for the present campaign. A few days after writ
ing these letters, he arrived again at Upper Sandusky, to
gether with the whole of the Pennsylvania brigades, making
his effective force at that place about 1,500 strong. On
the 12th the balance of the artillery also arrived :

"A large quantity of every necessary supply was con
stantly arriving, and the general appearance of the camp
announced the near approach of that state of preparation,
requisite to the commencement of active operations. — Col
onel Wood."

Parties were sent on to open roads, bridge creeks, and
pave the way for the army. Artillery had already been
sent towards the Miami; and fine supplies of provisions
and stores being on hand, it seemed that time, patience,
perseverance, and fortitude alone were necessary to enable
the army to remove the numerous obstacles and surmount
the various difficulties which nature had opposed to its
progress and its future glory. But we must in the next
place direct our attention to the movements of the left
wing under Winchester, for whose arrival at the Rapids
the troops at Sandusky were now waiting, as the signal
for their advance with all their supplies to the same place.

CHAPTER V.

ADVANCE OF THE LEFT WING — SUCCESS AND DISASTERS AT
THE RIVER RAISIN.

General Harrison had expected, on the first arrival at
Upper Sandusky, about the 18th of December, to be met
there by an express from General Winchester, with infor
mation of his advance to the Rapids, in conformity with the
advice which had previously been given him. As no such
information had arrived, he soon afterwards dispatched En-
sign C. S. Todd, division judge advocate of the Kentucky
troops, to Winchester's camp on the Miami below Defiance.
Todd was accompanied by two gentlemen of the Michigan
Territory and three Wyandot Indians. He proceeded di
rectly across the country, and performed the journey with a
degree of secrecy and dispatch highly honorable to his skill
and enterprise, having completely eluded all the scouts of
the enemy. He was instructed to communicate to General
Winchester the following directions and plans from the
commander-in-chief :

"That as soon as he had accumulated provisions for
twenty days, he was authorized to advance to the Rapids ;
where he was to commence the building of huts, to induce
the enemy to believe that he was going into winter quar
ters — that he was to construct sleds for the main expedi
tion against Maiden, but to impress it on the minds of his
men that they were for transporting provisions from the
interior — that the different lines of the army would be
concentrated at that place, and a choice detachment from
the whole would then be marched rapidly on Maiden — •
that in the meantime he was to occupy the Rapids, for the

219

220 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

purpose of securing the provisions and stores forwarded
from the other wings of the army."

The left wing, in the meantime, had received a moderate
supply of provisions and clothing on the 22nd of Decem
ber, and were now making active preparations to march.
The river being frozen up, which rendered their water craft
useless, they were obliged to take their baggage on sleds,
many of which had to be hauled by the men. Having pro
vided for the sick, and assigned guards to attend and pro
tect them, the march for the Rapids was commenced on the
30th of December. At the same time, Mr. Leslie Combs, a
young man of intelligence and enterprise, from Kentucky,
who had joined the army, as a volunteer, on its march from
Fort Wayne to Fort Defiance, accompanied by Mr. A.
Ruddle as a guide, was sent with dispatches to inform the
commander-in-chief of this movement, in order that pro
visions and reinforcements might be forwarded as soon as
possible — General Winchester expected to be met by these
at the Rapids by the 12th of January — this, however, was
prevented by an immense fall of snow, which, as Mr.
Combs had to traverse, on foot, a pathless wilderness of
more than one hundred miles in extent, delayed him four
or five days in reaching even the first point of des
tination, (Fort M' Arthur), than would otherwise have
been necessary to perform the whole route. The supplies
they had already received, and the prospects now before
them, afforded some comfort and encouragement to the
troops ; yet their appearance and their real efficiency were
still very unpromising Their progress was slow from the
first, and was much retarded after a few days by the snow.

While on this march, General Winchester received
another dispatch from the commander-in-chief, recom
mending him to abandon the movement to the Rapids, and
fall back with the greater part of his force to Fort Jen-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 221

nings. This advice was given in consequence of the intel
ligence received from Colonel Campbell at Mississiniway,
respecting the force of Tecumseh on the Wabash. General
Harrison was apprehensive, that if the left wing advanced
so far as the Rapids, Tecumseh would be able to attach
and destroy all the provisions, left on its line of operations
in the rear. But as Winchester had already commenced
his march, he did not think himself required by this advice
to discontinue it and return. Harrison went immediately
himself into the settlements of Ohio, to arrange with Gov
ernor Meigs the means of sending another mounted expe
dition against the Indians under Tecumseh, at the princi
ple town on the Mississiniway river. Such an expedition,
however, was afterwards deemed unnecessary.

On the 10th of January, General Winchester arrived
with his army at the Rapids, having previously sent for
ward a strong detachment of 670 men, under General
Payne, to attack a body of Indians, which General Har
rison had been informed was lying in an old fortification
at Swan creek, a few miles farther down the river. The
detachment went several miles below the old British fort
at the foot of the Rapids, and having sent their spies to
Swan creek, where they could discover no appearance of
Indians, the whole returned again to the position which
the army was intended to occupy.

On the north bank of the river, above Wayne's battle
ground, and directly opposite the point where Hull's road
struck the Miami, General Winchester established and for
tified his camp, on a handsome eminence of an oval form
covered with timber and surrounded with prairies. On the
day of his arrival, a recent Indian camp was discovered
about half a mile from this position. Captain Williams
was immediately dispatched, with 25 men, to pursue the
Indians who had left it. He soon overtook and routed

222 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

them, having exchanged a few shots, by which some were
wounded on both sides.

On the llth of January a dispatch was sent to apprise
General Harrison of the arrival and situation of the army
at the Rapids; but it was sent by the persons who were
taking in the starved and worn out packhorses by General
Tupper's camp at Fort M' Arthur, a place as distant from
the Rapids as the headquarters of the general, and from
which it must then pass through a swampy and pathless
wilderness of forty miles to Upper Sandusky, where it did
not arrive before the general had left that place, and was
ultimately received by them at the Rapids where it started.

The time of the Kentucky troops would expire in Feb
ruary, and General Harrison had requested General Win
chester to endeavor to raise a regiment among them to
serve six months longer; and at the same time had sug
gested, that it would be imprudent to employ them on any
other condition in the expedition against Maiden. General
Winchester now advised him, by a letter sent on the 12th
to Lower Sandusky, that no reliance could be placed on
retaining any of them in service after their time had ex
pired. This communication was simply a note respecting
the above business, and had only this direction upon it,

"His excellency, General William H. Harrison."

Of course the writer did not intend that it should have
a speedy passage, and inform the general of his arrival at
the rapids ; nor did it answer that purpose, as it was de
layed several days on its way to headquarters. On the
letter sent by the pack horse conveyance of fifteen miles
a day, was the following endorsement in Winchester's own
hand writing:

"General Tupper will please to forward this letter by
express. — J. Winchester."

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 223

From all which it is evident, that he relied on the pack
horse communication alone, to apprise General Harrison
that he had reached the Rapids, although the general had
directed him to communicate the intelligence of that event
as quick as practicable.

The opinions of the generals respecting the Kentucky
troops were afterwards changed. The inactivity and suf
ferings of the army had dissatisfied them with the service
at this time; but it soon became evident, that when active
ly employed they were not inclined to return home; and
General Harrison did not hesitate to include them in his
selections for the main expedition, firmly relying that they
would not abandon the American standard, in the country
of their enemy, when their time of service had expired.

A large store house was now built within the encamp
ment at the Rapids, to secure the provisions and baggage.
A considerable quantity of corn was also gathered in the
fields, and apparatus for pounding and sifting it being
made, it supplied the troops with very wholesome bread.

On the evening of the 13th, two Frenchmen arrived
from the river Raisin, with information that the Indians
routed by Captain Williams had passed that place, and
gone on to Maiden, with intelligence of the advance of our
army. They stated, that the Indians threatened to kill
the inhabitants and burn their town, and begged for pro
tection from the American arms. They were charged with
a dispatch from Mr. Day, a citizen who was friendly to
our cause, and who stated that the British were seizing all
suspected persons at the river Raisin, and confining them
in Maiden prison, and that they were preparing to carry
off all the provisions of every description. On the 14th
another messenger arrived ; and on the evening of the 16th
two more came in ; they all confirmed the accounts brought
by the first express, and solicited protection, as they were

224 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

afraid that the people would be massacred and the town
burnt by the Indians, whenever our army began to advance
upon them. They stated the present force of the enemy
to be two companies of Canadians, and about 200 Indians,
but that more Indians might be expected to assemble.

The greatest ardor and anxiety now prevailed in the
army, to advance in force sufficient to defeat the enemy
at that place. A council of officers was called by the gen
eral, a majority of whom were decidedly in favor of send
ing a strong detachment. Colonel Allen supported that
side of the question with much ardor.

General Winchester agreed to the opinion of the major
ity, and on the morning of the 17th detached Colonel Lewis
with 550 men to the river Raisin. A few hours afterwards,
he was followed by Colonel Allen with 110 more, who came
up with Lewis late in the evening, where he had encamped
at Presque Isle. Early in the morning of the same day,
General Winchester prepared a dispatch to inform Har
rison of this movement. He stated that his principal ob
ject was to prevent the flour and grain from being carried
off by the enemy ; that if he got possession of Prenchtown
he intended to hold it; and that, of course, a co-operating
reinforcement from the right wing might be necessary.
Before the express had started with this letter, information
was received from Colonel Lewis at Presque Isle, a distance
of twenty miles in advance, that there were 400 Indians at
the river Raisin, and that Colonel Elliott was expected
from Maiden, with a detachment destined to attack the
camp at the Rapids. This intelligence was also inserted
in the letter to Harrison, which was then dispatched by the
way of Lower Sandusky.

Colonel Lewis remained all night at Presque Isle, and
in consequence of the information noticed above, which
he received by express from the river Raisin? he set out very

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 225

early in the morning, intending, if possible, to anticipate
Colonel Elliott at Frenchtown. That village is in the
middle between Presque Isle and Maiden, the distance
from each being 18 miles. The greater part of his march
was on the ice of the Miami bay and the border of Lake
Erie, When he had arrived within six miles of the town,
he was discovered by some Indians, who hastened to give
the alarm to the main body of the enemy. Before the de
tachment left the border of the lake, a halt was called to
take some refreshment. Having resumed the march, a
piece of timbered land was passed, and as the troops pro
ceeded in the open plain they were formed in three lines,
each corps being in its proper place for action. The right
was commanded by Colonel Allen, and was composed of
the companies of Captains McCracken, Bledsoe, and Mat-
son. The left was commanded by Major Graves, and was
composed of the companies of Captains Hamilton, Wil
liams and Kelly. The centre consisted of the companies
of Captains Hightower, Collier and Sebree, and was com
manded by Major Madison. The advanced guard consisted
of the companies of Captains Hickman, Graves and James,
under the command of Captain Ballard, acting as major.
When they arrived within a quarter of a mile of the
village, and discovered the enemy in motion, the line of bat
tle was formed, in the expectation of receiving an attack ;
but it was soon evident that the enemy did not intend fight
ing in the open field. The detachment then broke oif by
the right of companies, and marched under the fire of the
enemy's cannon, till they arrived at the river, where the
small arms began to play upon them. The line of battle
was then formed again, on the bank of the river, and the
long roll beat as the signal for a general charge, which
was immediately executed with much firmness and intre
pidity.

15

226 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

The enemy were posted among the houses, and the pick-
etting of the gardens, on the north side of the river.
Majors Graves and Madison were ordered to dislodge them,
which they effected with great gallantry, advancing at the
heads of their battalions under a heavy shower of balls.
The enemy routed and retreating from this place, were
next met by Colonel Allen at some distance on the right,
who pursued them about half a mile to the woods. Here
they made a stand again, with their howitzer and small
arms, covered by some houses and a chain of fences, with
a brushy wood full of fallen timber in their rear. Majors
Graves and Madison were now ordered with their battal
ions to possess themselves of the wood on the left, and
move rapidly on the main body of the enemy, where they
were contending with Colonel Allen. These orders
were promptly executed; and as soon as they had com
menced their fire Colonel Allen also advanced on the
enemy, who were soon compelled to retire into the woods,
into which they were closely pursued. The contest with
Allen's command now became very warm, as the enemy con
centrated all their forces on the right, with the intention of
forcing his line. They were, however, kept constantly
on the retreat, though slowly, as our men were too much
exhausted to rush upon them Avith rapidity. In this man
ner they were driven to the distance of two miles, every
foot of the way under a continual charge. The action com
menced at 3 :00 o'clock, and the pursuit was continued till
dark, when the detachment returned in good order, and
encamped in the town.

In this warmly contested action every officer and sol
dier did his duty. There was not a solitary instance of
delinquency. The troops amply supported "the double
character of Americans and Kentuckians."

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 227

It is, of course, unnecessary to notice the particular
merits of individuals, Avhere every man completely filled his
sphere of action. Our loss was twelve killed and fifty-
five wounded. Among the latter were Captains Hickman,
Matson and Ballard. The loss of the enemy could not be
ascertained. They left fifteen dead on the ground where
the action commenced; but the principle slaughter took
place in the woods, from which in the night they carried
off all their dead. From the obstinacy with which they
contended so long against a force somewhat superior, from
the appearances next day in the woods, and from the re
ports of persons who saw them after the battle, it is be
lieved that their loss was extremely severe. They were
commanded by Major Reynolds of the British army, who
had about 100 British troops in the battle, and about 400
Indians.

The detachment was now in a place where it could be
amply accommodated with all the necessaries of life, and
where the wounded could be well lodged and supplied with
everything required by their situation. On the night after
the battle, an express was sent to carry intelligence of the
success to General Winchester, at whose camp, he arrived
before daylight; and another was then immediately sent
from that place to General Harrison, by the way of Lower
Sandusky, to apprise him of the event. On the morning
after the battle, Colonel Lewis determined, with the advice
of his officers, to hold the place and await a reinforcement.
His first orders from Winchester had been,

"to attack the enemy, beat them, and take possession of
Prenchtown and hold it."

He was authorized, in a dispatch sent after him, how
ever, to exercise some discretion with respect to holding
the position.

228 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

As soon as the intelligence of this success was known
at the Rapids, it produced a complete ferment in camp.
All were anxious to proceed to Frenchtown in support of
the advanced corps. It was evident that corps was in a
critical situation. They were but eighteen miles from
Maiden, where the British had their whole force; and it
was not to be doubted but that an effort would be made by
them, to regain the ground they had lost, or to defeat this
advance of our army, which at first was inconsiderable,
and was now much reduced by the killed and wounded.
Preparations were, therefore, made to reinforce Colonel
Lewis, and on the evening of the 19th, General Winchester
marched himself with 250 men, which was all that could
be spared from the post at the Rapids, He arrived at the
river Raisin in the night on the 20th, and encamped in an
open lot of ground on the right of the former detachment.
Colonel Lewis had encamped in a place where he was de
fended by garden pickets, which were sufficiently close and
strong to protect his men against an attack of small arms.
Colonel Wells commanded the reinforcement, and to him
the general named, but did not positively order, a breast
work for the protection of his camp. The general, him
self, established his quarters in a house on the south side
of the river, almost 300 yards from the lines ! On the 21st,
a place was selected for the whole detachment to encamp
in good order, with a determination to fortify it on the next
day. About sunset Colonel Wells solicited and obtained
leave to return to the Rapids. Certain information had been
received that the British were preparing to make an attack,
and that they would make it with the utmost dispatch in
their power was a matter of course. Colonel Wells
reached the Rapids that night, at which place General
Harrison had arrived on the 20th, and had made every
exertion in his power to hasten the reinforcements.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 229

Before we proceed to the tragedy of the 22nd, we must
take a review of the arrangements and exertions which in
the meantime had been made in the rear. When General
Winchester marched from his camp beloAV Defiance for the
Rapids, on the 30th of December, he sent an express to
advise General Harrison of that movement; but, in con
sequence of a snow storm, which delayed the bearer, the
general did not receive the intelligence at Upper Sandusky
before the llth of January. He then immediately ordered
on some droves of hogs, and held the artillery in readiness
to march as soon as he should be advised of Winchester's
arrival at the Rapids. But no further intelligence was re
ceived, until the evening of the 16th, when a letter from
General Perkins at Lower Sandusky, enclosing one he had
received from General Winchester of the 15th, at last in
formed Harrison, that Winchester had arrived at the
Rapids, that he meditated some movement against the
enemy, and that he wanted Perkins to send him a battalion
from Lower Sandusky. This intelligence alarmed General
Harrison, and he immediately gave orders for the artillery
to advance by the way of Portage river, accompanied by
a guard of 300 men commanded by Major Orr. Escorts
of provisions were also ordered to follow on the same
route ; but, owing to the extreme badness of the road, very
little progress could be made. Even the lighter pieces of
artillery could not be forwarded with any degree of ex
pedition. At the same time an express was dispatched
to the Rapids by General Harrison for information with
orders to return and meet him at Lower Sandusky, for
which place he set out the next morning himself, and
arrived there on the following night. He found that Gen
eral Perkins had prepared a battalion, with a piece of
artillery, to be commanded by Major Cotgrove; which was
ordered to march on the 18th ; and the general now deter-

230 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

mined to follow it himself, and have a personal consulta
tion with General Winchester. At 4 :00 o'clock on the
morning of the 19th, he received the letter in which Win
chester informed him of the advance of Colonel Lewis to
the river Raisin, together with the objects and prospects
of the expedition. He immediately ordered the remaining
regiment of Perkin's brigade to march to the Rapids, and
proceeded there himself. On his way he met an express
from Winchester, with intelligence of the success of Lewis
in the battle of the 18th. On the morning of the 20th he
arrived at the Rapids, and found that General Winchester
had proceeded the evening before to the river Raisin, hav
ing left General Payne in his camp with 300 men. Major
Cotgrove, with the piece of artillery in his train, was so
retarded by a swamp on the road, and other obstacles to
his progress, that he had reached no further than the
Miami bay on the night of the 21st. By marching early
next morning he arrived within 15 miles of the river
Raisin, before he was met by the fugitives from the mas
sacre.

When Harrison arrived at the Rapids on the 20th, he
dispatched Captain Hart, the inspector general, to Win
chester at Frenchtown, with intelligence of the movements
in the rear, and with instructions to the general,
"to maintain the position at the river Raisin at any rate."

On the next day, the 21st, a dispatch was received from
general Winchester, in which he stated that if his force
were increased to the amount of 1,000 or 1,200, it would be
sufficient to maintain the ground he had gained. On the
evening of the same day the regiment of Perkin's brigade
arrived at the Rapids, and the remaining Kentuckians
under Payne were then ordered to march to general Win
chester, which they did the next morning. The corps thus
advancing under Cotgrove and Payne would make the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 231

force under Winchester considerably stronger than the
amount deemed by him sufficient. But they were one day
too late.

On the 22nd, about 10 o'clock, the news of the attack
on General Winchesters camp was received at the Rapids.
General Harrison immediately ordered the regiment of
General Perkin's brigade to march with all possible expedi
tion, and proceeded himself after the reinforcement under
Payne, which he soon overtook. Some men were presently
met, who had escaped from the battle, and who stated that
Winchester's forces were totally defeated, and that the
British and Indians were pursuing them! towards the
Rapids. This report only induced the general to urge on
his men with more rapidity; but several other fugitives
were soon afterwards met, from whom it was ascertained
beyond a doubt, that the defeat was total and irretrievable,
and that all resistance had ceased early in the day on the
part of the Americans. A council of the general and field
officers was then held, by whom it was decided to be im
prudent and unnecessary to proceed any further. Some
parties of the most active and enterprising men were now
sent forward to assist and bring in those who might es
cape, and the rest of the reinforcements then returned to
the Rapids.

BATTLE AND MASSACRE OF RAISIN. We must now re
late the tragical events whicli occurred on the 22nd and
23rd to the advanced detachment at Frenchtown. Late in
the evening, after Colonel Wells had left the camp, a
Frenchman came to General Winchester from the neigh
borhood of Maiden, with information that a large force of
British and Indians, whicli he supposed to be near 3,000,
were about to march from that place shortly after he had
left it. This intelligence, however, must have been dis
credited alike by the officers and men, for no preparations

232 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

were made by the one, iior apprehensions exhibited by the
other. The most fatal security prevailed — many of the
troops even wandered about the town till late in the night.
Colonel Lewis and Major Madison seemed alone to be on
the alert — they cautioned their men to be prepared at all
times for an attack.

Guards were placed out this night as usual ; but as it
was extremely cold, no picket guard was placed on the
road, on which the enemy \vas to be expected. The night
passed away without any alarm, and the reveilee began to
beat at daybreak on the morning of the 22nd. A few min
utes afterwards three guns were fired in quick succession
by the sentinels. The troops were instantly formed, and
the British opened a heavy fire on the camp from several
pieces of artillery, loaded with bombs, balls, and grape
shot, at the distance of 300 yards. This was quickly fol
lowed by a charge, made by the British regulars, and by a
general fire of small arms, and the Indian yell on the right
and left. The British had approached in the night with
the most profound silence, and stationed their cannon be
hind a small ravine, which ran across the open fields on the
right. As soon as the regulars approached within the
reach of small arms, a well-directed fire from the pickets
round Lewis' camp soon repulsed them on the left and
centre; but on the right the reinforcement which had ar
rived with Winchester, and which was unprotected by any
breastwork, after maintaining the contest a short time, was
overpowered and fell back. About this time General Win
chester arrived, and ordered the retreating troops to rally
behind a fence and second bank of the river, and to incline
towards the centre and take refuge behind the pickets.
These orders were either not heard or properly understood,
and the British continuing to press on the retiring line,
whilst a large body of Indians had gained their right flank,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 233

the troops were completely thrown into confusion and re
treated in disorder over the river. A detachment, in the
meantime, had been sent from the pickets, to reinforce the
right wing, which was carried with it in the retreat; and
Colonels Lewis and Allen both followed it, with a view to
assist in rallying the men. Attempts were made to rally
them on the south side of the river, behind the houses and
pickets of the gardens, but all the efforts of General Win
chester, aided by the two colonels, were in vain. The In
dians had gained their left flank and had also taken posses
sion of the woods in their rear. In their confusion and dis
may they attempted to pass a long, narrow lane, through
which the road passes from the village. The Indians were
on both sides, and shot them down in every direction. A
large party, wrhich had gained the wood on the right, were
surrounded and massacred without distinction, nearly one
hundred men being tomahawked within the distance of'
one hundred yards. The most horrible destruction over
whelmed the fugitives in every direction.

Captain Simpson was shot and tomahawked at the edge
of the woods near the mouth of the lane. Colonel Allen,
though wounded in his thigh, attempted to rally his men
several times, entreating them to halt and sell their lives
as dear as possible. He had escaped about two miles, when
at length, wearied and exhausted, and disdaining perhaps
to survive the defeat, he sat down on a log, determined to
meet his fate. An Indian chief, observing him to be an
officer of distinction, was anxoius to take him prisoner. As
soon as he came near the colonel, he threw his gun across
his lap and told him in the Indian language to surrender,
and he should be safe. Another savage, having at the same
time advanced with a hostile appearance, Colonel Allen,
by one stroke with his sword, laid him dead at his feet. A
third Indian, who was near him, had then the honor of

234 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAK

shooting one of the first and greatest citizens of Kentucky.
Captain Mead, of the regular army, who had fought by the
side of Colonel Daviess when he fell in the battle of Tippe-
canoe, was killed where the action commenced. Finding
that the situation of the corps Avas rendered desperate by
the approach of the enemy, he gave order to his men,

"my brave fellows, charge upon them/'
and a moment afterwards he was no more.

A party with Lieutenant Garrett, consisting of 15 or 20
men, after retreating about a mile and a half, were com
pelled to surrender, and were then all massacred but the
lieutenant himself. Another of about 30 men had escaped
nearly three miles, when they were overtaken by the savages
and having surrendered, about one half of them were shot
and tomahawked. In short, the greater part of those who
were in the retreat fell a sacrifice to the fury of the In
dians. The snow was so deep, and the cold so intense, that
they were soon exhausted and unable to elude their pur
suers. General Winchester and Colonel Lewis, with a few
more, were captured at a bridge about three-quarters of a
mile from the village. Their coats being taken from them,
they were carried back to the British lines, were Colonel
Procter commanded.

The troops within the picketing, under Majors Graves
and Madison, had with Spartan valor maintained their
position, though powerfully assailed by Procter and his
savage allies. The British had posted a six-pounder be
hind a small house, about 200 yards down the river, which
considerably annoyed the camp, till its supplies of ammuni
tion, which were brought in a sleigh, were arrested by kill
ing the horse and his driver. Major Graves, in passing
round the lines, was wounded in the knee — he sat down and
bound it up himself, observing to his men,
"never mind me, but fight on."

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 235

About 10 o'clock Colonel Procter, finding it useless to sac
rifice his men in vain attempts to dislodge this little band
of heroes, withdrew his forces to the woods, intending
either to abandon the contest or to wait the return of the
Indians, who had pursued the retreating party. The loss
sustained by our men was inconsiderable; and when Proc
ter withdrew, they employed the leisure it afforded them
to take breakfast at their posts.

As soon as Procter was informed that General Win
chester was taken, he basely determined to take advantage
of his situation to procure the surrender of the party in the
picketing. He represented to the general, that nothing
but an immediate surrender would save the Americans
from an indiscriminate massacre by the Indians. A flag
was then seen advancing from the British lines, carried by
Major Overton, one of the general's aides, and accompanied
by Colonel Procter himself and several other officers. Hav
ing halted at a respectful distance, Major Madison, with
brigade Major Garrard, proceeded to meet them, expecting
that the object of the flag was to obtain a cessation of hos
tilities, for the British to bear off their dead. They were
much mortified to find that Major Overton was the bearer
of an order from General Winchester, directing officer
commanding the American forces to surrender them pris
oners of war. This was the first intimation they had that
their general had been taken. Colonel Procter, with great
haughtiness, demanded an immediate surrender, or he
would set the town on fire, and the Indians would not be
restrained in committing an indiscriminate massacre. Ma
jor Madison observed,

"that it had been customary for the Indians to mas
sacre the wounded and prisoners after a surrender, and
that he would not agree to any capitulation, which General

236 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

Winchester might direct, unless the safety and protection
of his men were stipulated."

Colonel Procter then said, "Sir, do you mean to dictate
to me?"

"No," replied Madison, "I mean to dictate for myself,
and we prefer selling our lives as dear as possible, rather
than be massacred in cold blood."

Procter then agreed to receive a surrender on the fol
lowing terms, that all private property should be respected,
that sleds should be sent next morning to remove the sick
and wounded to Amherstburg, on the island opposite Mai
den, that in the meantime they should be protected by a
guard, and that the side arms of the officers should be re
stored to them at Maiden.

Major Madison, after consulting with Garrard, thought
it most prudent to capitulate on these terms. Half the
original force was already lost; the balance would have to
contend with more than three times their number; there
was no possible chance of a retreat, nor any hope of a rein
forcement to save them ; and worst of all, their ammunition
was nearly exhausted, not more than one-third of a small
keg of cartridges being left.

Before the men had given up their arms, the Indians
came among them and began to plunder them. Informa
tion being given to Major Madison of this conduct, he
ordered his men not to suffer an Indian to come into the
lines, and that if they persisted in doing it, or in plunder
ing, to fire upon them and bayonet them. This decided con
duct restrained the savages, and none of his men, who were
marched with him to Maiden, were robbed or injured by
the Indians. The inhabitants of the town, being much
alarmed for the safety of their persons and property, united
with General Winchester in soliciting safety and protec
tion from the British.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 237

Colonel Procter informed the American officers that his
own wounded must be taken to Maiden in the first instance,
but that early in the morning their wounded should also
be removed, and in the meantime that a guard should be
left with them. About 12 o'clock the prisoners were marched
off; Doctors Todd and Bowers, of the Kentucky volun
teers, were left with the wounded, and Major Reynolds
with two or three interpreters was all the guard left to pro
tect them.

Captain Hart, the inspector general, being among the
number of the wounded, expressed much anxiety to be
taken with the prisoners ; but Captain Elliott, of the Brit
ish army, who had been intimately acquainted with him in
Kentucky, assured him that he need not be under the least
apprehension for his safety, that the Indians would not
hurt those who were left, and that upon the honor of a
soldier, he would send his own cariole for him next morn
ing and have him taken to Maiden.

Soon after the British forces were withdrawn, Major
Reynolds began to exhibit symptoms of uneasiness, often
walking about and looking towards the road leading to the
Rapids, and no doubt expecting the approach of General
Harrison with reinforcements, which would have been a
most auspicious event for the wounded. The greater part
of the Indians went with the British to Stoney Creek, six
miles on the road towards Maiden, where they were prom
ised a frolic by their employers. A few stragglers re
mained, who went from house to house in search of plunder.
Some of them remained in town till late in the night ; and
before day, the interpreters who had been left with them,
abandoned the houses in which they lay. Their anticipa
tions were now gloomy ; the whole night, indeed, was spent
with feeling vibrating between hope and despair. Day
light at last appeared, and their hopes began to brighten ;

238 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

but in a very short time they experienced a sad reversal.
About sunrise, instead of sleds arriving to convey them to
Maiden, a large body of Indians, perhaps two hundred in
number, came into the town painted black and red. Their
chiefs held a council in which they soon determined to kill
the wounded who were unable to march, in revenge for the
warriors they had lost in battle. Soon afterwards they be
gan to yell, and to exhibit in their frantic conduct, the
most diabolical dispositions. They began first to plunder
the houses of the inhabitants, and then broke into those
where the wounded prisoners were lying, some of whom
they abused, and stripped of their clothes and blankets,
and then tomahawked them without mercy. Captain Hick-
man was dragged to the door, where he was tomahawked
and then thrown back into the house. This appeared to be
the signal for consummating their destruction. The houses
of Jean B. Jerome and Gabriel Godfrey, which contained
most of the prisoners, were immediately set on fire, and
the greater part of the wounded consumed in the confla
gration. Many of them who were able to crawl about, en
deavored to get out at the windows, but as fast as they ap
peared they were tomahawked and pushed back. Some who
were not in those houses, were killed and thrown into the
flames; while others were tomahawked, inhumanly man
gled, and left in the streets and highways.

The few who were judged able to march, were saved
and taken off towards Maiden, but as often as any of them
gave out on the way, they were tomahawked and left lying
in the road. Major Woolfolk, secretary to General Win
chester, had found an asylum in the house of a French
citizen, but he was discovered by the Indians, who placed
him on a horse and were carrying him away. They took
him by the house of Lasells, a fellow who had been sus
pected for giving intelligence to the British before the bat-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 239

tie, to whom he promised a large sum of money if he would
purchase him from the Indians. Lasalle replied that it
was out of his power, but that probably his brother would,
who lived in the next house. The Indian who had taken
him, being willing to sell him, had turned to go there, when
another savage shot him through the head. He was then
tomahawked and scalped, and left to the hogs for two days,
by which he was partly devoured before the inhabitants re
moved him. The fate of Major Graves has never been cor
rectly ascertained. It is believed that he was put into a
cariole at the river Raisin, and taken towards Detroit ; but
whether he was murdered on the way to that place, or re
served for greater sufferings, is not distinctly known.

The circumstances respecting the fate of Captain Hart
have been fully ascertained. When the Indians first en
tered the house, where he lay with Hickman, Major Graves
and others, and before the massacre had commenced, he
was carried by Doctor Todd into an adjoining house, which
had been plundered of its contents. An Indian then met
them, who, knowing the profession of the doctor, enquired
why the surgeons were left with the wounded. He was told
that it was by the directions of Colonel Proctor, and that
Captain Elliott was a friend to Captain Hart, and had
promised to send for him that morning. The Indian shook
his head and observed that Procter and Elliott

"were damned rascals, or they would have taken care
of them that evening."

He then said, "you will all be killed — but keep still — the

chiefs are in council, and maybe the wounded only will be

killed."

Captain Hart offered him 100 dollars to carry him to

Maiden, but he replied, you are too badly wounded. The

savages now began to tomahawk the prisoners, and Doctor

Todd was tied and carried to Stoney Creek, where there

240 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

was a camp of the wounded British. He informed Captain
Elliott and the surgeon, of what was going on at French-
town, and requested them to send back and endeavor to
save some of the wounded. Captain Elliott replied that it-
was too late ; that those who had been badly wounded were
killed before that time; and that all who were still pre
served by the Indians were now safe. Doctor spoke of
Captain Hart in particular, and stated that many who
would be saved in the first instance, being unable to march
far, must ultimately be sacrificed, unless means were taken
to preserve them. To which Elliott replied that charity
began at home, that his own wrounded must first be con
veyed, and that if any sleds then remained, he would send
them back. Doctor Todd was so anxious to get some per
son of influence sent back, that lie tried to excite the avar
ice of the surgeon, by informing him that the surgical in
struments, which were very valuable, were in the house
with the wounded. He soon found that he had now touched
the master passion of the British soul. An interpreter was
immediately sent back for the instruments, but the con
flagration had consumed everything before he arrived. The
conversation of Captain Elliott clearly proved that the
British officers had deliberately resolved to abandon the
wounded prisoners to an indiscriminate massacre, in direct
violation of their solemn engagements at the surrender. If
they did not instigate, they at least permitted the horrible
scene without regret.

After Doctor Todd has been taken from Captain Hart,
one of the Indians agreed to carry him to Maiden for 100
dollars. The fellow placed him on a horse and was going
through the commons of the town when he met with an
other, who claimed the captain as his prisoner. To settle
the dispute, they agreed to kill him and divide the re
mainder of his money and clothes between them. They ac-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 241

cordingly dragged him off his horse and despatched him
with a war club. When he found that his destruction was
inevitable, he submitted with fortitude and composure to
his fate.

Many other instances of the massacre of individuals
and small parties might be mentioned. Some who were ex
hausted by marching were killed at Brownstown, and sev
eral others at the river Rouche. Doctor Bowsers wras saved
by an Ottawa chief, and was a witness to the massacre of
four or five at Sandy Creek. For several days after the
battle, fresh scalps were brought into Maiden by the sav
ages. Some of the prisoners, however, who had been car
ried off by the Indians, were fortunate enough to make
their escape, whilst others were doomed to suffer death in
the flames, to gratify the revenge of the brutal barbarians.
Such, indeed, were the monstrous acts of barbarity, com
mitted on the maimed and defenceless prisoners, that no
language can depict them in colors sufficiently dark. And
all this was done by the allies of His Britannic Majesty, the
sovereign of a nation pretending to rank high in the civil
ized world ; a nation professing to be Christians ; a nation
that is venerated by the federalists of America, and which
claims pre-eminence in everything that is great, and good,
and honorable in human nature; but against which the
volumes of history, and the records of Heaven, contain the
longest, blackest catalogue of crimes and barbarities that
ever have been perpetrated on this globe.

Procter was, no doubt, peculiarly qualified by nature
and education, for the perpetration of such deeds as these
— but the principles on Avhich the patronage of the British
government is administered, will always produce an abun
dant supply of such characters, without the aid of uncom
mon individual depravity. Under that government there
is no road to preferment so sure, as that which leads

16

242 HISTOKY OF THE LATE WAR

through oppression, perfidy, and blood ! For the massacre
at the river Raisin, for which any other civilized govern
ment would have dismissed, and perhaps have gibbetted
the commander, Colonel Procter received the rank of major
general in the British army.

The American army in this affair lost upwards of 290
in killed, massacred, and missing. Only 33 escaped to the
Rapids. The British took 547 prisoners, and the Indians
about 45. The loss of the enemy, as the Americans had no
chance to ascertain it, was, of course, never correctly known
by the public. From the best information that could be
obtained, it is believed to have been killed and wounded,
between three and four hundred. The Indians suffered
greatly, and the 41st regiment was very much cut up. Their
whole force in the battle was about 2,000, one-half regu
lars and Canadians, commanded by Colonels Procter and
St. George ; the other, composed of Indians, commanded by
Round-Head and Walk-In-The- Water. Tecumseh was not
there — he was still on the Wabash, collecting the warriors
in that quarter.

Colonel Procter arrived at Amherstburg with his pris
oners on the 23rd, and crowded them into a small muddy
woodyard, where they were exposed all night in a heavy
rain, without tents or blankets, and with scarcely fire
enough to keep them from freezing, many of them being
very indifferently clothed. Such treatment was very severe
on men, who at home enjoyed all the comforts and luxuries
of life, and whose humanity would have disdained to treat
any conquered foe in this manner. Procter, after he had
left the battle ground, never named the guard nor sleds
which he had promised for the wounded Americans; nor
would he pay any attention to the subject when repeatedly
reminded of it by General Winchester and Major Madison.
Captain Elliott once replied to their solicitations, that

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 243

"the Indians were very excellent surgeons."
From the whole tenor of Procter's conduct it is evident that
he was determined from the first to abandon the wounded
to their fate. It is true that he had not the means of trans
portation for his own and the American wounded at the
same time ; but it is equally true that he had it in his power
to comply with his promise, made before the surrender, to
place a guard over them, which would be able to protect
them from the fury of the savages. What a contrast be
tween this base perfidy of the British officers, in exposing
their prisoners to massacre, after stipulating to protect
them; and the noble humanity of the American tars, in
sacrificing their own lives to save their foes who had sur
rendered unconditionally !

The prisoners were detained at Amherstburg till the
26th, when they were divided into two parties, the first of
which was marched on that day, and the other on the day
following. Some who were badly wounded wrere left be
hind with surgeons to attend them. They proceeded up
the rivers Detroit and Thames, through the interior of Up
per Canada, to Fort George on the Niagara strait. On
this journey they suffered many hardships and indignities
from the severity of the weather, the want of provisions,
and from the inhumanity of their guards. At Fort George
they were paroled and returned home by the way of Erie
and Pittsburgh, and thence down the Ohio River. The con
dition of the parole was: not to bear arms against His
Majesty or his allies during the present war, until regular
ly exchanged. When some of the Kentuckians inquired
who were His Majesty's allies — they were answered, that

"His Majesty's allies were known,"

from which it appears that some of these tools of British
baseness were ashamed of the association which their sov
ereign had formed. General Winchester, Colonel Lewis,

244 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and Major Madison were detained and sent by Montreal to
Quebec, at which place, and at Beaufort in its vicinity, they
were confined till the spring of 1814, when a general ex
change of prisoners took place, and they returned home.

Ensign I. L. Baker, who had been taken by the Indians
on the 22nd, and had witnessed many of their subsequent
barbarities, was brought to Detroit and ransomed by an
American gentleman at that place before the march of the
prisoners. General Winchester directed him to take charge
of the wounded, Avho were left at Sandwich. He continued
there till the 15th of February, discharging in a very able
and assiduous manner, the duties required in that situa
tion. During his stay he obtained a variety of information
concerning the conduct of the allies, which he afterwards
reported to General Winchester. He ascertained that
about sixty prisoners had been massacred by the Indians
after the day of battle ; and that they had probably between
30 and 40 prisoners still alive. The prospect of their re
lease, however, was now very gloomy, as Procter had issued
an order forbidding individuals to purchase any more of
them, while a stipulated price was still paid for all the
scalps brought in by the savages. The dead of the Ameri
can army were still unburied — left to be devoured by hogs
and dogs. When Ensign Baker mentioned this subject to
the British officers, they still replied that the Indians
would not suffer them to be buried. The citizens of De
troit used great exertions to procure provisions for the ac
commodation of the wounded, and to ransom the prisoners
from the Indians. Many young ladies, with the character
istic benevolence of their sex, wrere very instrumental in
this business. The names of many persons were reported
on this account by Ensign Baker; but among them Augus
tus B. Woodward esq. was pre-eminently distinguished by
his zealous and unwearied exertions for the benefit of the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 245

unfortunate Americans. On the part of the British, Col
onel James Baubee acted with generosity and friendship;
and Colonel Elliott with Major Muir were likewise found
on the side of humanity in many serviceable acts.

Colonel Procter, some time after the defeat, issued a
proclamation by which he required the citizens of Michigan
either to take the oath of allegiance to His Majesty, or to
leave the territory. This measure, together with his viola
tions of the capitulation of General Hull, induced Judge
Woodward to address him in a letter, in which he com
plained of the infractions of that capitulation by the In
dians in the British employ; reminded him that he had
pledged his honor, before the late battle, to protect the in
habitants ; and then informed him of the scandalous scenes
of barbarity and devastation, which had occurred since the
capitulation of the 22nd; and concluded with proposing a
convention between him and the citizens, which would tend
to secure them for the future in the rights stipulated by
General Brock. In reply, Colonel Proctor, who had already
acted with so much perfidious barbarity, now exhibited an
other trait in his accomplished character. He had the mean
ness to deny that any capitulation had taken place at the
river Raisin, and to assert that the Americans had surren
dered at discretion ! At the same time he called for proofs
of the barbarities which he had committed. On the next day
the judge sent him the affidavits of such persons as hap
pened to be then in Detroit, who had witnessed the conduct
of the Indians, and remonstrated against his purpose of
forcing the citizens to swear allegiance to the British gov
ernment, reminding him that it was contrary to the law
of nations, and that

"in a state of open and declared war, a subject or citizen
of one party, cannot transfer his allegiance to the other
without incurring the penalties of treason, and Avhile noth-

246 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

ing can excuse his guilt, so neither are those innocent who
lay temptations before him."

A passport was soon afterwards obtained by the judge, who
repaired by the way of Niagara to the City of Washington.
Many other citizens also abandoned all their property and
fled from the sway of the red and white savages.

The following are extracts from the general order, is
sued by the Commander-in-chief of the British forces, con
cerning the battle of the 22nd — while it avows the employ
ment of the Indians, and sanctions the savage mode of war
fare, it will serve as a specimen of the veracity of the Brit
ish official accounts:

"His excellency, the commander of the forces, has the
highest satisfaction in announcing to the troops under his
command, another brilliant action achieved by the gallant
division of the army at Detroit under Colonel Procter. In
formation having been received that an advanced corps of
the American army, under Brigadier General Winchester,
amounting to upwards of 1,000 (900) strong, had entered
and occupied Frenchtown, about thirty-six miles south of
Detroit, Colonel Procter did not hesitate a moment in an
ticipating the enemy, by attacking this advanced corps be
fore it could receive support from the forces on their march
under General Harrison. At daybreak, on the 22nd of
January, Colonel Proctor, by a spirited and vigorous at
tack, completely defeated General Winchester's division,
with the loss of between four and five hundred slain (less
than 300) for all who attempted to save themselves by
flight were cut off by the Indian warriors. About 400 of
the enemy took refuge in the houses of the town, and kept
up a galling fire from the windows ; but finding farther re
sistance unavailing, they surrendered themselves at discre
tion. On this occasion the gallantry of Colonel Procter
was most nobly displayed in his humane and unwearied
exertions, which succeeded in rescuing the vanquished from
the revenge of the Indian warriors! ! !"

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 247

"Colonel Procter reports in strong terms the gallantry
displayed by all descriptions of troops and the able sup
port received from Colonel St. George, and from all the offi
cers and men under his command, whose spirited valor and
steady discipline is above all praise. The Indian chief
Round-Head, with his band of warriors rendered essential
service by their bravery and good conduct. It is with re
gret that Colonel Procter reports 24 killed and 158
wounded! ! !"

"The commander of the forces is pleased to appoint, till
further orders, or until the pleasure of His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, is known, Colonel Vincent, of the 49th
regiment, to have the rank of brigadier general in Upper
Canada."

The disgrace of this mass of falsehoods, however, is not
to be imputed to the Commander-in-chief — he merely re
peated the story told him by Procter.

In this defeat, though the detachment cut off was not
large, the American cause sustained a great injury ; and on
the State of Kentucky the stroke was peculiarly severe.
Colonel Wells immediately returned to that state, with all
the information that had been collected respecting the bat
tle and massacre. The effect on the feelings of the com
munity was truly deplorable. Almost every family in the
state had some friend or intimate acquaintance in the
army, for whose fate the most anxious and distressing ap
prehensions were excited. The accounts given by the fugi
tives, on which alone the public had to depend, were al
together indefinite, and extremely exaggerated. It was
weeks and even months before much information was re
ceived, on which a perfect reliance could be placed. The
return of the prisoners at last relieved the anxious uncer
tainty of the greater part of the people ; but some were still
left in doubt, and forever must remain in doubt, respecting
the fate of their best friends and most intimate connec
tions. Some idea of the public anxiety and distress may be

248 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

formed from the facts, that the army thus barbarously de
stroyed, was composed of the most interesting and respect
able citizens of the state; and that from the previous in
telligence from it, the highest expectations were formed of
its success and glory.

A disaster so calamitous would necessarily excite much
discussion with respect to its cause; and as much blame
was thrown upon those who committed no error, and who
were not instrumental in causing the defeat of Winchester,
which proved to be the defeat of the campaign, it may not
be amiss to vindicate in a cursory manner, the conduct of
those on whom public opinion, or the censure of their ene
mies, was unjustly severe. General Harrison was blamed
by his enemies, for the advance of the detachment to the
river Raisin; for not reinforcing it in time; or finding that
impracticable for not ordering a retreat; besides many
other matters of less importance.

It is evident from the statement of facts already made,
that General Harrison is not answerable for the advance of
the detachment. It was sent by General Winchester, with
out the knowledge and consent of Harrison ; and contrary
to his views and plans for the future conduct of the cam
paign, and to the instructions, communicated with his
plans through Ensign Todd, before the left wing had
marched for the Rapids. If the advance was improper, the
blame does not lie upon Harrison ; if it was proper, General
Winchester is entitled to the credit of having ordered it.
The following extract from the journal of Colonel Wood,
shows the impression made at headquarters by the first in
telligence of the advance received at that place:

"This news for a moment paralyzed the arnr^ or at least
the thinking part of it, for no one could imagine that it
was possible for him to be guilty of such a hazardous step.
General Harrison was astonished at the imprudence and

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 249

inconsistency of such a measure, which, if carried into exe
cution, could be viewed in no other light than as attended
with certain and inevitable destruction to the left wing.
Nor was it a difficult matter for any one to foresee and pre
dict the terrible consequences, which were sure to mark the
result of a scheme no less rash in its conception than haz
ardous in its execution."

With respect to reinforcing the detachment, a recur
rence to facts equally proves that Harrison is not blamable,
as he made every exertion in his power to support it. It
was not until the night of the 16th that he received the in
formation, indirectly through General Perkins, that Win
chester had arrived at the Rapids. By the same express he
was advised that Winchester meditated some unknown
movement against the enemy. Alarmed at this informa
tion, he immediately made every exertion which the situa
tion of his affairs required. He was then at Upper San-
dusky, his principal deposit of provisions and munitions of
war, which is sixty miles from the Rapids by the way of
Portage River, and seventy-six by the way of Lower San-
dusky; and about 38 more from the river Raisin. He im
mediately sent an express direct to the Rapids for informa
tion; gave orders for a corps of 300 men to advance with
the artillery, and escorts to proceed with provisions; and
in the morning he proceeded himself to Lower Sandusky,
at which place he arrived in the night following, a distance
of forty miles, which he travelled in seven hours and a
half over roads requiring such exertion that the horse of
his aide, Major Hukill, fell dead on their arrival at the fort.
He found there that general Perkins had prepared to send
a battalion to the Rapids, in conformity with a request
from General Winchester. This battalion was dispatched
the next morning, the 18th, with a piece of artillery; but
the roads were so bad that it was unable, by its utmost exer-

250 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

tion, to reach the river Raisin, a distance of 75 miles, be
fore the fatal disaster.

General Harrison then determined to proceed to the
Rapids himself, to learn personally from General Win
chester what was his situation and views. At four o'clock
on the morning of the 19th, while he still remained at
Lower Sandusky, he received the information that Colonel
Lewis had been sent with a detachment to secure the pro
visions on the river Raisin, and to occupy, with the inten
tion of holding the village of Frenchtown. There was then
but one regiment and a battalion at Lower Sandusky, and
the regiment was immediately put in motion, with orders
to make forced marches for the Rapids ; and General Har
rison himself immediately proceeded for the same place.
On his way he met an express with intelligence of the suc
cessful battle, which had been fought on the preceding day.
The anxiety of General Harrison to push forward and
either prevent or remedy any misfortune which might oc
cur, as soon as he was apprised of the advance to the river
Raisin, was manifested by the great personal exertions
which he made in this instance. He started in a sleigh with
general Perkins, to overtake the battalion under Cotgrove,
attended by a single servant. As the sleigh went very slow,
from the roughness of the road, he took the horse of his
servant and pushed on alone. Night came upon him in the
midst of the swamp, which was so imperfectly frozen that
the horse sunk to his belly at every step. He had no re
source but to dismount and lead his horse, jumping him
self from one sod to another which was solid enough to sup
port him. When almost exhausted, he met one of Cot-
grove's men coming back to look for his bayonet, which he
said he had left at a place where he had stopped, and for
which he would have a dollar stopped from his pay unless
he recovered it. The general told him he would not only

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 251

pardon him for the loss, but supply Mm with another, if he
would assist him to get his horse through the swamp. By
his aid the general was enabled to reach the camp of the
battalion.

Very early on the morning of the 20th, he arrived at the
Rapids, from which place General Winchester had gone,
on the preceding evening, with all his disposable force to
the river Raisin. Nothing more could now be done but
wait the arrival of the reinforcements from Lower San-
dusky.

The original force of General Winchester at the Rapids
had been about 1,300, and all but 300 were now gone in ad
vance. The battalion from Lower Sandusky was hurried
on as fast as possible; and as soon as the regiment arrived,
350 strong, on the evening of the 21st, the balance of Win
chester's army was ordered to proceed, which they did the
next morning, under General Payne. The force now ad
vancing exceeded by 300, the force deemed sufficient by
General Winchester to maintain his position. But whether
sufficient or not, it is evident from the preceding statement
of facts, that no more could be sent, and that greater exer
tions could not be made to send it in time. Instead of cen
sure being due to General Harrison, he merits praise for
his prudent exertions, from the moment he was apprised of
Winchester's arrival at the Rapids.

"What human means," says Colonel Wood, "within the
control of General Harrison, could prevent the anticipated
disaster, and save that corps which was already looked up
on as lost, as doomed to inevitable destruction? Certainly
none — because neither orders to halt, nor troops to succor
him, could be received in time, or at least that was the ex
pectation. He was already in motion and General Harri
son still at Upper Sandusky, 70 miles in his rear. The
weather was inclement, the snow was deep, and a large por
tion of the black swamp was yet open. What could a

252 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Turenne or an Eugene have done under such a pressure of
embarrassing circumstances, more than Harrison did?"

If it should be asked why detachments from the centre
and right wing were not sent sooner to the Rapids, to form
a junction with and to strengthen the advance under Win
chester, the answer is obvious. The object of the advance
to that place was to guard the provisions, artillery, and
military stores, to be accumulated there for the main expe
dition, for which purpose Winchester's command, as it
would daily be strengthened by the arrival of escorts, was
amply sufficient ; and it was important that a force unnec
essarily large should not be sent there, to consume the ac
cumulating provisions, before the main expedition was
ready to move.

After the success of the detachment on the 18th, there
were powerful reasons, why the position it occupied should
not be abandoned. The protection of the French inhabi
tants was now an imperative duty. The advance to their
town had been made at their solicitation; and when the
battle had commenced, many of them joined the American
forces and fought with great gallantry; and afterwards
they attacked and killed the straggling Indians, wherever
they met them. Their houses were opened to our men, and
they offered to give up the whole of the provisions, which
yet .remained to them, upon condition that they should not
again be abandoned to the fury of the savages, or subjected
for what they had done to be immured in the prisons of
Maiden. The amount of provisions to be secured was be
lieved to be very considerable. The duty of protecting the
faithful inhabitants, however, had been so strongly im
pressed by their conduct, on the minds of General Win
chester and his men, that an order to retreat would perhaps
not have been very promptly obeyed. They proved their
fidelity again, by engaging in the battle of the 22nd. What-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 253

ever firing was done from the windows on that day, accord
ing to Procter, must have been done by the inhabitants. On
the other hand, the forwardness of supplies, and of the
other corps in the rear, was such that in a few days the most
ample reinforcements would have arrived, and the main
expedition could have moved very early in February.

From the whole of the facts, which are now before the
reader, he will be able to judge for himself, with respect to
the causes of the disaster. The advance to the river Raisin
was a very important movement ; it was made from the best
and most urgent motives ; but it is questionable whether it-
was not too hazardous and premature. It was a rule with
General Harrison, and undoubtedly a very good one, never
in Indian warfare to send out a detachment, unless indis
pensably necessary, and then to make it sufficiently strong
to contend with the whole force of the enemy. The rule
was peculiarly applicable in this instance. Frenchtown
was within 18 miles of Maiden, the headquarters of the
enemy, while it was more than double that distance from
the Rapids, and about 100 miles on an average from the
other corps of the American army. The idea of reinforc
ing an advanced corps at that place, to support it against
any speedy movement of the enemy, was hence altogether
chimerical. It should have been strong enough in the first
instance, or with the reinforcements to be immediately
sent after it from the Rapids, to maintain its ground,
against the whole disposable force of the enemy, for a week
at least. And this was probably the case. The greatest
error, judging from the information we possess after the
affair is over, does not appear to have been so much the
advance of the detachment, as the neglect to fortify the
camp. The force actually on the ground, if well posted and
well defended by fortifications, and amply supplied with
ammunition, could certainly have resisted such an attack

254 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

as was made, until reinforcements had arrived. On the
21st, General Winchester thus addressed General Har
rison:

"All accounts from Brownstown and Maiden agree in
stating that the enemy is preparing to retake this place;
if he effects his purpose, he will pay dear for it. A few
pieces of artillery, however, would add to our strength, and
give confidence to our friends in this place."

Though possessed of this information, and lying so near
the enemy that they could march at any time in the eve
ning, and attack him before day next morning, yet he suf
fered his men to go to rest that night in an open camp, in
which they had lain a whole day since his arrival at that
place.

"Unsuspicious and elated with this flash of success,"
says Colonel Wood, "the troops were permitted to select,
each for himself, such quarters on the west side of the river,
as might please him best ; whilst the general, not liking to
be amongst a parcel of noisy, dirty freemen, took his quar
ters on the east side; not the least regard being paid to
defence, order, regularity, or system in posting of the dif
ferent corps."

After speaking of the battle and massacre, he proceeds :
"Thus totally sacrificed in the most wanton manner pos
sible; and that too, without the slightest benefit to their
country or posterity. With only one- third or one-fourth of
the force destined for that service; destitute of artillery,
of engineers, of men who had ever seen or heard the least
of an enemy ; and with but a very inadequate supply of am
munition; how he ever could have entertained the most
distant hope of success, or what right he had to presume to
claim it, is to me one of the strangest things in the world.
An adept in the art of war is alone authorized to deviate
from the ordinary and established rules, by which that art
for a great length of time has been usefully and success
fully applied.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTEY 255

"Winchester was destitute of every means of supporting
his corps long at the river Raisin, was in the very jaws of
the enemy, and beyond the reach of succor. He who fights
with such flimsy pretensions to victory will always be
beaten, and eternally ought to be.7'

If Harrison committed an error, it appears to me that
it consisted in allowing too great a latitude of discretion to
general Winchester. His responsibility for the conduct of
the army, his accurate knowledge of the country, his ex
perience in Indian warfare and knowledge of the caution it
required, all entitled him to control, in the most positive
manner, the movements of General Winchester's command.
On the contrary, he had always

"considered him rather in the light of an associate in
command, than inferior."

In all the correspondence of Harrison with Winchester, he
had treated him with the most respectful confidence, and
had recommended, instead of ordering, the measures which
he wished him to pursue; and in his letters to the war de
partment, the same decorous and sensitive respect for the
character, and confidence in the opinions of Winchester
were constantly preserved and expressed. Had Winchester
not inferred from this treatment, that he was at liberty to
take the most important steps without obtaining the appro
bation of General Harrison, the advance to the river Raisin
could not have been made prematurely. It has been alleged
in justification of Winchester, and in derogation of Harri
son, that the communications of the latter had induced the
former to believe that he would be supported in this move
ment. Some of Harrison's letters might have raised an ex
pectation, that the supplies and troops of the right wing
would have been sufficiently advanced for this purpose.
But the last letter from Harrison, received on the evening
before the detachment marched for the river Raisin, com-

256 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

bined with the instructions communicated through Ensign
Todd, must have left but little room for such an expecta
tion. The letter was dated on the 3rd of January, at
Franklinton. The following is an extract :

"The hogs are progressing so fast towards the Rapids
that it is necessary the force destined to occupy it should
march as soon as possible. If any thing happens to prevent
your going on immediately, send an express through the
woods to Upper Sandusky, that I may send two regi
ments from thence."

From this it must have been evident to Winchester that
no troops were approaching from Sandusky ; and from this
suggestion that

"a co-operating force from the right wing might be
acceptable."

It is evident that his calculations on being supported by
Harrison, had but little influence in his determinations.

CHAPTER VI.

TERMINIATION OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN UNDER HARRISON —

PREPARATIONS FOR THE SECOND — FIRST SIEGE

OF FORT MEIGS.

On the night of the 22nd, after all the information had
been collected that was attainable, respecting the disasters
of that day, a council of the general and field officers was
called at the Rapids by General Harrison, who submitted
to their consideration the following questions: Whether it
was probable that the enemy would attack the camp at
that place? and if he did make an attack, whether the force
then in camp, consisting of 900 men and a single piece of
artillery, would be able to make an effectual resistance?
Major M'Clanahan, of the Kentucky volunteers, who had
escaped from the action, assisted at this council. He was of
the opinion that the force of the enemy in battle had been
from 1,600 to 2,000 British and Indians, with six pieces of
artillery, principally howitzers. After mature deliberation,
it was the unanimous opinion of the council that it would
be proper to retire a short distance on the road upon which
the artillery and reinforcements were approaching. For
should the position at the Rapids be maintained, yet by
getting in its rear the enemy would be able to defeat the
reinforcements in detail, and to capture the all important
convoys of artillery, military stores and provisions corning
from Sandusky. Although the enemy might not advance
with his whole force against the camp at the Rapids, yet
it was deemed highly probable that the Indians at least

257
17

258 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

would cross the river on the ice below that place, and en
deavor to intercept the convoys, of the approach of which
they must have received information.

The position which had been selected, and the camp
which had been formed by General Winchester at the
Rapids, were also very injudicious, and untenable against
any formidable force. The position was on the wrong side
of the river; for it frequently happens in the winter, that
heavy rains suddenly swell the current and break up the
ice, so as to render the stream wholly impassable for many
days together. This would prevent the convoys from reach
ing the camp, whilst the enemy might cross on the ice at
the mouth of the bay and destroy them without opposition.

The attempt to fortify the position had also destroyed
all its natural advantages. The camp was a parallelogram
with its longest side on the river, corresponding to the
form of the hill on which it was placed, the abrupt decliv
ity of which afforded the enemy a better fortification, at
point-blank shot in the rear, than the breastwork of logs by
which the lines were protected. The flanks were also at a
convenient distance from the ends of the hill to be annoyed
from them by the enemy. By reversing the order and mak
ing the flank lines the longest, so as to extend quite across
the hill, the rear would have been rendered secure, and the
flanks would have been at too great a distance to be an
noyed from the extremities of the hill.

On the next morning, therefore, the army abandoned
the Rapids, having first set fire to the blockhouses, in which
there was a quantity of provisions that would be useful to
the enemy if they advanced to that place. Having retired
as far as Portage River, about IS miles distant, the general
there established and strongly fortified his camp, to wait
for the artillery and a detachment of troops under Left-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 259

wich, expecting that he would be enabled by their arrival
to return in a few days to the banks of the Miami.

This retrograde movement was altogether unnecessary
in the actual state of things; but we are not to judge the
commander of an army by the information respecting the
enemy which may be found in the pages of the subsequent
historian, but by that which at the time was in his posses
sion; and in the present case we may remark that imme
diately after experiencing a defeat for the want of a cau
tious and strict conformity to military principles, it would
have been excusable in the officers of the army to have car
ried that virtue to excess.

General Harrison was disappointed in his expectation
of returning in a few days to the Rapids, by an unfortunate
rain, which arrested the progress of the artillery and troops
under Leftwich, at the distance of 25 miles from his camp
at Portage. The rain commenced on the 24th and continued
several days, so that the road was rendered wholly impass
able for the artillery, although it was fixed upon sleds. In
the meantime spies were sent towards the river Raisin, to
discover the situation of affairs in that quarter: and on
the 31st of January, Doctor M'Keehan, of the Ohio militia,
volunteered at the request of the general to carry a flag to
Maiden, to ascertain the condition of the wounded, and to
carry them a sum of money in gold to procure accommoda
tions. His fate deserves to be recorded, as it still further
illustrates the character of the enemy. He was accom
panied by two men, and furnished with an open letter to
General Winchester, and another addressed to any British
officer, describing the character in which he went, and also
with written instructions for his own conduct ; all of which
he was directed to show to the first British officer he met.
He stopped to lie the first night, in a cabin at the Rapids,
where he fixed his flag in his cariole at the door. In the

260 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

night he was discovered, and attacked by some Indians,
who killed one of his men ; and having robbed himself and
the other of all they had, took them prisoners to Captain
Elliott, who was stationed with some other Indians about
20 miles farther on. Elliott treated him politely, and sent
him forward to Procter. When he came into the presence
of that magnanimous Briton, he immediately began to
abuse General Harrison, found fault with M'Keehairs in
structions, and declared that the flag was only a pretext to
cover some bad design. These insinuations were indignant
ly repelled by the doctor, who was told that he should be
sent back, by a different route from that which he came.
After some days he was recognized in his official character,
and directed to attend the wounded. On the 2nd of March
he was arrested by Colonel Procter, and accused of carry
ing on a secret correspondence. Without giving him even
the form of a trial, he was then sent off to Fort George, and
thence to Kingston, and finally to Montreal, where he was
imprisoned in a dungeon, and all the time, from the period
of his arrest, was misused in the true British style. After
lying in the dungeon thirty days, he was liberated at the
intercession of Lieutenant Dudley of the American navy;
and by way of reparation was informed by Adjutant Gen
eral Baynes, that the outrages lie had suffered were con
trary to his orders.

On the 30th of January, General Leftwich arrived at
Portage river with his brigade, a regiment of Pennsylvania
troops, and the greater part of the artillery; and on the
first of February General Harrison marched with his whole
force, amounting now to 1700 men, to the foot of the Rapids
and encamped on the southeast side of the river, at a place
which he deemed much stronger and more suitable in other
respects than that which had been occupied by Winchester.
He still entertained a belief that he would be able to exe-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 261

cute in the present season, the long intended expedition
against Maiden, and continued to exert himself in prepara
tion. All the troops in the rear were ordered to join him
immediately, except some companies which were left in the
forts on the Auglaize and St. Marys. He expected he
would be able by the llth or 12th of February to advance
towards Maiden, if not with heavy artillery sufficient to
reduce that place, at least with a force that could scour the
whole country, disperse the Indians, destroy all the ship
ping of the enemy, the greater part of their provisions, and
establish a post near Brownstown, till the season would
permit the advance of the artillery. The Ohio and some
of the Kentucky troops soon arrived at the Rapids, which
rendered his advance 2,000 strong. The accession of all
the others, would scarcely, however, raise his effective
force to four thousand men, so greatly were the different
corps no\v reduced from their nominal and original amount.
The present was the season, in common years, when the
most intense frosts prevailed in this country, by which its
lakes and swamps were rendered perfectly firm and secure
for any kind of conveyance ; yet the weather now continued
so warm and rainy, that the ice rendered it altogether un
safe. A trial of its strength on the border of the lake, was
effectually made on the evening of the 9th. Intelligence be
ing received that a party of Indians were driving off the cat
tle from a small French village, about fourteen miles from
the Rapids,General Harrison prepared a strong detachment
and pursued them that night twenty-six miles on the ice
so weak in many places, that the horses of several officers
who were mounted, broke through it; and in one place the
six-pounder broke through it and was nearly lost. The
Indians were not overtaken ; and in the morning the detach
ment returned to camp.

262 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

The llth of February at last arrived, and still the bal
ance of the troops with the necessary supplies had not been
able to reach the Rapids ; the roads by this time had also
become absolutely impassable for any kind of carriage, it
being scarcely possible to traverse them with a single horse.
Under these circumstances General Harrison was at length
constrained, with much reluctance and mortification, to
abandon all thoughts of advancing this season against
Maiden. And thus terminated, without gaining any de
cisive advantage over the enemy, a campaign which was
prosecuted with incalculable expense of the government,
and immense labors and hardships on the part of the gen
eral and his men. The great difficulties to be encountered
in the prosecution of a winter campaign through the
swampy wilderness in the northwestern parts of Ohio, were
doubtless sufficient to defeat all the exertions and perse
verance which could reasonably be expected from human
nature; yet the indefatigable industry of the general, and
the unshaken firmness of his brave compatriots, would
probably have surmounted every obstacle, had it not been
for the mismanagement and misfortunes of General Win
chester in conducting the advance of the left wing. The
apparently unimportant error of sending the intelligence
of his arrival at the Rapids, by the driver of the old pack-
horses, would seem to have been the determining cause of
the failure. The roads were then so well frozen, that the
artillery and convoys of provisions might have been pushed
forward with considerable dispatcli ; but for want of that
intelligence at headquarters, some delay was produced by
which the critical moment for advancing was lost.

It was certainly unfortunate that a winter campaign
was ever attempted. When General Harrison was first ap
pointed to the command of the northwestern army, the pre
cise season of the year had arrived, which had arrested the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 263

progress of the army under General Wayne in the year '93.
Although eighteen months had then been employed in prep
aration, and in disciplining the troops, the prudent caution
of General Washington preferred a postponement of the
meditated chastisement of the Indians till another year, to
the risk of attempting it at a season, which so greatly mul
tiplies the difficulties at all times presented by the nature
of the country and the peculiar activity of the enemy to be
opposed. It was in compliance with his instructions, that
the American army was cantoned at Greenville in Septem
ber, '93, and the auxiliary volunteer force from Kentucky
dismissed. The latter had been in part drawn from tho
most remote counties of Kentucky, and a considerable por
tion of the whole expense which would have attended their
employment had already been incurred. To tread in the
footsteps of Washington and Wayne could have been dis
honorable to no administration and their commander. Why
then was a winter campaign attempted? The orders of the
government to General Harrison were indeed not positive
on this head ; but it is impossible that he could hesitate to
believe that their wishes and expectations were decidedly
in favor of recovering Detroit and taking Maiden during
the winter. Their letters afford ample evidence that such
were their views; and their having ordered 10,000 men to
the field, many of whom were from the Alleghany moun
tains, whose terms of service would all expire by the end
of winter, was an unquestionable evidence of their inten
tions. The force was much greater than was necessary
merely for the defense of the frontiers. After the most
mature reflection the general determined to endeavor to
surmount all the difficulties which would oppose the winter
campaign. He was fully apprised of their extent, and had
even given a decided opinion to the government before his
appointment, that in the event of the capture of Hull's

264 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

army, it would be impracticable to re-establish our affairs
in that quarter imtil the following year. After being in
vested with the command, he had altered his opinion so
far only as to believe, that a season favorable to his opera
tions, combined with some address, and with much labor
arid expense, might possibly enable him to advance, either
before the swamps became impassable in the fall, or in the
middle of winter when they were hard frozen; and he be
lieved that the uncommon solicitude of the government and
the people made it necessary to attempt it. The prepara
tions for the advance of the army, however, could not be
completed in time for advancing in the fall ; and the open
ness of the winter, with other unfavorable occurrences, de
feated him in that season.

Many persons were impatient at the delay of the north
western army, who did not know, that before it could arrive
at Detroit, it had to pass a wilderness of 180 miles, and
many who knew that circumstance, did not know that the
greater part of that desert Avas a frightful swamp, and that
the best of it would be considered impassable for carriages
of any kind, by the people of the Atlantic States. With
the knowledge which the general possessed of the country,
he could not for a moment have thought of passing, in the
latter part of the fall or beginning of winter, the swampy
district which crosses every approach to the lake, even if
his preparations for the march had been complete. But
this was far from being the case. At a time when it was
supposed by many, that he might have been in full march
upon Maiden, some of the pieces of artillery, which were
intended to reduce that fortress, had just been forwarded
from Washington City, and a part of the timber for the
carriages of the latter was still standing in the woods near
Pittsburgh. The very unexpected surrender of Hull had
thrown all the western arrangements of the government

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 265

into confusion. Reinforcements had been ordered for bis
army, and during tbe excitement produced by his surrender,
additional reinforcements were ordered into the field, be
fore any arrangements had been made to furnish them with
provisions and clothing, and to supply the place of the ar
tillery which was lost in Detroit.

After the termination of the campaign, the attention
of General Harrison was directed to the fortifying of his
position at the foot of the Rapids; to the distribution of
the troops, which would remain after the discharge of the
Kentucky and Ohio corps ; and to the accumulation of pro
visions at his present post for the next campaign. In the
latter business, very little could be effected at present. It
was necessary, to wait for the opening of the rivers in the
spring, to bring down the immense stores accumulated on
the St. Marys and Auglaize by water conveyance. From
Lower Sandusky there was some progress made in trans
portation, by going 'round on the ice of the Sandusky and
Miami bay and border of the lake. A battalion of Ohio
troops, recently called into service, together with a com
pany of regulars, were distributed in the forts on the
Auglaize and St. Marys; in each post on Hull's road, a
subaltern's command was stationed ; at Upper Sandusky a
company was placed, and another at Lower Sandusky.
The balance of all the troops were collected at the foot of
tbe Rapids, where they amounted to 1500 or 1800 men,
which was deemed by General Harrison to be too small a
force for that important post. The direction of its forti
fication was entrusted to Colonel Wood, who was then
captain in the corps of engineers.

"So soon as the lines of the camp were designated, large
portions of labor were assigned to each corps in the army,
by which means a very laudable emulation was easily ex
cited. Each brigade or regiment, commenced the particu-

266 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

lar portion of work allotted to it with great spirit and
vigor. The camp was about 2500 yards in circumference,
the whole of which, with the exception of several small in
tervals left for batteries and blockhouses, was to be
picketed with timber fifteen feet long, from ten to twelve
inches in diameter, and set three feet in the ground. Such
were the instructions of the engineer. To complete this
picketing, to put eight blockhouses of double timbers,
to elevate four large batteries, to build all the storehouses
and magazines required to contain the supplies of the army,
together with the ordinary fatigues of the camp, was an
undertaking of no small magnitude. Besides an immense
deal of labor was likewise required in excavating ditches,
making abatis, and clearing away the wood about the camp ;
and all this was to be done too at a time when the weather
was inclement, and the ground so hard frozen that it could
scarcely be opened with the mattock and pick-axe. But in
the use of the axe, mattock and spade consisted the chief
militar}' knowledge of our army ; and even that knowledge
however trifling it may be supposed by some, is of the ut
most importance in many situations, and in ours was the
salvation of the army. — Colonel Wood."

The position thus fortified and denominated Camp
Meigs, was deemed the most eligible that could be selected,
for the protection of the frontiers and the small posts in
the rear of it. As a depot for the artillery, military stores
and provisions, it was also indispensably necessary to main
tain it, for it was now impossible to bring them away.

Tt will be proper in this place, to notice some transac
tions, which occurred after the defeat at the river Raisin,
in the States which had troops in the northwestern army.
When General Harrison at Lower Sandusky, received the
information from General Winchester, that the Kentucky
troops were not disposed to remain in service after their
six mouths had expired, he immediately addressed a letter
to Governor Shelby, in which he appealed to the patriot
ism of that chief and the people of his State for reinforce-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 267

ments. He requested that a corps of 1500 men might be
raised and marched to the army with all possible dispatch,
to supply the place of the Kentuckians then in the field.
The legislature of Kentucky was in session, and the govern
or in a confidential message, communicated the informa
tion and request, which he had received from General Har
rison. A law was immediately passed, offering the addi
tional pay of seven dollars per month, to any 1500 of the
Kentucky troops, who would remain in service, till a corps
could be sent to relieve them. This laAV with an address
from the legislature to the troops, was immediately dis
patched to them by Colonel Anthony Crocket, who arrived
at the northwestern arlny about the 8th of February. The
men had suffered so much, by the unparalleled privations,
which they had to encounter in a winter campaign, in that
rigorous climate and unfavorable country — and they were
now so anxious to return to their friends at home — that
they partially resisted the strong appeal to their patriot
ism in the address of the legislature, supported by the offer
of additional pay. They would not engage for any speci
fied length of time — but if their general was ready to ad
vance against the enemy, they would not hesitate to accom
pany him without any pecuniary inducement. A similar
offer was made about the same time by the State of Ohio,
and afterwards by Pennsylvania, to their respective troops,
which was attended with similar success.

In the meantime the legislature of Kentucky was en
gaged in passing an act. to authorize the governor to detach
a corps of 3,000 men from the militia, of which 1500 were
intended to march immediately to General Harrison. On
the 2nd of February, they received intelligence of the vic
tory obtained at Frenchtown by Colonel Lewis, which pro
duced the liveliest joy at the capitol — but a sad reverse
was at hand. In the evening the Theatre was unusually

268 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

crowded, and the hearts of the people teemed with gratula-
tion at the victory obtained by their fellow-citizens in arms
—when Colonel Wells arrived about 8 o'clock in the night,
with information of the defeat and massacre at the river
Raisin. What a shock to the feelings of the people! Tho
flower of the Kentucky troops, and of the citizens of that
State, were totally defeated and barbarously cut to pieces.
The sad reality filled every mind with horror — the fictitious
scene of public amusement, was quickly abandoned for the
private firesides, to mourn the loss of friends1 and the mis
fortunes of the country. But the public spirit did not sink
under the pressure of this calamity. Though many widows
and orphans were left to mourn the loss of husbands and
fathers; yet the monstrous outrage of the 22nd only roused
the indignation of the yeomanry, and one universal call for
vengeance on the unprincipled fee, was heard from one ex
treme of the State to the other.

On the next day the governor put his approving signa
ture to the laAV for calling out 3000 militiamen; and the
legislature, placing the utmost confidence in the patriotism,
energy, and military talents of that veteran, passed a re
solve, in conformity with the Constitution, "advising him
to command personally in the field," at any time when he
could best promote the public interests by such personal
service. At the Rapids on the 13th, the fragments of the
regiments, originally commanded by Colonels Allen, Scott,
and Lewis, were honorably discharged; and about the same
time the original troops from Ohio were also permitted to
retire. The Kentucky regiments under Barbee, Poague,
and Jennings terminated their period of service on the 1st
of March and returned home. The Virginia and Pennsyl
vania troops still formed a competent force at the fort, but
their time was also drawing to a close.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 269

The commanding general, considering the destruction
of the enemy's vessels at Maiden, as an object of the great
est importance, and as one which might be accomplished by
an expedition on the ice of the lake, prepared in the latter
part of February for an enterprise of that kind, which he
entrusted to the command of Captain Langham, a young
officer of great promise. The detachment with which he
was to execute it, consisted of 170 volunteers, from the dif
ferent corps at the Rapids, who were capable of any enter
prise that valour and perseverance could effect. They were
provided with all the combustible materials and instru
ments necessary for such an undertaking; and the particu
lar party charged with setting fire to the vessels, was placed
under the immediate direction of Mr. Madis, conductor of
artillery, a young French gentleman who had been an
officer of the navy in his native country, and who was dis
tinguished for his great zeal in our cause, and for his knowl
edge of all the duties of the artillery service. Sleighs were
provided for the whole detachment, and they were directed
to go down the lake to the Bass Islands, and proceed from
one island to another in the chain running towards Maiden,
managing their movements so as to set out from the Middle
Sister about dark, that they might reach the destined scene
of action some hours before day. When they came near to
Maiden, the sleighs were to be left and the party to proceed
on foot, being all provided with moccasins or cloth socks
to prevent their feet from making a noise on the ice. Hav
ing completely fired the vessels they were to return to their
sleighs, which it was supposed would convey them so rapid
ly away, as to render pursuit perfectly nugatory. On the
second day after their departure, General Harrison ad
vanced with a considerable detachment for the purpose of
meeting any party which might pursue them. But at the
mouth of the Miami bay, he had the infinite mortification to

270 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

meet Captain Langham returning. He had proceeded but
a short distance from the Bass Islands, when he found the
whole lake open, which of course put a stop to his progress.
In most winters the passage of the lake on the ice is prac
ticable at this period. Had it been so at this time, there is
good reason to believe that the scheme would have suc
ceeded, and have illuminated the setting darkness of the
campaign with a blaze of glory. The subsequent conduct
of Captain Langham lias proved, that a better choice for
the leader of such an enterprise could not have been made;
nor could a more proper person have been selected for firing
the vessels than Mr. Madis, from his intimate acquaintance
with everything relating to them, and his acknowledged
bravery which he had displayed in the campaign of General
Hull. *

As soon as the dispatch of General Harrison, dated on
the llth of February, in which he informed the government
of the termination of the campaign, and of his consequent
arrangements, was received at the war department, the
present secretary, General Armstrong, sent him instruc
tions in several successive letters, for the future conduct of
the war on the northwestern frontiers. He was instructed
to continue his demonstrations against Maiden, as a diver
sion in favor of the attempts to be made on Canada below ;
but no real movement against Maiden was to be made, until
the government had obtained the command of Lake Erie,
which it expected to accomplish by the middle of May.
The vessels of war for this purpose now building at Presque
Isle in Pennsylvania, Cleveland was fixed upon, as the
depot for the troops to be employed in the expedition.
Those troops were to consist of the 17th and 19th regiments
now in the northwestern army, and but very partially filled
— the 24th regiment now at Massac, and three new regi
ments of regulars, two of which were to be raised in Ohio,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 271

and the other in Kentucky. If these regiments were not
filled in time, the deficiency was to be made up from the
militia. To curtail the enormous expense of militia ser
vice, some general rules were adopted in relation to their
employment. No requisition was to be made, but by some
officer regularly authorized — and was then to be for a
definite number, in which the officers and privates should
bear the same proportion, as in the regular army — and
until so organized, they were not to be received into service.
The general was instructed to maintain the post at the
Rapids, unless by possibility he should be unable to sub
sist a sufficient force there for that purpose; and to insure
him the possession of a sufficient force, he was authorized
to employ the twro regiments to be raised in Ohio, or so
many of them as would answer his purpose, lie was also
instructed to promote the recruiting service, in order to
have the regiments filled in time for the expedition. Such
were the plans of the new secretary for the approaching
campaign; and with these nominal forces wras the general
required to maintain the northwestern posts, with the pro
visions and military stores now accumulated in them ; and
to protect the frontiers against the Indians, and make
demonstrations against Maiden. Fortunately, General
Harrison, before he received these instructions, had called
for reinforcements of militia from both Kentucky and
Ohio, but the whole number expected would not be suffi
cient to garrison the different posts completely.

In answer to these instructions, the general remon
strated against abandoning the use of militia, and leaving
the frontiers in such a defenseless situation. He repre
sented the numerous Indian tribes, residing contiguous to
our outposts, who were either hostile, or would soon become
so, when not overawed by an American army. As soon as
the lake became navigable, the enemy from Maiden could

272 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

also make a descent with the utmost facility on Fort Meigs,
the important deposit of the artillery and military stores,
from which they could not be removed through the swamps,
and to which it was necessary to carry, on the high waters
in the spring, the immense supplies deposited on the Au-
glaize and St. Marys. The works at the Rapids had been
constructed for a force of 2,000 men, for the general had
thought it necessary to maintain a force at that place,
which would be able to contend in the field with all the dis
posable force of the enemy, in order to prevent him from
getting into its rear, and destroying the weaker posts whicli
more immediately protected the frontiers. The govern
ment was assured, that the regular force on which they
relied, could not be raised in time, even for the intended
expedition; and that as large supplies were not prepared,
at points where they lay could be transported by water, the
surest plan would be to march a large militia force, whicli
not being delayed and dispirited for the want of supplies,
would behave well and effectually accomplish the objects
of the campaign. The probability that the force on which
the government relied, would be too small to effect its
object, was represented as a great obstacle in the way of
the recruiting service, which at best was found to be very
tedious.

In the following extract from a letter of General Har
rison to Governor Shelby, the general expressed himself
more explicitly on the subject.

"My sentiments upon the subject of the force necessary
for the prosecution of the Avar, are precisely similar to
yours. It will increase your surprise and regret, when I
inform you, that last night's mail brought me a letter from
the secretary of war, in which I am restricted to the em
ployment of the regular troops raised in this State to re
inforce the post at the Rapids. There are scattered through
this State about 140 recruits of the 10th regiment, and with

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 273

these I am to supply the place of the two brigades from
Pennsylvania and Virginia, whose terms of service will
now be daily expiring. By a letter from Governor Meigs
I am informed, that the secretary of war disapproved the
call for militia, which I had made on this State and Ken
tucky, and was on the point of countermanding the orders.
I will just mention one fact, which will show the conse
quences of such a countermand. There are upon the Au-
glaize and St. Marys rivers, eight forts which contain
within them property to the amount of half a million dol
lars from actual cost, and worth now to the United States
four times that sum. The whole force which would have
had charge of all these forts and property, would have
amounted to less than twenty invalid soldiers."

The determination of the government, to rely on raising
regulars, was caused in part by the inefficiency of the
militia. This species of troops on the northern frontier
had in many instances refused to pass the limits of the
United States, under the pretence that it was unconstitu
tional ; and in the western country, where they had in gen
eral behaved well, the campaign had been enormously ex
pensive, and had accomplished no important object. On
the other hand, it was hoped that the recruiting service
would now be more productive, under a law which, had
recently passed in Congress. This law authorized twenty
regiments to be raised to serve only twelve months ; and at
the same time the pay and bounty wore greatly enhanced.
The plan, however, was not well suited to the western
country. The recruiting of regulars will always be slow,
where a superabundant population had not rendered the
army a place of refuge from hard labor, low wages and
starvation. Hence by the time a regiment of twelve
months men can be filled, one-half the number on an average
will have served half their time, so that neither in respect
of economy nor discipline, can such troops be much prefer
able to militia ; and such proved to be the case in the present

18

274 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

attempt. Colonels M? Arthur and Cass were appointed
brigadier-generals, to command the troops destined to form
the northwestern army; and Governor Howard was ap
pointed a brigadier, and assigned to the command of the
Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri Territories.

In the meantime General Harrison had left the fron
tiers, and repaired to Cincinnati, where his family resided,
having entrusted the command of Fort Meigs to General
Leftwich. Upon the failure of the expedition under Cap
tain Langhaiu, he saw that it was now impossible to annoy
the enemy in any manner, and that until the lake became
navigable, it would be equally impossible for the enemy to
make any formidable attack on his posts. He Avas equally
confident, that as soon as the lake became completely open
in the spring, an attack would be made on some of his ad
vanced positions, and most probably on Fort Meigs, on the
safety of which depended the success of our operations in
the next campaign ; at the conclusion of the last, that place
had become from inevitable necessity as well as from choice,
the grand depot of nearly all the artillery, military stores,
and provisions belonging to the northwestern army; for
unless the provisions in the posts on the waters of the
Miami were taken to Fort Meigs, while the waters were nav
igable in the spring, they would be rendered useless for any
operations in advance of those places, until midsummer,
when the roads would become sufficiently dry and firm for
their land transportation.

Before the period when the attack on the place was to
be expected, its garrison would be reduced to insignifi
cance by the discharge of the militia; the general hence
deemed it his duty to repair to the interior, and hasten out
with reinforcements to take their place; and this was par
ticularly necessary, as it was probable that they would be
too late, unless their march were hastened, by (hose extra-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 275

ordinary and expensive measures, to which a commander-
in-chief can with propriety resort, but of which few subor
dinate officers will take the responsibility. The general
had also a powerful motive for visiting Cincinnati, in the
State of his family — they had suffered and were still suffer
ing the most unexampled afflictions of disease.

Governor Meigs had ordered two regiments to be or
ganized, which rendezvoused at Dayton and several other
points in Ohio, in the early part of March, and were placed
under the command of Brigadier-general John Wingate,
who proceeded with one of the regiments under Colonel
Mills to St. Marys, to garrison the posts in that quarter.
The number of men in his brigade, however, proved greatly
deficient. Prom one division of militia, from which 250
men were to be detached, only forty appeared in the field ;
and the whole amount obtained was insufficient, to garri
son the small posts only.

The governor of Kentucky acting under the law recent
ly passed in that State, had on the 16th of February, or
dered 3000 men to be drafted and organized into four regi
ments under Colonels Boswell, Dudley, Cox and Caldwell,
to be. commanded by Brigadier-general Green Clay. The
two former rendezvoused at Newport about the 1st of
April, at which place General Harrison had waited till the
first three companies arrived, which he furnished with a
packhorse for every two men, and sent them on by forced
marches. Tie had received letters from the Rapids inform
ing him, that the Virginia and Pennsylvania brigades
would leave that place the moment their time was out,
which would be on the 2nd of April — and as the openness
of the season would soon render the lake navigable, and
the enemy had learned, from a prisoner they had taken, the
situation of our affairs, an immediate attack upon Fort
Meigs was anticipated. This state of affairs was communi-

276 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

cated to the war department, and the propriety of calling
out the balance of the Kentucky draft, to be placed at Fort
Wayne to keep the Indians in check, was pressed on the
attention of the government. The general immediately set
out for the Rapids, leaving the Kentucky regiments to fol
low him with the utmost expedition in their power. In the
meantime the Virginia and Pennsylvania troops returned
home, except about 230 of the latter, who had volunteered
under the influence of patriotic sentiments and the elo
quence of their chaplain, Doctor Hersey, to remain till the
reinforcements had arrived. When the general afterwards
arrived, these patriotic men informed him through their
officers, that upon reaching home in the course of a few
weeks, depended their raising crops in the ensuing season,
but that they were determined never to abandon him, until
he thought their services could be spared without danger
to the fort. The general dismissed them on the arrival of
the advanced companies of the Kentucky militia.

While General Harrison was in the interior, he ad
dressed several letters to the commanders of the Penn
sylvania and Virginia brigades, which were read to those
troops, setting forth the exposed situation of the camp, the
probability of an attack, and the awful consequences of
leaving the camp, almost to the mercy of the enemy.

"Those letters did honor to General Harrison, but they
proved of no avail as respects the Virginia troops. They
were calculated to 'rouse the feelings, and excite the ener
gies of him, who had the smallest regard for his country's
welfare; but Leftwich had determined on leaving the camp
as soon as possible, and cared not what became of those who
remained. Nor did he do or say anything to get a part of
his men to remain a few days. His conduct during the
absence of General Harrison was highly reprehensible, in
deed, for instead of completing the unfinished works, he pre
tended that the men could not be made to work, said they

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 277

were sickly, that the weather was bad, and what was most
vexations indeed, permitted them to burn the picketing
timber for fuel, instead of getting it from the woods. After
General Harrison left camp, not a single thing toAvards
finishing the works was done, until Captain Wood returned
on the 20th from Sandusky, to which place he had been sent
to give directions for its fortification. He had the extreme
mortification to find nothing at all done in his absence, ex
cept the destruction of the unfinished lines. This was most
perplexing to him indeed, as the ultimate responsibility
in case of an attack, would in a great measure attach to
him, the fortifying of the camp having been solely com
mitted to Ids charge. Many young officers, Croghan, Brad
ford and Langham, were extremely chagrined and vexed
at this old phlegmatic Dutchman, who was not even fit for a
packhorse master, much less to be entrusted with such an
important command. — Colonel Wood."

After the departure of Leftwich, the command devolved
on Major Stoddard, who had only the remaining Pennsyl-
vanians, a battalion of twelve month's volunteers under
Major Alexander, a company of artillerists, and small
fragments of the 17th and 19th regiments of infantry,
amounting in all to 500 men — with which to maintain an
unfinished fortress, calculated for an army of 2000. But
Stoddard was an excellent officer, and made every exer
tion in his power to complete the fortifications.

Little skirmishes now frequently took place in the
vicinity of the camp with reconnoitering parties of Indians ;
and about the last of March a party of citizens arrived from
Detroit with information that Proctor had issued orders
for assembling the militia at Sandwich on the 7th of April,
to assist in an expedition against Camp Meigs. One of
them, a respectable inhabitant of Detroit, stated that lie
had frequently heard Major Muir, with whom he was inti
mate, speak of the plan of attack, on which Proctor had
already determined. It was to erect strong batteries on the

278 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

north side of the river to be maimed and played upon the
camp by the regulars, while the Indians completely invested
the camp on the south side — and in the opinion of Major
Muir, it would require but a few hours of cannonading and
bombarding, to smoke out our troops into the hands of the
Indians. Various other persons soon afterwards arrived
from the same place, and confirmed this information. They
frequently stated, that Proctor had said he would march
the northwestern army to Montreal by the first of June.
The utmost exertions were now made, and every possible
means were taken to render the camp impregnable as the
situation of things would admit.

"On the 8th of April, Lieut. Col. Ball arrived with 200
dragoons, as fine fellows as ever drew a sword — they were
cordially received, and their presence seemed to give new
life to some of the old veterans, who were almost broken
down with colds and hard work. — Wood."

On the 12th, General Harrison arrived at the camp,
having brought with him all the troops, being about 300
men, which could possibly be spared from the posts on
the Auglaize and St. Marys. He descended by water from
Fort Amanda, expecting from the information he had re
ceived, that Fort Meigs was already invested. Had that
been the case, he intended to storm the British batteries
in the manner, in which he afterwards ordered Colonel
Dudley to do it. On his way from the interior, he wrote1
back to Governor Shelby for the balance of the Kentucky
draft. This was in direct violation of his instructions
from the secretary of war; but the critical situation of
affairs in his opinion authorized the measure; and if the
secretary disapproved it, he would still have time to coun
termand the march of the troops. The mosi vigorous
exertions were now made in the fort to prepare for a siege ;
and scouts were constantly sent out to watch for the ap-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 279

proach of the enemy. A vigilant eye was directed down the
river, and reconnoitering parties were frequently sent in
boats to the mouth of the bay to survey the lake. On the
1.9th, a scouting party brought in three Frenchmen from
the river Raisin, who stated that the British were still
making active preparations for an attack, and were assem
bling an immense Indian force. The Prophet and Tecuni-
seh had arrived with 600 warriors from the country be
tween Lake Michigan and the Wabash. This intelligence
convinced the general that no attack by the Indians was to
be expected on the posts in his rear, or on the settlements
of the Big Miami and Wabash. He, therefore, sent an
express to Governor Shelby to countermand the march of
the troops which he had recently requested.

General Clay had still not arrived with the detachment
under his command. His progress was very much impeded
by the deepness of the roads, and the fullness of every
little stream he had to cross. The companies which Har
rison had dispatched in advance, by the way of Forts
M' Arthur and Portage, unencumbered with heavy bag
gage, constituted a battalion of Boswell's regiment, under
the command of Major Johnson. They were so fortunate
as to reach the camp at the Rapids before the arrival of the
enemy. When the rest of the detachment arrived on the
waters of the Miami, the regiment of Colonel Dudley was
ordered to descend the Auglaize with boats containing
provisions and baggage, and to wait at Defiance for the
general, who embarked on the St. Marys with the balance
of Boswell's regiment, in boats also freighted with baggage
and provisions. They had all arrived at Defiance on the
3rd of May, where the general was met by an express from
Camp Meigs, with intelligence that it was already invested
bv the Allies.

280 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Towards the latter part of April, the enemy was fre
quently discovered in small parties about the fort, by the
scouts sent out by the general; on the 26th his advance
was discovered at the mouth of the bay ; and on the 28th as
Captain Hamilton was going down the river with a small
reconnoitering party, he discovered the whole force of the
British and Indians approaching within a feAv miles of the
fort. An express was now sent to General Clay, with let
ters also for the governors of Ohio and Kentucky. This
perilous journey was undertaken by Captain Oliver, the
commissary to the fort, a brave and intelligent officer, who
possessed every necessary qualification for such an enter
prise. He was accompanied by a single white man, and
an Indian, and was escorted some distance from the camp
by Captain Garrard with 80 of his dragoons. The troops
in the fort were paraded, and the general addressed them
in animated terms on the approaching crisis. His popu
lar eloquence reached the hearts of his brave companions,
and was ansAvered with shouts of applause and devotion.
Presently the gunboats of the enemy came in view down
the river, and approached to the site of the old Fort Miami,
on the opposite side from Camp Meigs. There the British
began to land and mount their guns, and as soon as their
ordnance was on shore, their boats were employed to carrv
the Indians to the southeast side of the river, where they
soon completely invested our camp, and nothing but their
hideous yells and the firing musketry was now to be heard.

The general was indefatigable in his attention to all the
operations required by the situation in which he was placed.
On the next morning after the arrival of the enemy he
issued a general order from which the following is an
extract :

"Can the citizens of a free country who have taken arms
to defend its rights, think of submitting to an army com-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 281

posed of mercenary soldiers, reluctant Canadians goaded
to the field by the bayonet, and of wretched, naked sav
ages? Can the breast of an American soldier when he
casts his eyes to the opposite shore, the scene of his conn-
try's triumphs over the same foe, be influenced by any other
feelings than the hope of glory? Is not this army com
posed of the same materials with that which fought and
conquered under the immortal Wayne? Yes, fellow sol
diers, your general sees your countenances beam with the
same fire, that he witnessed on that glorious occasion ; and
although it would be the height of presumption to compare
himself with that hero, he boasts of being that hero's pupil.
To your posts then fellow-citizens, and remember that the
eyes of your country are upon you."

The British had established their main camp about two
miles down the river at the place of their landing; and in
the night they had commenced three batteries opposite the
fort, on a high bank about 300 yards from the river, the in
tervening low ground being open and partly covered with
water. Two of them were gun batteries with four em
brasures, and were situated higher up the river than the
fort; the other was a bomb battery situated rather below
the fort. They had progressed so far in the night, that
they were now able to work at them in daylight. A fire
however, was opened upon them from the fort, which con
siderably impeded their progress. It was under the direc
tions of Captain Wood, the senior officer of the engineers,
Captain Gratiott, being unwell, but able occasionally to
take charge of a battery.

"The enemy's mode of attack being now thoroughly un
derstood, a plan previously arranged and suggested to the
general, to counteract such an attack as the one already
commenced by the enemy, was adopted and directed to be
carried into execution as soon as possible. The whole
army was warned out subject to the orders of the engineer,
and the general seemed impatient for the new works to be

282 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

in a state of progression. Scarcely time was allowed the
engineer to lay out bis works — however, he had matured
and digested Ms plan well, and nothing of consequence
need occasion much delay.

"The works went on extremely wrell ; never did men be
have better on any similar occasion, though some thought
the immense trenches commenced entirely unnecessary. . .
Orders had been given for them all to be kept in the
trenches through the night, but it was so extremely dark,
and the rain poured down in such torrents. . . . Next day
one-third only of the army was on duty at a time, and was
relieved every three hours. The Indians were getting to
be very impudent, and it became necessary for us to keep
an eye on them, and occasionally give them a few shells and
grape. — Colonel Wood."

The ground had been covered by a heavy forest of oak
and beech trees, which had been cleared away by immense
labor to the distance of 200 or 300 yards from the lines.
Some scattering trees still remained and the trunks of
others were lying on the ground. Behind these and the
stumps, the Indians would creep up within shooting dis
tance, and in several instances were able to do some exe
cution, but in general they suffered most themselves. On
the left the trees had not been felled to so great a distance,
and there the savages mounted into their tops with the ut
most agility, and from those elevated stations were able
to send forth tremendous volleys of musketry. The dis
tance, however, was so great that but few of their balls
took effect.

Their ethereal annoyance, however, proved a great stim
ulus to the militia; for although they did their duty with
alacrity and promptitude, yet their motions were much
accelerated by it — and let who will make the experiment,
it will be invariably found, that the movements of militia
will be quickened by a brisk fire of musketry about their
ears.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 283

The enemy continued diligently to labor on their bat
teries. On the morning of the 30th, they were ready to fix
their cannon, which they accomplished under a warm fire
from the fort, by which they lost several lives. A number
of boats loaded with British as well as Indians were then
seen crossing to the southeast side, which led the general
to suspect that they intended to amuse him with their bat
teries, while they would attempt to storm his works in the
opposite direction. Orders were given for the troops who
were not on duty, to rest with their muskets in their arms,
so as to be ready at a moment's warning to take their posts.

On the morning of the 1st of May, it was discovered that
the British batteries were completed ; and about 10 :00
o'clock they appeared to be loading, and adjusting their
guns on certain objects in the camp. By this time our
troops had completed a grand traverse, about twelve feet
high, upon a base of twenty feet, 300 yards long, on the
most elevated ground through the middle of the camp, cal
culated to ward off the shot of the enemy's batteries. Or
ders were given for all the tents in front to be instantly re
moved into its rear, which was effected in a few minutes
—and that beautiful prospect of cannonading and bom
barding our lines, which but a moment before had excited
the skill and energy of the British engineer, was now en
tirely fled, and in its place nothing was to be seen but an
immense shield of earth, Avhich entirely obscured the whole
army. Not a tent nor a single person was to be seen.
Those canvass houses, which had concealed the growth of
the traverse from the view of the enemy, were now pro
tected and hid in their turn. The prospect of smoking us
out, was now at best but very faint. But as neither Gen
eral Proctor nor his officers were yet convinced of the folly
and futility of their laborious preparations, their batteries
were opened and five days were spent in arduous cannonad-

284 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ing and bombarding to bring them to this salutary convic
tion. A tremendous cannonade was kept up all the rest
of the day, and shells were thrown till eleven o'clock at
night. Very little damage, however, was done in the
camp ; one or two were killed and three or four wounded —
among the latter was Major Amos Stoddard of the 1st reg
iment of artillery — a revolutionary character, and an offi
cer of much merit. He was wounded slightly with a piece
of shell, and about ten days afterwards died Avith the
lockjaw.

The fire of the enemy was returned from the fort with
our 18-pounders with some effect, though but sparingly—
for the stock of 18-pound shot was but small, there being
but 360 of that size in the fort when the siege commenced,
and about the same number of the 12-pounders. A proper
supply of this article had not been sent with the artillery
from Pittsburgh. The battery of the enemy supplied us
with 12-pound shot, but they had no eighteeus, all their
large guns being twenty-fours. On the second day they
opened their fire again with great fury, and continued it
all day, but without any better effect.

It had been apprehended in camp, that the enemy, find
ing he could not effect his object by his first plan of attack,
would transfer his guns to the other side of the river, and
establish batteries upon the centre or flanks of the camp.
Works calculated to resist him in such an event had, there
fore, been undertaken, and were already in a state of for
wardness. On the 3rd, about 11 o'clock, our expectations
were verified. Three pieces and a howitzer were suddenly
opened on the camp from the bushes on the left. But they
were soon silenced, and compelled to change their position
by a few 18-pound shot from our batteries. They resumed
their fire again on the same side, but with no important ad
vantages. On this day, however, they did rather more exe-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 285

cution from their fire on every side than they had done
before. On the 4th their fire was again renewed, but with
less vehemence and vivacity. Those who were serving their
guns appeared to move as if they were executing orders
which they disapproved, and making exertions which they
knew would fail — and to depress them still more, the troops
in camp, when their fire was not very brisk, would show
themselves above the intrenchments and give them three
cheers, swinging their hats in the air.

On the first three days the fire of the enemy was inces
sant and tremendous; five and eight-inch shells and 24-
pound shot had fallen in showers in the camp. Our bat
teries at different times had been served with great effect,
as was afterwards acknowledged by some of the principle
officers of the enemy. But the scarcity of ammunition,
and not knowing how long the siege might continue, had
compelled us to economize our fire.

"With a plenty of ammunition, we should have been
able to have blown John Bull almost from the Miami. . . .
It was extremely diverting to see with what pleasure and
delight the Indians would yell, whenever in their opinion
considerable damage was done in camp by the bursting of
a shell. Their hanging about the camp, and occasionally
coming pretty near, kept our lines almost constantly in a
blaze of fire; for nothing can please a Kentuckian better
than to get a shot at an Indian — and he must be indulged.
—Colonel Wood."

The approach of General Clay at this crisis, with a re
inforcement of 1200 Kentuckians, requires our attention.
Captain Oliver, the express sent from camp, found him at
Fort Winchester, at which place the cannonading at the
siege was distinctly heard. On the 4th the general was
ready to descend in eighteen flats, the sides of which were
raised high enough to cover his men from the fire of Indians
on the banks — Major David Trimble who had accompanied

286 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

him from Kentucky, voluntarily tendered his services to
precede the detachment in a barge with fifteen men, accom
panied by Captain Oliver, to apprise General Harrison of
their approach. To penetrate to the camp, thus exposed in
an open boat, was deemed extremely hazardous. Such an
attempt had already been made by Captain Leslie Combs,
who was sent down in a canoe with five or six men, by
Colonel Dudley on his arrival at Defiance. The captain
had reached within a mile of the fort, when he was attacked
by the Indians, and compelled to retreat, after bravely con
tending with superior numbers till he had lost nearly all
his men.

It was the intention of General Clay to leave Defiance
about 12 o'clock, and to reach Camp Meigs in the night, or
at least by daylight in the morning; but it was late in the
evening before he got in motion, and when he arrived at
the head of the Rapids, eighteen miles above the camp, the
moon had gone down, and it was so dark and rainy, that
his pilot refused to conduct him through them before day
— he was, therefore, compelled to encamp till morning.

Major Trimble reached the fort about midnight, and
informed General Harrison that the detachment 1100
strong, would probably arrive about daylight. Harrison
immediately determined to make a general sally against
the enemy on General (.lay's arrival, for which he made
preparations at camp, and dispatched Captain Hamilton
and a subaltern, with the necessary orders to General Clay.
Captain Hamilton proceeded up the river in a canoe, and
met the detachment five miles above the fort after daylight,
in consequence of their pilot having detained them till
morning instead of descending in the night as at first was
intended. The captain immediately delivered the follow
ing orders to General Clay :

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 287

"You must detach about 800 men from your brigade, and
land them at a point I will show you, about a mile, or a
mile and a half above Camp Meigs. I will then conduct
the detachment to the British batteries on the left bank of
the river. The batteries must be taken, the cannon spiked,
and carriages cut down ; and the troops must then return
to their boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of
your men must land on the fort side of the river, opposite
the first landing, and fight their way into the fort through
the Indians. The route they must take will be pointed out
by a subaltern officer now with me, who will land the canoe
on the right bank of the river, to point out the landing
for the boats."

The general was also informed, that the British force
at their batteries was inconsiderable, the main body being
at their camp a mile and a half further down — and that the
Indians were chiefly on the same side with the fort. Gen
eral Clay's order of descending the river was the same as
in the line of march in solid column, each officer taking
position according to his rank. Colonel Dudley being the
oldest colonel led the van. As soon as Captain Hamilton
had delivered the orders, General Clay who was in the 13th
boat from the front, directed him to go to Colonel
Dudley, with orders to take the twelve front boats and
execute the plans of General Harrison on the left bank,
and to post the subaltern with the canoe on the right bank,
as a beacon for his landing.

General Harrison intended, while the detachment under
Dudley was destroying the batteries on the north side, and
General Clay was fighting the Indians above the fort, to
send out a party to destroy the batteries on the south side,
but his plans were marred in the execution.

General Clay ordered the five boats remaining with the
one he occupied, to fall into a line after him; and in at
tempting to do it, they were driven on shore and thus

288 HISTOKY OF THE LATE WAR

thrown half a mile in the rear. The general kept close to
the right bank, intending to land opposite to the detach
ment under Dudley, but finding no guide there, and the
Indians having commenced a brisk fire on his boat, he
attempted to cross to the detachment. The current, how
ever, was so swift, that it soon carried him too far down
for that project ; he, therefore, turned back, and landed on
the right bank further down. Captain Peter Dudley with
a part of his company was in this boat, making in the whole
upwards of fifty men, who now marched into camp without
loss amidst a shower of grape from the British batteries
and the fire of some Indians. The boat with their baggage
and four sick soldiers, was left as the general supposed, in
the care of two men who met him at his landing, and by
whom he expected she would be brought down under the
guns of the fort. In a few minutes, however, she fell into
the hands of the Indians. The attempt which he had made
to cross the river induced Colonel Bos well with the rear
boats to land on the opposite side ; but as soon as Captain
Hamilton discovered the error under which he acted, he
instructed him to cross over and fight his way into camp.
When he arrived at the south side his landing was annoyed
by the Indians; and as soon as his men were on shore he
formed them and returned the fire of the enemy; at the
same time he was directed by Captain Shaw from the com
manding general, to march in open order through the plain
to the fort. As there was now a large body of Indians on
his flank, General Harrison determined to send out a rein
forcement from the garrison to enable him to beat them.

Major Alexander's battalion, composed of the Pitts
burgh blues, the Petersburg!! volunteers, etc. ; .Major John
son with a part of his battalion, and the companies of
Captains Nearing and Dudley were ordered to prepare for
this service. They were ready to join the Kentuckians as

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 289

they arrived at the gates of the fort. Colonel Boswell then
formed his men on the right; Major Alexander on the left;
and Johnson in the centre. In this order they marched
against the Indians and drove them at the point of the bay
onet, though much superior in numbers, to the distance of
half a mile into the woods. The greatest ardor was dis
played by the troops, and when it became necessary to re
turn, it was with the utmost difficulty that the officers of
the Kentucky detachment could restrain their men from
the pursuit. General Harrison had taken his position
upon a battery to watch with a glass the various operations
which at this moment claimed his attention. He discov
ered a body of British and Indians filing along the edge of
the woods to fall on the rear and left of the corps under
Boswell. He immediately dispatched John T. Johnson,
Esq., his volunteer aide, to recall them from the pursuit.
His horse was killed under him before he could reach the
detachment. The order was then repeated by Major
Graham, and the reluctant though necessary retreat was
at last commenced. The Indians then rallied and pursued
them some distance, doing more execution while our men
were retreating, than they had done in all the rest of the
contest.

The detachment under Colonel Dudley in the meantime
had made their appearance at the batteries on the other
side of the river, and were performing their share in the
operations of this eventful day — but before we direct our
attention to them, we will go through the occurrences on
the south side. General Harrison now ordered a sortie
from the fort, under the command of Col. John Miller of the
regulars, against the batteries which had been erected on
that side. This detachment was composed of the com
panies and parts of companies commanded by Captains
Langham, Croghan, Bradfore, Nearing, Elliott, and Lieut-

19

290 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

enants Gwynne and Campbell, of the regulars; the volun
teers of Alexander's battalion, and Captain Sebree's com
pany of Kentucky militia. The whole amounted only to
350 men. Colonel Miller accompanied by Major Todd, led
on his command with the most determined bravery ; charged
upon the British and drove them from their batteries;
spiked their cannon, and took fourteen prisoners including
an officer, having completely beaten and driven back the
whole force of the enemy. That force consisted of 200
British regulars, 150 Canadians, and 500 Indians, being
considerably more than double the force of the brave de
tachment which attacked them; but our troops charged
with such irresistible impetuosity that nothing could with
stand them.

In this sortie, in which all the troops engaged were dis
tinguished for their good order and their intrepid, impet
uous bravery, the militia company of Captain Sebree was
particularly noticed by the general for its uncommon merit.
With characteristic ardor the Kentuckians rushed in
to the thickest ranks of the enemy, and were for some
time entirely surrounded by the Indians — they still
bravely maintained their ground against more than four
times their number — but they must ultimately have been
cut to pieces, had not Lieutenant Gwynne of the 19th regi
ment boldly charged upon the Indians with a part of Cap
tain Elliott's company, and released them from their des
perate situation. The British and Indians suffered severe
ly, and were routed in great confusion — and a few more
men would have enabled the general to disperse and cap
ture the whole force of the enemy remaining on the south
side of the river, Colonel Miller now returned to the fort
with his prisoners, having lost many brave men on the field,
and had several of his officers wounded. As he retired the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 291

enemy rallied and pressed hard on his rear, till he arrived
near the breastwork.

The operations on the north side of the river will now
claim our attention. The detachment under Dudley
effected a landing in tolerably good order, considering the
roughness of the Rapids and the swiftness of the current,
and were immediately inarched off through the open plain
to the hill, which was covered with timber. No specific
orders were given by the colonel ; even his majors were left
to conjecture the object of the enterprise. After marching
some distance, the troops were formed into three columns :
Colonel Dudley commanded at the head of the right ; Major
Shelby on the left, and Captain Morrison, acting as major,
in the centre. The right column kept the edge of the woods
on the brow of the hill, which was in some places half a
mile from the river, across the open bottom. The centre
column marched parallel to the first, at the distance of 150
yards in the woods; and the left, a similar distance still
further out. The distance to the batteries of the enemy
was two miles, but they were in full view from the ridge
on which Winchester had encamped, and above which the
colonel inarched unperceived by the enemy into the woods.
When the detachment arrived within half a mile of the bat
teries, which were cannonading the camp, Major Shelby
was ordered on the suggestion of Captain Hamilton, to
march the left forward as expeditiously as possible, till its
rear passed the head of the other two columns, and then to
wheel to the right and march towards the river. The bat
teries were thus to be surrounded, and the whole of the
British force captured and destroyed; but while the other
columns were still several hundred yards from the bat
teries, they raised the Indian yell, charged upon them at
full speed, and carried them without the loss of a man,

292 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

having frightened off the few artillerists who were serving
them, almost without knowing by whom they were assailed.
The most complete success was thus achieved as re
spected the great object of the enterprise. The Britsh
flag was cut down, and the shouts of the garrison an
nounced their joy at this consummation of their wishes.
General Harrison was standing on the grand battery next
the river, and now called to the men, and made signs to
them, to retreat to their boats — but all in vain — they re
mained at the batteries for some time, viewing the curiosi
ties of the place, and without destro37ing the carriages,
magazines, or even spiking the whole of the cannon. The
general at last offered a reward to any person, who would
cross the river and order them to retreat. Lieutenant
Campbell undertook to perform this service, but before he
could get over, the fate of the detachment was decided.
About the time the batteries were taken, a body of Indians
lying in ambush had fired on a party of spies under Cap
tain Combs, who had marched down on the left of Major
Shelby. Presently, Colonel Dudley gave orders to rein
force the spies, and the greater part of the right and centre
columns rushed into the woods in confusion, with their col
onel among them, to fight the Indians — whom they routed
and pursued near two miles from the batteries The left
column remained in possession of the ground till the fugi
tive artillerists returned with a reinforcement from the
main British camp and attacked them. Some of them were
then made prisoners at the battery, others fled to their
boats, and a part who were rallied by the exertions of their
major, were marched by him to the aid of Colonel Dudley
The Indians had also been reinforced, and the confusion
in which Major Shelby found the men under Dudley, was
as great as to amount to a cessation of resistance, while the
savages skulking around them, continued the work of de-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 293

struction in safety. At last a retreat commenced in dis
order, but the greater part of the men were either captured
by the Indians, or surrendered to the British at the batter
ies. Colonel Dudley after being wounded was overtaken
and dispatched by the tomahawk. The number of all those
who escaped and got into the fort from the whole detach
ment, was considerably below 200. Had the orders which
Colonel Dudley received been regarded, or a proper judg
ment exercised on that occasion, the day would certainly
have been an important one for the country, and a glor
ious one for the army. Everything might have been accom
plished agreeably to the wishes and instruction of the gen
eral, with the loss of but few men.

When the approach of the detachment under Dudley
was reported to Proctor, he supposed it to be the main force
of the American army; from which he was apprehensive
that he might sustain a total defeat, he therefore, recalled a
large portion of his troops from the opposite shore. They
did not arrive in time, however, to partake in the contest
on the north side. Tecumseh was among them.

The prisoners were taken down to headquarters, put
into Fort Miami, and the Indians permitted to garnish the
surrounding rampart, and to amuse themselves by loading
and firing at the crowd, or at any particular individual.
Those who preferred to inflict a still more and cruel and
savage death, selected their victims, led them to the gate
way, and there under the eye of General Proctor, and in
the presence of the whole British army, tomahawked and
scalped them. This work of destruction continued nearly
two hours, during which time upwards of twenty prisoners,
defenseless and confined, were massacred in the presence of
the magnanimous Britons to whom they had surrendered,
and by the allies too with whom those Britons had volun
tarily associated themselves, knowing and encouraging

294 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

their mode of warfare. The chiefs at the same time were
holding a council on the fate of the prisoners, in which the
Potawatamies who were painted black were for killing the
whole, and by their warriors the murders were perpetrated.
The Miamies and Wyandots were on the side of humanity
and opposed the wishes of the others. The dispute between
them had become serious when Colonel Elliott and Tecum-
seli came down from the batteries to the scene of carnage.
As soon as Tecumseh beheld it, he flourished his sword
and in a loud voice ordered them "for shame to desist.
It is a disgrace to kill a defenseless prisoner."

His orders were obeyed, to the great joy of the prisoners,
who had by this time lost all hopes of being preserved. In
this single act, Tecumseh displayed more humanity, mag
nanimity, and civilization, than Proctor with all his Brit
ish associates in command, displayed through the whole
war on the north western frontiers.

The prisoners were kept in the same place till dark,
during which time the wounded experienced the most ex
cruciating torments. They were taken into the British
boats and carried down the river to the brig Hunter and a
schooner, where several hundred of them were stowed away
in the hold of the brig, and kept there for two days and
nights. Their sufferings in this situation are not to be
described by me ; I leave them to be imagined by those who
can feel for the wrongs of their country. They were finally
liberated on parole and landed at the mouth of Huron river
below the Sandusky bay. General Proctor made a propo
sition to exchange the Kentucky militia for the friendly
Indians residing within our frontiers — men who were not
prisoners to us, but our friends who had taken no part in
the war. Whether he made this proposal by way of insult,
or for the purpose of recruiting his allies, is known only to
himself. General Harrison through courtesy told him

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 295

he would refer the subject to the consideration of the
President.

After the termination of the fighting on the 5th, no more
occurred worthy of notice while the enemy continued the
siege. Immediately after the firing had ceased on that
day, General Proctor sent Major Chambers over to demand
the surrender of the fort. Harrison replied to the propo
sition, that he considered it an insult, and requested that it
might not be repeated. The demand was made as a finesse,
to prevent us from molesting him in the retreat which he
meditated. Intelligence of the capture of Port George by
the American forces under General Dearborn, was now
received at the British camp, which considerably alarmed
General Proctor. His situation appeared to be hazardous
— for the wind now blew constantly up the river — Harri
son's forces he expected would soon be reinforced, and the
Indians began to desert his standard in great numbers.
He had flattered them with the hopes of splendid success
and rich rewards. The Prophet and his followers were
to have the Michigan territory for their services in cap
turing the fort ; and General Harrison was to be delivered
into the hands of Tecumseh. But their prospects were now
completely reversed; and it is a rule with them to follow
the fortunate and adhere to the strong. Proctor now saw,
that if he was delayed much longer he would probably be
captured, and leave Upper Canada unprotected, as rein
forcements were not to be expected there, while the Amer
ican arms were successful below. He, therefore, made
his arrangements to retreat as soon as possible. Nearly
all the Indians had left him very much dissatisfied; and
during the night of the 8th a considerable stir was ap
parent in his camp — early next morning his troops were
seen to be moving off. A sloop and several gunboats were
near the camp receiving the artillery and baggage, and on

296 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

them our batteries were opened as long as they remained
in that situation. Major Chambers had promised on the
part of General Proctor to furnish us with a list of pris
oners in his possession; but he retreated with too much
precipitation to comply. He left a quantity of cannon
ball, with a fine sling carriage, and several other valuable
articles. He had, however, shared with the Indians in the
plunder of the boats, in which the Kentucky militia had
descended, after a few of them had been brought over to
the fort by those who escaped from the defeat.

The whole force of the enemy at the siege was about
600 regulars, 800 Canadian militia, and 1800 Indians.
The force in the fort did not much exceed 1200, and per
haps not more than 1000 effectives, who had to defend a for
tification large enough for three times that number.

On the day after the enemy had retreated, a detach
ment wras sent over the river to collect and bury the dead.
After a diligent search, 45 bodies were found on the battle
ground and buried ; among them was Colonel Dudley, who
was very much cut to pieces. Beside these, there were a
few found in other places, which with those massacred at
the old fort, would make the number of killed upward of
70. The Indians had also kept between thirty and forty pris
oners, having concealed them on the evening after the bat
tle, and hurried them off next day to prevent them from be
ing delivered up. In the two sorties from the fort, and in
the fort during the siege, our loss was eighty-one killed, and
189 wounded — among the latter were Major Stoddard, who
afterwards died of a locked jaw, and the gallant Captain
Bradford, shot through both thighs, of which he recovered;
also Major Hukil, slightly. An unusual number of the
wounded were carried off, in consequence of exposure dur
ing the siege ; and from the same cause, a considerable de
gree of sickness began to prevail among the troops.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 297

The loss of the British and Indians could not be ascer
tained; but it was undoubtedly very severe. In the
romance, which Governor Prevost styled a general order,
he stated the loss of regulars and militia at fifteen killed,
and forty-six wounded ! In the same Gulliverian produc
tion, he says :

"The commanding general has great satisfaction in
announcing to the troops, the brilliant result of an action,
which took place on the banks of the Miami river, on the
5th inst. with part of the northwestern army of the United
States under Major General Harrison, and which termi
nated in the complete defeat of the enemy, and capture,
dispersion, or destruction of thirteen hundred men, by the
gallant division of the army under General Proctor. Five
hundred prisoners were taken, exclusive of those who fell
into the hands of the Indians."

The defeat of Colonel Dudley very naturally became the
subject of much speculation in Kentucky, and a consider
able diversity of opinion existed, respecting the causes of
the disaster and the actors concerned in it. The subject,
however, appears very plain. Those who were in the de
feat, commonly attribute it, very justly, to their own im
prudence and zeal, which were not properly controlled
and directed by the orders and example of their leader.
There was nothing difficult or hazardous in the enterprise
— the whole misfortune resulted from the imprudent man
ner of its execution. The batteries were easily taken, and
the retreat was perfectly secure; but the detachment
wanted a head to direct and restrain its Kentucky impet
uosity to its proper object.

"It rarely occurs that a general has to complain of the
excessive ardor of his men — yet such appears always to be
the case when the Kentucky militia are engaged. It is,
indeed, the source of all their misfortunes ; they appear to
think that valor alone can accomplish everything"

298 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

General Harrison in his orders after this battle had been
fought.

The following letter from General Harrison, dated at
Franklinton on the 18th of May, to Governor Shelby, of
Kentucky, to whom he was accustomed to communicate
his sentiments without reserve, will throw much additional
light on the plan of this battle and the manner of its exe
cution.

"In the extra Gazette of this place you will find Gen
eral Clay's report to me, of his proceedings on the morning
of the 5th inst. by which you will perceive that my orders
were clearly delivered to him; and I have no doubt were
well understood by Colonel Dudley; and nothing could be
more easy of execution. I had no less than four 18-
pounders, a 12, and a 6, so placed as to cover their retreat
effectually for two-thirds of their way to their boats.
But it appears that no disposition was made for a retreat ;
and some of those who got off assert, that neither of the
majors knew the object, or the manner it was to be exe
cuted. Nothing can prove more clearly the ease with
which the whole party might have retired to the boats,
than the circumstance of upwards of 180 having effected
with the encumbrance of some wounded. They were pur
sued by some Indians who dared not enter the open plain
which skirted the river, and did our men little or no injury.
Never was there an opportunity more favorable to strike
a brilliant stroke, than was presented on this occasion, if
the plan had been properly carried out. When Colonel
Dudley made the attack on the north side of the river, ten
boats loaded with troops were crossed a mile and a half
below, but did not get to the scene of action till it was over.
Had Colonel Dudley retreated after having taken the bat
teries, or had he made a disposition to retreat in case of
defeat, all would have been well. He could have crossed
the river, and even if he had lost one or two hundred men,
he would have brought me a reinforcement of 600, which
would have enabled me to take the whole British force on
this side of the river. The Indians would then have aban-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 299

doned General Proctor ; and as the wind blew up the river,
so that he could not get off, the whole of his regulars and
militia must have been captured. If I could have spared
a reinforcement of 200 men only to Colonel Miller, the
British regulars and militia would have all been taken, be
fore they could have crossed the river. But I had not a
single company to spare, as at the suggestion of General
Clay I had sent off under his command, all that part of his
brigade, which had reached the fort, and all the dragoons
I could mount, to assist Colonel Dudley in recrossing the
river, and was thus deprived of their services at a most
critical moment. That the Indians would have abandoned
the British that very night, in case they had not succeeded
against Colonel Dudley, is evident from numbers having
left them with that circumstance in the favor.

"I can say with confidence, that the plan of the attack
was approbated by every officer that witnessed the scene.
Even the British officers acknowledge, that they were com
pletely surprised, and that they had not the least idea of
our intention, until it burst upon them, by the commence
ment of the firing on this side, after they had weakened
themselves by making detachments to the other, that were
of no use as they did not arrive in time. I believe every
candid man in both armies will admit, that an unlucky
blunder saved that of the enemy from destruction."

All the troops engaged in the defense of Fort Meigs
distinguished themselves by their unexampled good con
duct. The intrepid bravery and skill with Avhich the sortie
was executed by the regulars commanded by Colonel Miller,
were not surpassed on any other occasion in the whole war.
The battalion of volunteers under Major Alexander were
equally distinguished in the same sally. That battalion
consisted of a small company of riflemen, raised in the
neighborhood of Greensburg in Pennsylvania, and origin
ally commanded by Alexander as captain — a company of
light infantry from Pittsburgh, under the command of
Captain James Butler, a worthy son of General Butler

300 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

who fell in St. Glair's defeat — and a company of light in
fantry from Petersburg in Virginia commanded by Cap
tain M'Rae, who had requested the government to send
them to the northwestern army, that they might serve
under their countryman General Harrison. The privates
in this battalion were mostly young gentlemen of affluence,
or at least in easy circumstances, and of the most respect
able families — who had volunteered their services from
motives of patriotism. Having been tenderly raised, they
were not well qualified to sustain the hardships of a nortU-
western campaign in the winter season; but on all occa
sions they distinguished themselves by their gallantry and
good conduct. The Pittsburgh company in the opinion of
the general was equal in discipline, particularly in the
precision with which it performed its evolutions, to any
regulars he had ever seen. He was also entirely satisfied
with the conduct of the Ohio regiment under Colonel Mills.
General Harrison having ascertained, that the enemy
had abandoned his hopes of reducing Fort Meigs for the
present, and had retreated from the American territory,
deemed it unnecessary for him to confine himself to that
place any longer, as his attention to the recruiting service
and other matters would be more important. He, there
fore, left General Clay in the command of the garrison,
having much confidence in his abilities ; and proceeded with
an escort of Major Ball's squadron, whose horses had been
preserved in the fort during the siege, to Lower Sandusky
where he arrived on the evening of the 12th. His business
there was to provide for the better protection of that place
and Cleveland ; and for the security of the prisoners, who
were to march from Huron through the wilderness to
Mansfield. He sent them arms and ammunition to pro
tect themselves against the Indians, and had the country

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 301

reconnoitered between Lower Sandusky and the lake
through which the Indians must pass to attack them.

"He thought these steps proper, although he had the
solemn promise of General Proctor, that the Indians should
not be suffered to go in that direction."

The prisoners were landed at Huron agreeably to the
stipulation with General Harrison, from which place
some of them proceeded by the most direct route to Chilli-
cothe, while others went by the way of Cleveland for the
sake of keeping in the settlements for the convenience of
subsistence. General Harrison also went into the interior
from Lower Sandusky.

The reader will recollect, that General Harrison on his
way to Fort Meigs, had called on the governor of Ken
tucky for the other two regiments, which has been or
ganized in that State; and that he afterwards directed
them not to be sent. Before the second dispatch was re
ceived, they had rendezvoused at Frankfort, and were
waiting for further orders. Governor Shelby then dis
banded them ; and as they had already been put to consid
erable inconvenience, in arranging their private affairs
and equipping themselves for a tour of six months, it was
deemed too burdensome still to hold them in readiness to
march, and they were, therefore, exonerated from further
service under the law in pursuance of which they had been
organized. These measures produced considerable fer
ment in the public mind, as it was known a few days after
wards that the British had invested Fort Meigs. The
people were very anxious to overwhelm Upper Canada in
the approaching summer, and were impatient at anything
which looked like delay and imbecility. They did not well
understand the policy of the government, in merely acting
on the defensive, till the command of the lake should be

302 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

obtained ; and they did not perceive that any efficient prep
arations were making for another campaign.

In the State of Ohio the most active exertions had been
made to raise reinforcements for the relief of F'ort Meigs.
When apprehensions of an attack on that place had first
been excited, the governor of Ohio had taken precautionary
measures, having on the 19th of April detached two com
panies of militia to Lower Sandusky, four to Upper San-
dusky, and two to Franklinton, to relieve the garrisons at
the former places, and be ready to perform such other ser
vices as the occasion might require. And when the dis
patch from General Harrison was received, in which he
informed the governor, that "the heads of the enemy's
columns were in sight, and the Indians in view on both
sides of the river," he commenced the most active exertions
to call out a mounted force, to repair immediately to the
scene of operations. He issued a proclamation, calling on
the patriotism of the citizens, for the defense of this coun
ty. In a few days a number of companies and detach
ments rendezvoused at Frankliuton, drew arms and other
necessaries, and marched towards Upper Sandusky. Scout
ing parties were sent on, to ascertain if possible the situa
tion of the fort. The governor on the 3rd of May addressed
a letter to General M'Arthur, requesting him to use his
influence to raise volunteers, and suggesting the propriety
of employing to the best advantage, the twelve month's
regulars under him and General Cass. He stated that his
object was, to force his way to Fort Meigs if necessary, and
in any event to protect the stores at Upper Sandusky, and
relieve the frontier inhabitants from the panic which had
seized them. Great alarm, indeed, prevailed throughout
the whole State, and great exertions were made in every
place by men of patriotism and influence. A mounted
force, upwards of three thousand strong, was thus raised

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 303

within five days from the time these exertions commenced.
By the 8th of May some of the infantry companies, detached
in April, arrived at Lower Sandusky ; and at the same time
500 mounted men reached Upper Sandusky — on the next
day they were one thousand strong — Governor Meigs was
in the front, and marched with them towards Lower San
dusky, where they arrived on the llth, and would have
proceeded next day to the Rapids. But information now
reached them, that the enemy had retreated; and on the
next day General Harrison arrived at Lower Sandusky
himself. Measures were immediately taken to stop those
who were advancing in the rear; and on the 14th, those
who had arrived at the headquarters of the governor, were
disbanded by a general order, in which they received the
thanks of the Commander-in-chief, and were justly ap
plauded for the patriotic ardor and alacrity, with which
they had repaired to the standard of their country.

It was fortunate for the American cause, that the en
terprise of General Proctor against Fort Meigs was delayed
so long. Had he been ready to sail as soon as the lake
became navigable, and so timed his movements as to arrive
at the fort during the first week in April, immediately
after the last militia of the winter campaign were dis
charged, and before General Harrison arrived with rein
forcements, he must have succeeded against that post.
The garrison was then left very weak, being considerably
less than 500 effectives. The works, too, were then very
incomplete, and entirely too large for that number, as the
fortified camp included seven or eight acres of ground.
The place was still with propriety denominated Camp
Meigs, more frequently that it was styled a fort. Its cap
ture would have been a most serious loss, as it contained
nearly all the artillery and military stores of the north
western army, besides a large amount of provisions. Gen-

304 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

eral Harrison repeatedly in the winter had pressed on the
attention of the government, the necessity of preparing a
force to take the place of the militia then in service; but
instead of doing this, we have seen, that the new secretary,
at the critical moment when the last of those troops were
disbanded, restricted General Harrison to the use of regu
lars, which were still to be levied in a country, where it is
almost impossible to raise a regiment of regulars through
the whole year. Without the aid of the Ohio and Ken
tucky militia, which the general called into service with
out the authority, and contrary to the views of the war
department, it is highly probable, that the important post
at the Rapids would have been lost.

When General Proctor returned to Maiden, the militia
was disbanded, and his Indians were distributed in differ
ent cantonments. The Chippeways returned home; the
Potawatamies were stationed about 6 miles up the river
Rouge, where old Five-Medal and Knoxas lived ; the Miain-
ies were encamped round Brownstown with the Wyandots,
and also up the river Detroit as far as Magauga. They
were employed by the British as scouts, a party being
sent regularly once a week into the vicinity of camp
Meigs. Some of them hunted a little, but none of them pre
tended to plant corn, as they were regularly supplied with,
rations from Maiden and Detroit.

The naval preparations to obtain the ascendency on the
lake, were in the meantime progressing with rapidity,
though still far from being complete at the middle of May,
the period fixed for their completion by the war depart
ment. Captain Perry of the navy, who had for some time
commanded at Newport, Rhode Island, was designated in
March for the command of the naval forces on Lake Erie,
by Commodore Chauncey, who was commander-in-chief on
the lakes. He came on to the town of Erie soon after-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 305

wards, having assisted on his way in the capture of Fort
George by General Dearborn, and took upon himself to
superintend the erection of the navy which lie was destined
to command. The harbor of Erie is an excellent place for
the business he had to accomplish. The bay is nearly sur
rounded by land, and its narrow entrance is so shallow,
that heavy armed vessels cannot pass it. Hence, the enemy
could derive no advantage from his naval superiority in
an attempt to destroy our vessels on the stocks. A regi
ment of Pennsylvania, militia was stationed there for their
protection. Captain Jessup was also directed by the war
department, early in March, to repair to Cleveland and su
perintend the construction of boats, to aid in the transpor
tation of the northwestern army; and 200 of the Ohio mili
tia were stationed there to protect the work.

20

CHAPTER VII.

COLONEL RICHARD M. JOHNSON'S MOUNTED REGIMENT;
WITH VARIOUS OTHER INCIDENTS.

In the early part of the campaign of 1812, Colonel
R. M. Johnson had personally witnessed the great effi
ciency and usefulness of mounted riflemen, employed
against the Indians — and was hence induced, when he re
turned to Congress, to lay before the war department, a
plan for a mounted expedition against the Indians during
the ensuing winter. The object of the expedition was to
destroy the subsistence of the Indians and otherwise dis
able them, so as to prevent their committing depredations
in the spring to revenge the destruction of their villages on
the Wabash and Elk Hart rivers. The good effect to be
expected from its execution were more distinctly stated to
be - - security to the northwestern frontiers from Fort
Wayne to the Mississippi — safety to the convoys of provi
sions for in the spring — and the neutrality of the savages
in future, from the powerful impression that would be
made on their fears. It was believed that the winter sea
son would favor the enterprise, by enabling the horsemen,
while snow was on the ground and the leaves off the
bushes, to hunt up and destroy the skulking Indians.

The force to be employed, and its organization, were
proposed to be two regiments, including in each eight com
panies of eighty privates, and making altogether 1,280 men.
This was deemed amply sufficient to traverse the whole In
dian country, from Fort Wayne past the lower end of Lake

307

308 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Michigan, round by the Illinois River, and back to the Ohio
near Louisville; and to disperse and destroy all the tribes
of Indians and their resources to be found within that com
pass. The proposition was also communicated by Colonel
Johnson to the governor of Kentucky, and was submitted
by the secretary of war to General Harrison, in a letter
dated 26th of December, 1812, from which the following is
an extract.

"The President has it in contemplation, to set on foot
an expedition from Kentucky of about 1,000 mounted men,
to pass by Fort Wayne, the lower end of Lake Michigan,
and round by the Illinois back to the Ohio near Louisville,
for the purpose of scouring that country, destroying the
provisions collected in the Indian villages, scourging the
Indians themselves, and disabling them from interfering
with your operations. It is expected that this expedition
will commence in February; and it will terminate in a few
weeks. I give you the information, that you may take it
into consideration in the estimate of those arrangements,
you may find it necessary to make, for carrying into effect
the objects of the government. I send you a copy of the
proposed plan, on which I wish to hear from you without
delay. You will particularly state, whether you can effect
these objects in the manner which is suggested, by adequate
portions of the force now in the field; and in that case,
whether it will be better to suspend the movement of this
force until the spring/' — Monroe.

General Harrison had already anticipated in part, the
objects of the proposed expedition, by sending Colonel
Campbell to Mississiniway, and was dissuaded by that ex
periment from attempting any thing more extensive dur
ing the winter-. It was also already so late in the season,
that the hard freezing would be over, before the proposed
force could be raised and inarched through the Indian
country; and its progress would, therefore, be arrested by
impassable swamps during the wet weather in the spring.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 309

The general intended, however, to follow up the blow oil the
Mississiniway, by striking at the main village farther
down that river, and had visited Chillicothe to engage gov
ernor Meigs to organize new corps of mounted men, to act
with the dragoons then in service. The governor promptly
co-operated in the measure, but on ascertaining the situa
tion of the dragoons, they were1 found to be so frost-bitten,
and their horses so reduced, that they were wholly unfit
for further service during the winter; and the intended
stroke was afterwards abandoned. The following are the
views of General Harrison, respecting the proposition of
Colonel Johnson, which are extracted from letters to the
war department of the 4th and 8th of January :

"I am sorry not to be able to agree with my friend,
Colonel Johnson, upon the propriety of the contemplated
mounted expeditions. An expedition of this kind directed
against a particular towTn will probably succeed. The In
dian towns cannot be surprised in succession, as they give
the alarm from one to the other with more rapidity than
our troops can move. In the months of February, March,
and April, the towns are all abandoned. The men are
hunting, and the women and children, particularly to the
north of the Wabash, are scattered about making sugar.
The corn is in that season universally hid in small parcels
in the earth, and could not be found. There are no con
siderable villages in that direction. Those that are there,
are composed of bark huts, which the Indians do not care
for, and which during the winter are entirely empty. The
detachment might pass through the whole extent of coun
try to be scoured, without seeing an Indian, except at the
first town they struck, and it is more than probable that
they would find it empty. But the expedition is imprac
ticable to the extent proposed. The horses, if not the men,
would perish. The horses that are now to be found, are
not like those of the early settlers, and such as the Indians
and traders now have. They have been accustomed to
corn, and must have it. Colonel Campbell went TO or 80

310 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

miles from the frontiers, and the greater part of his horses
could scarcely be brought in. Such an expedition in the
summer and fall would be highly advantageous, because
the Indians are then at their towns, and their corn can be
destroyed. An attack upon a particular town in the win
ter, when the inhabitants are at it, as we know they are at
Mississiniway, and which is so near as to enable the de
tachment to reach it without killing their horses, is not
only practicable, but if there is snow on the ground, is
perhaps the most favorable."

January 8th — "The expedition contemplated from Ken
tucky may supercede the necessity of that which I was
proposing. But I am still of the opinion given in my last,
that no attempt on the enemy beyond Mississiniway would
be attended with any advantage, if it did not end in the
destruction of the detachment employed to execute it, I
repeat that the Indians are not at this season to be found
in their towns, that they invariably take their families with
them upon their hunting excursions, and that their provi
sions are always buried in small parcels, each family hid
ing its own."

In consequence of these suggestions, the winter expedi
tion was abandoned, and the attention of the government
was directed to the organization of a mounted corps for
the spring. Accordingly, General Armstrong, who was now
secretary of war, gave the following authority to Colonel
Johnson, on the 26th of February, 1813 :

"Sir, you are hereby authorized to organize and hold in
readiness, a regiment of mounted volunteers — the organi
zation as to the number of officers and men, to be conform
able to the military establishment of the United States.
The governor of the State of Kentucky will be required to
commission the officers when selected, to serve four months
after being called into actual service ; and six months if re
quired by the United States — the pay of the officers and
men to commence from the actual service and march of the
corps, under the direction of the war department. After
marching orders, the contractors1 and commissaries' agents

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 311

in the different districts through which it passes, will sup
ply the regiment with forage for the horses, and provision
for the men, if required so to do. The keepers of military
stores will also furnish said corps with ammunition on
regular returns of the effective force of the regiment. If
any difficulty arises as to rank, the commanding general
will settle the same, after the corps shall have reached its
place of destination. " — Armstrong.

As soon as Congress adjourned, Colonel Johnson hast
ened to Kentucky with feelings of indignation at the cruel
ties inflicted on his fellow-citizens at the river Raisin ; and
on the 22nd of March published the above authority, ac
companied by an address on the subject of raising the men,
in which he appealed to the patriotism of the citizens, and
detailed the terms, equipments, and prospects of the serv
ice. He immediately selected individuals to raise companies
in different parts of the State — the platoon and other offi
cers to be chosen by the men who enrolled themselves, as
this mode was deemed most consistent with the principle
of volunteering. The service wras exactly of that kind,
which suited the habits and views of the Kentuckians ; and
as much zeal to avenge the wrongs they had endured, was
now prevalent among the people, the regiment was soon
filled, and in a few weeks was ready to take the field, al
though the personal enemies of Colonel Johnson, and the
opposers of the administration, made considerable opposi
tion to the measure, which they represented as an irregular
and unconstitutional exercise of authority. The organiza
tion was submitted to Governor Shelby, who aided in pro
curing the necessary funds to enable the colonel to accom
modate his men. Captain James Johnson, his brother, a
man of sterling merit and undaunted bravery, received the
appointment of lieutenant colonel of the regiment — the
honorable Samuel M'Kee, a representative in

312 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and Colonel Duval Payne, were selected as majors. Mr.
M'Kee declined the appointment, and Colonel D. Thomp
son accepted it. They were all men of high standing and
genuine patriots.

After the discharge of the regiment under Cox and
Caldwell, the public attention was fixed on the mounted
regiment, as the only efficient corps in Kentucky, by which
Fort Meigs could be relieved and the frontiers protected ;
and Colonel Johnson, young, ardent and enterprising,
anxiously wished for a theater, on which he might dis
tinguish himself in the cause of his country, and was much
pleased, soon after the intelligence of the siege had arrived,
to receive a letter from Governor Shelby, from which the
following are extracts :

"The information received from various sources, of an
attack on Fort Meigs, by a large body of the British and
Indians, justified a belief that a reinforcement ought to be
sent to the aid of General Harrison. The enemy can be met
only by horsemen, and as you have a regiment of mounted
infantry nearly organized, the crisis will, in my opinion,
justify its immediate march to the scene of operations.
You have my entire approbation and sanction to do so. I
will, in conformity with the wishes of the secretary of war,
expressed in his order of the 26th of February, under which
the regiment was raised, issue commissions to the officers;
and as far as depends on the executive of this State, the
men who march under you shall be allowed tours of duty,
according to the time they may be in service. Captains
Whitaker, Coleman, and Payne, have each raised a com
pany of cavalry, they have my approbation to join your
regiment, and in case they do so, will be commissioned ac
cordingly."

"The officers and men must look to the general govern
ment alone for a compensation for their services.'1 — Shelby.

Upon the authority of the above letter, Colonel Johnson
immediately issued an order for his regiment to assemble.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 313

"The regiment of mounted volunteers was organized
under the authority of the Avar department, to await its
call, or to meet any crisis which might involve the honor,
the rights and the safety of the country. That crisis has
arrived. Fort Meigs is attacked. The northwestern army
is surrounded by the enemy, and under the command of
General Harrison, is nobly defending the cause of the coun
try against a combined enemy, the British and Indians.
They will maintain their ground till relieved. The inter
mediate garrisons are also in imminent danger, and may
fall a bleeding sacrifice to savage cruelty, unless timely re
inforced. Tlie frontiers may be deluged in blood. The
mounted regiment will present a shield to the defenceless ;
and united with the forces now marching, and the Ohio
volunteers for the same purpose, will drive the enemy from
our soil. Therefore, on Thursday, the 20th of May, the
regiment will rendezvous at the Great Crossings in Scott
County, except the companies, etc., which will rendezvous
on the 22nd at Newport — at which place the whole corps
will draw arms, ammunition, etc." — 1\. M. Johnson.

In pursuance of this order, the companies of Captains
Stucker, M'Afee, Davidson, Ellison, and Combs, and sever
al small fractions, rendezvoused in Scott on the 20th ; and
Captains Matson, Coleman, Payne, Warfield, and Craig,
met at Newport on the 22nd. As the former companies
Avere inarching on the 21st towards Newport, they met
John T. Johnson esq. volunteer aid to General Harrison,
with the following general order :

"Headquarters, Franklinton, May 16th, 1813. The com
manding general has observed with the warmest gratitude,
the astonishing exertions, which have been made by his ex
cellency, Governor Meigs, and the generals and other mili
tia officers of this State, in collecting and equiping a body
of troops for the relief of Camp Meigs. But the efforts of
these men would have been unavailing, had they not been
seconded by the patriotic ardor of every description of citi
zens, which has induced them to leave their homes, at a
most critical season of the year, regardless of every con-

314 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

sideratiou, but that of rendering service to their country.
The general found the road from Lower Sandusky to this
place literally covered with men, and amongst them many
who had shared in the toils and dangers of the revolution
ary war, and on whom, of course, there existed no legal
claims for military services. The general has every reason
to believe that similar efforts have been made in Kentucky.
He offers to all these brave men from both States his sin
cere acknowledgments ; and is happy to inform them that
there is at present no necessity for their longer continuance
in the field. The enemy has fled with precipitation from
Camp Meigs, and that is in a much better situation to re
sist an attack, than when the last siege was commenced.
"By order of the general,

"R. Graham, Aide."

This order excited considerable murmurs in the State
of Ohio. The volunteers had marched under the expecta
tion of being led immediately against the enemy; and they
reflected on General Harrison and the government for be
ing too tardy in their movements. Those who understood
the situation of the country, and the difficulty of supplying
a large army through a swampy wilderness of 140 miles in
extent, were, however, satisfied that nothing better could
be done. There being a necessity in the first instance for
obtaining the command of the lake, for which the greatest
exertions were making, it would have been extravagant
folly to retain so large a mounted force in service at Fort
Meigs, or to have led them through the wilderness against
the enemy.

When the order met the front companies in Johnson's
regiment, it was understood as disbanding that regiment
also, and produced much depression and chagrin among
the men. Some of the companies turned back a few miles,
and at length a halt was called till Colonel Johnson should
arrive, who had been detained a few hours in the roar.
When he came up, he did not consider the order as even dis-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 315

charging the regiment from present service, and deter
mined to march on, at least, till he received the positive
orders of General Harrison on that subject. This deter
mination restored harmony and cheerfulness to the ranks,
and the march was resumed with new devotion to their
leader.

Colonel Johnson went on before them to Newport, to
organize the balance of the regiment, and receive orders
from General Harrison, who had returned to Cincinnati
on a visit to his family ; and on the next day these compan
ies were ordered by the lieutenant colonel to proceed by
way of the north bend of the Ohio River, above the mouth
of the Big Miami, where they arrived on the 24th, and re
ceived information that the regiment was received into the
sendee of the United States by General Harrison. Their
colonel was ordered by General Harrison to take command
of Fort Wayne and the posts on the Auglaize, to scour the
northwestern frontiers, to make incursions into the coun
try of the Indians, and if possible to cut off small parties,
who might infest the forts, or be marching from the Illinois
and Wabash towards Maiden and Detroit; and never to
remain at one place more than three days. As the regiment
would be employed in this manner for some time, before
the expedition against Maiden could be put in motion,
Colonel Johnson now gave his captains permission to send
back an officer from each company, to raise more men. They
were to meet the regiment at Fort Winchester on the 18th
of June, at which time it was believed the fleet would cer
tainly have command of the lake. Three lieutenants re
turned on this recruiting service, and the balance then
crossed the river and marched up the Big Miami on the
26th. They arrived and formed a junction with, the other
part of the regiment on the 28th, at Dayton.

31(> HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

The organization of the regiment was here finally com
pleted as follows:

R. M. Johnson, colonel. James Johnson, lieutenant
colonel.

First Battaliau — Duval Payne, major; R. 13. M'Afee,
Richard Matson, Jacob Elliston, Benjamin \Varliekl, John
Payne (cavalry) ; Ellijah Craig, captains.

Second Battalion — David Thompson, major ; Jacob
Stucker, James Davidson, S. R. Combs, W. M. Price, James
Coleinan, captains.

Staff — Jeremiah Kertly, adjutant; B. S. Chambers,
quartermaster; Samuel Theobalds, judge advocate; L.
D i ckinsoii, sergeant-maj or.

James Suggett, chaplain, and major of the spies; L.
Sandford, quartermaster-sergeant. Afterwards was added
Doctor Ewing, surgeon; Doctors Coburn and Richardson,
surgeon's mates.

From this place the regiment proceeded in a few days
towards St. Marys, and arrived there on the 1st of June.
This march was very much incommoded by high waters
and bad roads. At this season of the year there are marshes
and quagmires in every quarter of the country, which are
extremely difficult to pass. As soon as the troops had all
arrived, the colonel issued a general order, establishing the
police of the camp, requiring the companies to be regularly
mustered and drilled and appointing a day for their in
spection.

From St. Marys Colonel Johnson went to the village of
Wopoghconata on the Auglaize, to procure some Shawanoe
Indians to act as guides and spies. During his absence the
regiment was employed in training under the superintend
ence of the lieutenant-colonel, and in making other neces
sary arrangements for their future service. In a few days
the colonel returned with 12 or 13 Indians, among whom

IX THE WESTERN COUNTRY 317

was the celebrated Anthony Shane, a half-blood, whose
father was a Frenchman. In his integrity and fidelity to
onr cause, the utmost confidence was placed. He had been
an active partisan in the war against General Wayne, but
since the treaty of Greenville, he had become unalterably
attached to the Americans.

An order of march and battle was not issued, and it was
enjoined on the officers to understand it as soon as pos
sible, and be able to execute it correctly. It is certainly the
duty of every general, or commandant of an independent
corps, to give his men an order of battle as early as possible
after taking the field, which may afterwards be followed as
circumstances may require. The officers and men of every
army ought to be well acquainted with the manner of form
ing and with the duty of each corps previous to their being
led into action. It will tend to preserve them from confu
sion and consequent disaster. Hence, the general who fails
entirely to give an order of battle, or who defers it until a
few minutes before a battle, is guilty of the most criminal
neglect. This is particularly the case in militia and other
raw troops, where the state of discipline does not enable
the commander writh facility and certitude, to throw his
army on any emergency into the necessary form. Colonel
Johnson seemed to be well apprised of its importance, and
faithfully discharged his duty in this respect.

On the 5th the regiment ma relied towards Fort Wayne,
with a view to protect some boats loaded with flour and
bacon, which had been sent down the St. Marys by General
Wingate, of the Ohio militia, who was stationed with :i
small guard at St. Marys. When the troops arrived at a
handsome prairie about half way to Shane's crossing, they
were halted and practiced in forming the line of battle, till
every man was well acquainted with his place and his par-

318 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAK

ticular duties. The men were also abundantly supplied
with ammunition, and well prepared for action.

A very heavy rain having fallen to-day, the St. Marys
was found impassable when the regiment arrived at Shane's
Crossing in the evening. On the next day, by felling trees
into it from both banks, a rude bridge was constructed,
over which the men passed with their baggage, while their
horses were crossed by swimming. The rest of the way to
Port Wayne was found very difficult, all the flats and
marshes being covered with water, and the roads very miry.
They arrived on the evening of the 7th, and found that all
the boats had reached the fort in safety but one, which had
struck on a bar in sight of the fort. While the boatmen
were endeavoring to get her off, a party of Indians fired on
and killed two of them, and the other, in attempting to
swim over the river, was drowned. Colonel Johnson, with
his staff and a few men, had just arrived at the fort and
stript their horses. As soon as they could make ready, they
mounted and crossed to the boat. The Indians fired upon
the advance and then retreated. The spies being of opin
ion, that the party of Indians was much stronger than that
with the colonel, he deferred the pursuit till the regiment
all arrived. He then took a strong detachment and pur
sued them about ten miles, when a rainy night coming on,
he returned to the fort. Next morning, the 8th, a council
of officers was held, which determined, after collecting all
the information they could from the spies, to make an ex
cursion towards the southeast end of Lake Michigan, and
visit the Indian villages in that direction. In the evening
the regiment deposited their heavy baggage in the fort,
drew ten days' provisions, and crossed the St. Marys to en
camp in the forks. The stream was now just beginning to
rise at the fort, though on the evening of the 5th, it had
been at the top of its banks at Shane's Crossing; but 40

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 319

miles from its mouth by land. Hence, if we suppose the
current to run three miles an hour, which is near the truth,
the distance by water would be upwards of 200 miles, so
extremely crooked is the course of the river.

On the next day the regiment marched early on the
trail of the Indians, which led towards the village of Five
Medals, that had been destroyed last year, but which it was
believed had been rebuilt. They had marched forty miles
before night, and the colonel intended, after grazing and
resting a while, to resume the march and attack that vil
lage at daylight in the morning. But a heavy rain came on,
and prevented him from executing this plan. In the morn
ing they proceeded, and after encountering many obstacle*
in crossing high waters and marshes, they arrived at the
Elk-Hart River, before it had risen so as to be impassable,
and in half an hour afterwards the village of Five Medals
was again surrounded. But it was not occupied at present.
Colonel Johnson now determined to visit a town called
Paravash, on the other side of the St. Josephs of the Lake ;
and in the morning of the llth, the line of march was re
sumed in that direction ; but on arriving at the St. Josephs,
it was found to be impassable, and the intention of reach
ing that place was abandoned. The colonel then deter
mined to advance with rapidity to the White Pigeon's
town, at which place he arrived in the afternoon, having
seen a few Indians on his route, who made their escape in a
canoe over a stream which the horsemen could not pass.
The village which had been the most considerable in that
region of the country was also unoccupied at present. The
main trace of the Indians, from Chicago and the Illinois
country to Detroit, passes through this town. It appeared
to have been but little travelled this spring. The regiment
remained encamped near it till next day, and as Colonel
Johnson had now fulfilled his instructions to visit this

320 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

trace, and intercept the enemy if now making use of it ;
and as the provisions of the troops had been much damaged
by the rain, lie determined to return to Fort Wayne. There
is an Indian path leading directly to that place from the
village, on which the regiment returned, and reached the
fort on the 14th, having performed a march of nearly 200
miles, with heavy rains every day, and in a region never
before traversed by so large a force of Americans. By this
excursion, our knowledge of the country was enlarged, and
it was ascertained that all the Indians in the British serv
ice, who had been at the siege of Fort Meigs, were still kept
in the vicinity of Maiden, as no considerable body of them
had returned to their country.

In the meantime the savages were committing many
depredations on the Illinois and Missouri territories, where
a skirmishing warfare was carried on, very much to the
annoyance of the frontier settlers. It would be too tedious
to enter on a detail of all the little transactions of this kind
in that quarter; we shall only mention a few of the most
prominent incidents. Much apprehension was entertained,
that all the Indians on the Missouri and Mississippi rivers
would be induced by the intrigues of the British and Te-
eumseh to join in the general confederacy against us. In
April the Mississippi Indians invested Fort Madison,
though many of the tribes professed to be friendly. They
did but little execution there, and soon afterwards formal
ly besieged Fort Mason, a post which had been established
on the Mississippi by Governor Howard, about 80 miles
above St. Louis. Captain Boone, who commanded a com
pany of rangers, succeeded in getting into the fort, by
which it was rendered completely secure against their
forces. They remained before it for 8 or 10 days, and suc
ceeded once in setting fire to some of the cabins, which were
burnt down, and at the same time a violent assault was

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 321

made on the fort, which was gallantly repulsed by the gar
rison without much loss.

A war with the powerful Osage nation was now appre
hended. During the winter Governor Howard had been
absent at the City of Washington, and before his return,
authority had been given to raise three companies of rang
ers in his territory. This being known to the Osage In
dians, they applied to Mr. Secretary Bates for permission
to furnish one of the companies, which was granted; and
on their appearance at St. Louis, they were supplied with
arms and ammunition for the service. But when the gov
ernor returned he disapproved of employing the Indians
in any way, and sent them home. Anxious to engage in
the war, they showed evident symptoms of displeasure at
this treatment, and said they would have satisfaction of
the Americans for it. It was hence supposed that they also
would be induced to attack the frontiers. Port Madison
had already been evacuated, as too remote from the settle
ments to be maintained ; and under the apprehension of au
attack from the Osages, the officers at Port Mason held a
council, and determined to abandon that place also, and
retire to Fort Howard, within 40 miles of St. Louis, which
they effected about the 1st of May. A chain of posts was
then established from Fort Howard across the country to
the Missouri; and about the same time the governor re
ceived the appointment of brigadier general in the army of
the United States, and was succeeded in the former office
by William Clarke esq., who had explored the country west
ward to the Pacific Ocean with Captain Lewis.

Early in the spring the celebrated Robert Dickson, a
British trader and emissary, had been sent among the In
dians on the frontiers of those territories, to excite them to
war, and raise recruits for the service under Proctor and
Tecumseh. He visited all the tribes on the Illinois and

21

322 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Mississippi rivers from Prairie de Chien to Green Bay, and
in the neighborhood of Chicago, at which place a general
rendezvous was to be held, professedly for the purpose of
descending the Illinois River and attacking that territory.
By making great promises of presents and plunder, he suc
ceeded in collecting nearly one thousand warriors at Chi
cago early in June; and after exciting considerable alarm
in the mind of Governor Edwards, of the Illinois territory,
he led them in separate detachments towards Detroit, along
the main trace which passes by the White Pigeon's town.
They passed that village but a few days after the regiment
of Colonel Johnson had left it, by which the latter missed
a glorious opportunity to meet the enemy and distinguish
themselves.

The followers of Dickson were a horde of as wild and
cruel savages as ever disgraced human nature. They were
the most worthless and abandoned desperadoes from all
the tribes he had visited ; and were worthy to be the accom
plices of the humane and honorable Proctor, by whom
Dickson had been sent to collect them. Among the chiefs
who commanded them was the great Potawatamie, Mai-
Pock, a monster who was distinguished by a girdle, sewed
full of human scalps, which he wore round his waist, and
strings of bear's claws and the bills of owls and hawks
round his ankles — as the trophies of his prowess in arms,
and as a terror to his enemies. It is remarkable that after
these savages joined the British standard, to combat for
the

"defender of the faith,"

victory never again declared for the allies in the north
west. For the cruelties they had already committed, and
those which were threatened by this inhuman association,
a just God frowned indignant on all their subsequent
operations.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 323

It is a fact, that in July and August, the British, by
their unparalleled exertions, had collected nearly all the
warriors of the north and northwest into the neighborhood
of Maiden, where they were regularly supplied with rations
by their employers. Their camps extended from Browns-
town to Detroit, besides a number on the east side of the
strait. As they neither hunted nor labored for their sub
sistence, their support was a heavy burden on the British
contractors and commissaries. The number of warriors
was about 2,500 — but including the subsistence of the
women and children, they had brought with them the
amount of rations issued exceeded seven thousand. As the
British expected an attack from the American army, and
as this assemblage of savages constituted their main force,
it was necessary to keep them well supplied with the means
of subsistence and the munitions of Avar. Dickson, who had
been so instrumental in collecting this horde of barbarians,
was a Scotchman by birth, and certainly proved his loyalty,
and deserved well of his employers, by his great zeal, in
dustry and address in this service.

After the return of the mounted regiment to Fort
Wayne, they remained there a few days and then proceeded
down the river with an escort of provisions to Fort Win
chester. A sufficient number of men were put in the boats
containing the provisions to man them well, and the bal
ance of the men proceeded down the road opened by Win
chester on the north side of the Miami, encamping every
night with the boats. After they had arrived at Fort Win
chester, Colonel Johnson received a dispatch from General
Harrison, recommending him to make an attack on the ene
my at Raisin and Brownstown. Although the general only
recommended this movement, yet it was done in such a way
that Colonel Johnson as a gallant soldier felt himself
bound to execute it. General Harrison had just heard of

324 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the success of our arms against the enemy below, and that
General Proctor was ordered in that direction to assist in
repelling the invaders. Believing that Proctor had left
Maiden with a considerable portion of his force, the general
supposed that an excellent opportunity had offered, to at
tack his savage allies in the Michigan territory, by a coup
de main with the mounted regiment. Colonel Johnson,
however, was unable to execute this plan immediately. His
horses were so exhausted by their late expedition, that
some rest was necessary before they could perform another
march so difficult as that to Brownstown. A considerable
detachment of his men were also engaged in escorting pro
visions from St. Marys, and could not be collected for this
service immediately. A strong reinforcement was also
daily expected from Kentucky, the expedition was there
fore deferred for a few days.

The service recommended by the general was considered
extremely hazardous. For a mounted regiment about TOO
strong, with worn-down horses destitute of forage, to
march at least 100 miles through swamps and marshes, and
over difficult rivers, with guides not very well acquainted
with the country, to attack a body of Indians Avlio could in
a few hours raise more than double the force of the regi
ment, would have been a bold and perilous enterprise, and
might have ended in their total discomfiture. For had they
succeeded in battle, it is very doubtful whether they could
have made good their retreat encumbered with wounded
and obstructed by swamps, while a strong force of the ene
my could have pursued and been ready at every advantage
ous place to attack them. Colonel Johnson, however, re
solved to attempt it, as soon as his troops could be put into
a condition, which promised vigorous exertions.

But fortunately for the regiment, on the next day an
express arrived from General Clay, commanding at Fort

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 325

Meigs, with information that the British and Indians
threatened to invest that place again, and with a request
that Colonel Johnson would march his regiment there im
mediately for its relief. Orders to march were given with
out delay ; and such was the zeal and promptitude of both
officers and men, that in half an hour they were all ready to
march, and commenced crossing the Miami opposite the
fort. The provision boats were manned, and those who
were unfit for duty, or had horses unfit to travel, were left
with the garrison. That night they proceeded no farther
after crossing the river, than Winchester's old camps, but
in the morning they advanced in order and celerity, and
arrived at the head of the Rapids at five in the evening,
where Colonel Johnson was met by another express from
General Clay, advising him to be very cautious in his ad
vance to the fort. The heads of the columns were then
drawn up in close order, and tire colonel in a short and im
pressive address, instructed them in their duties. If an
enemy were discovered, the order of march was to be in two
lines, one parallel to the river, and the other in front,
stretching across from the head of the former to the river
on the right. He concluded with saying :

"We must fight our way through any opposing force,
let what will be the consequences, as no retreat could be
justifiable. It is no time to flinch — we must reach the fort
or die in the attempt/'

Every countenance, responsive to the sentiments of the
speaker, indicated the same desperate determination. The
ground on which the enemy had gained their barbarous tri
umph over Dudley, was again to be traversed ; and the al
lies would doubtless hope to realize another 5th of May, in
another contest with Kentucky militia. The march was
again resumed, and the regiment arrived at ten o'clock in
the night opposite Fort Meigs without molestation, and en-

326 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

camped in the open plain between the river and the hill on
which the British batteries had been erected. The boats
were left at the head of the Rapids, as it was deemed haz
ardous in the present state of the water to bring them down
in the night.

At daylight, when the morning gun fired, the horses of
the regiment were frightened, and ran through the camp,
running over several of the men and hurting them badly.
They proceeded down the river a considerable distance, and
with much trouble and risk to the men, were caught and
brought back. About 10 o'clock the regiment crossed to the
fort, and encamped above it in a handsome plain clothed
with blue grass. General Clay, who commanded in the
fort, was very cautious and vigilant, and daily sent spies
down the river to reconnoitre and watch for the enemy.

Since lie had been in command, he had repaired all the
injuries, which the fort had sustained during the siege, and
had cleared off the timber to a greater distance from it,
burning that which Avas lying down, and erasing the works
where the British batteries had stood. He had also assisted
in bringing down a considerable portion of the provisions
from the posts on the Anglaizc and St. Marys. His troops
at the same time had suffered excessively by sickness. Dur
ing the month of June and a part of July, a most fatal epi
demic prevailed in the camp, which carried off from three
to five, and sometimes as many as ten in a day. It was
computed that nearly 200 fell a sacrific to it, within the
space of six weeks, which was a dreadful mortality for the
number of men in the garrison. The disease had been
caused in the commencement, most probably by the expos
ure of the men during the siege ; but the bad water which
they had to use, and the flat, marshy, putrescent condition
of all that region of country, was well calculated to destroy

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 327

ail army 'of men, who were alike unused to such a climate
and to the life of a soldier.

The apprehension of an attack at this time, was caused
by information which General Clay had received from a
Frenchman and a private of Colonel Dudley's regiment,
who came to Fort Meigs on the 20th of June from Detroit.
The latter had been a prisoner with the Indians. They
stated that the allies had determined to renew the attack
on the fort, and were to march about the time they had ar
rived. From the circumstantial information which they
possessed, no doubt, was left on the minds of the officers in
the garrison, but that an attack was in preparation. The
force of the Indians was estimated at near four thousand—
and reinforcements of regulars from the Niagara were ex
pected to the amount of one thousand. The Canadian mili
tia had been disbanded as unfit for the service. When this
information was received, it was immediately communicat
ed by an express to General Harrison, and duplicates of
the dispatch were sent to the governors of Ohio and Ken
tucky.

General Harrison was at Franklinton when the intelli
gence reached him. He determined to set out the next morn
ing for Lower Sandusky, and immediately addressed a let
ter to the war department and another to Governor Meigs
on this subject, in which he stated that he did not believe
Fort Meigs to be the object of the attack, but that it would
be Lower Sandusky, Cleveland, or Erie. The 24th regi
ment, United States' infantry, under the command of Col
onel Anderson was now at Upper Sandusky, and was or
dered to proceed immediately to Lower Sandusky. Major
Croghan, with a part of the 17th, was ordered to the same
place, and also Colonel Ball with his squadron of cavalry,
who had been stationed at Franklinton.

328 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Immediately before General Harrison was called to the
outposts by the impending attack, he held a council at
Franklinton, with the chiefs of the friendly Indians, con
sisting of the Delaware, Shawanoe, Wyandot, and Seneca
tribes. He informed them that circumstances had come to
his knowledge, which induced him to suspect the fidelity of
some of the tribes, who seemed disposed to join the enemy
in case they succeeded in capturing Fort Meigs — that a
crisis had arrived, which required all the tribes who re
mained neutral, and who were willing to engage in the war,
to take a decided stand either for us or against us — that the
President wanted no false friends — that the proposal of
General Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the
tribes in our friendship, indicated that lie had received some
hint of their willingness to take up the tomahawk against
us — and that to give the United States a proof of their good
disposition, they must either remove with their families in
to the interior, or the warriors must accompany him in the
ensuing campaign and fight for the United States. To the
latter condition the chiefs and warriors unanimously
agreed ; and said they had long been anxious for an invita
tion to fight for the Americans. Tahe, the oldest Indian in
the western country, who represented all the tribes, pro
fessed in their names the most indissoluble friendship for
the United States. General Harrison then told them he
would let them know Avhen they would be wanted in the
service—

"but you must conform to our mode of warfare. You
are not to kill defenceless prisoners, old men, women, or
children."

He added that by their conduct he would be able to tell,
whether the British could restrain their Indians from such
horrible cruelty. For if the Indians fighting with him
would forbear such conduct, it would prove that the Brit-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 329

ish could also restrain theirs if they wished to do it. He
humorously told them he had beeu informed that General
Proctor had promised to deliver him into the hands of Te-
cuinseli, if he succeeded against Fort Meigs, to be treated
as that warrior might think proper.

"Now, if I can succeed in taking Proctor, you shall have
him for your prisoner, provided you will agree to treat him
as a squaw, and only put petticoats upon him ; for he must
be a coward who would kill a defenceless prisoner."

The government of the United States at last reluctantly
agreed to employ Indians in their army, against the savages
employed by the British. The thing was perfectly justifi
able, as a measure of self-defence ; yet there is only one rea
son which reconciles me to it. We thus demonstrated that
the North American savage is not such a cruel and feroci-
ious being, that he cannot be restrained by civilized man
within the bounds of civilized warfare. In several in
stances, subsequent to the present period, strong corps of
Indians fought under the American standard, and were
uniformly distinguished by their orderly and humane con
duct. Had the Indians been employed by the British on
the condition that they must conform to the rules of civil
ized warfare, no instance of savage cruelty in this war
would now be recorded against them, in the page of history,
and in the celestial register of human crimes ; but they em
ployed the savages on a different principle — and I repeat
that if the British officers in Upper Canada did not directly
instigate, they at least very willingly permitted the savages
to massacre the prisoners, who had surrendered, not to the
savages, but to themselves after receiving a solemn promise
of protection.

On the evening of the 26th, General Harrison overtook
the 24th regiment on its way to Lower Sandusky, and im
mediately selected all the men who were able to make a

330 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

forced march. They amounted to 300, and were pushed
forward for Fort Meigs under the command of Colonel
Anderson. The general arrived at the fort on the evening
of the 28th, and in a few hours afterwards the detachment
under Anderson also made. its appearance. As no farther
information had been received, respecting the designs of
the enemy, General Harrison ordered a detachment of
Johnson's regiment to proceed the next day to the river
Raisin to procure intelligence. Colonel Johnson took com
mand of the detachment himself, and was accompanied also
by the lieutenant-colonel, the whole being 150 strong. They
left the fort about 11 o'clock, and although the high water
obliged them to go considerably out of their way to get
over some of the creeks, they reached French tOAvn that
night after 12 o'clock, and searched the whole town in
hopes of taking a prisoner, but uoue of the enemy could be
found. All the inhabited houses were visited by the col
onel, and inquiry made respecting the enemy. The intelli
gent part of the citizens all agreed in stating that they had
heard of no reinforcement of regulars arriving at Maiden,
nor any considerable number of Indians since the siege of
Fort Meigs — that the Indians had pressed General Proctor
to make another attack, and were much dissatisfied at his
putting it off — that the success of our arms below had been
kept from their knowledge some time, but were at last
divulged to them by a trader, for which he was seized by
Proctor, but afterwards released at the demand of the In
dians — that they held councils, the proceedings of which
were kept secret from the British — and that 100 Avar dors
of the Ottawa tribe had passed the river Raisin in boats to
take scalps in the Aicinity of Lower Sandusky.

Colonel Johnson on the next day returned to Fort
Meigs, taking with him tAvo Frenchmen, one of them a citi
zen of Michigan, and the other a British subject. He ha«.l

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 331

learned that about 20 Indians had proceeded toward** Fort
Meigs with a view to steal the horses of the army ; and on
his return he struck their trail and pursued them. But in
a few miles he found that they had altered their minds and
changed their course, having probably got intelligence of
his excursion. On his arrival at the fort his regiment was
reinforced by 100 men, brought by lieutenants Card well,
White, Branham, and Lapsley from Kentucky.

General Harrison now deemed it unnecessary for him to
remain any longer at Fort Meigs, and on the 1st of July
proceeded to LoAver Sandusky with an escort of TO mounted
men commanded by Captain M'Afee, at which place they
arrived by dark, although the road was a continued and
deep swamp. General Harrison expected with this escort
and Colonel Ball's squadron, to be ready to oppose the
party of Indians, of whose expedition Colonel Johnson had
brought intelligence; but on the morning of that day they
had been in the vicinity of the fort and had killed at a farm
house 3 men, a woman, and two children, and then made
their escape in view of the garrison. Colonel Ball had not
yet arrived, and there was, of course, no troops at the place,
who could move with sufficient speed to intercept them,
nor was the whole number there sufficient to make the at
tempt. Colonel Wells commanded, and the garrison con
sisted of 140 Ohio volunteers, whose term of service having
expired, they were anxious to go home. General Harrison,
however, prevailed upon them to remain some time longer.

On the evening of the 2nd, Colonel Ball's squadron ar
rived at Lower Sandusky, and on the next day proceeded
with General Harrison to Cleveland. The object of the
general in going to that place, was to make arrangements
for the better security of the provisions, and of the boats
which were constructing at that post. They were now
guarded by a few regulars, and a small but excellent com-

332 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

pany of militia called the Chillicothe guards. General
Harrison caused a small fort to be erected on the bank of
the lake, drew a company of artillery, and another of 12
months' infantry from the interior, directed the boats to
be sunk in a deep part of the Cayago river as fast as they
were finished, and had the magazine of provisions, which
was at some distance from the town, prepared for confla
gration, should the enemy land with a force, which our
troops could not meet in the field. When the general after
wards left the place, Colonel Ball remained there in com
mand.

The mounted regiment had been ordered to proceed by
Lower Sandusky to the river Huron, where it was intended
tli at they should remain a while to recruit their horses.
They marched on the 2nd from Fort Meigs, but did not ar
rive at Sandusky until the evening of the 3rd. The Fourth
of July, the anniversary of independence, was celebrated
by the garrison and mounted men together, in great har
mony and enthusiasm. Colonel Johnson delivered an ap
propriate address and a number of toasts, breathing senti
ments of the republican soldier, wrere than drank, and
cheered by the shouts of the men, the firing of small arms,
and the discharge of a six-pounder from the fort. The mili
tia soldier, whose patriotism was satisfied with going to the
boundary line and looking at the enemy, while he refused
to cross and fight them, was strongly reprobated in one of
their toasts.

Considerable exertions were now making to finish the
works of Fort Stephenson, which had been planned and
commenced in April by Major Wood. They were soon
afterwards completed, so as to contain a larger garrison
and make a more formidable resistance. On the 6th, Col
onel Johnson's regiment proceeded in detachments to
Huron, and encamped on the shore of the lake, where they

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 333

were supplied with forage by boats from Cleveland on the
next day; and on the 8th, Lieutenant-Colonel J. Johnson
returned in the boats with a party of 50 men to procure
more forage. On the morning of the 9th a dispatch was re
ceived from General Harrison, which the colonel immedi
ately answered, sending Captain Payne for that purpose in
a barge with a few men, though the lake was at that time
extremely rough. The object of these expresses not being
explained at the time, considerable curiosity and uneasi
ness were excited among the men, by the hastes and secrecy
observed.

General Harrison had just received the following letter
from the war department, which he enclosed to Colonel
Johnson with orders to act accordingly. The letter had
been delayed by being sent to Cincinnati and from thence
following the movements of the general.

"War Department, June 0, 1813.

"Sir, General Howard and Governor Edwards urge the
necessity of more troops in that quarter ; and there being
no other disposable force for that purpose at this time, the
President directs that you order Colonel Johnson with his
regiment of mounted volunteers directly to Kaskaskias, to
report to General Howard.

"I have the honor, etc.,

"John Armstrong."
"General Harrison."

In reply, Colonel Johnson remonstrated against the
order — he did not insist on the wishes of his men, which,
however, to be indulged among friends in social life, were
not to be mentioned against a military command ; but rep
resented his inability to comply, with any advantage to the
country, or honor to the corps. He stated that his horses
were in such a situation that it would require ten days to
put them in a condition for a journey of 400 miles to Kas-
kaskias — that it would require 30 days to perform it

334 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

through the swamps they must traverse — that allowing 20
days more, to recruit the horses after arrival, and to reach
the frontiers, they would then have but 20 days left for
service till their time would expire — that so many of his
men were already dismounted, he could not expect, after
leaving Captian Payne's cavalry as directed, to reach that
place with a reduced corps too late for the service — that
Governor Edwards was unnecessarily alarmed, his terri
tory not being in danger, as the greater part of the Indians
were collected at Maiden — that the present position and
circumstances of the regiment could not be known to the
President at the time the order was given — that they would
have an opportunity of rendering important services and
acquiring laurels by remaining in the North-western army
and would bo rendered wholly useless by going to the west.
On these grounds he entreated the general to detain him,
or to leave to him the responsibility under existing circum
stances of disobeying the order. In addition to these, many
other considerations were pressed by Lieutenant Colonel
Johnson, who was at headquarters. But the general re
plied that the order from the war department was so per
emptory, that he could not authorize the suspension of the
march even for a day ; although he regretted extremely that
the regiment would be separated from him in his contem
plated movements against Upper Canada.

The following letter from Colonel Johnson to General
Harrison, which was written on the 4th of July, will ex
hibit the condition, the sentiments, and views of the regi
ment, from which the reader may imagine their feelings on
this occasion, recollecting that the colonel was a distin
guished partizan of the administration in Congress, and
that his regiment included a number of prominent char
acters in Kentucky:

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 335

"Camp Lower Sandnsky, July 4, 1813.

"Dear Sir— I arrived at this place last evening with a
part of the mounted regiment, after two days' march from
Camp Meigs, leaving two companies four miles in the rear,
who were unable to reach this place ; besides about twenty
horses left on the way, which I am in hopes will be able to
get back to Camp Meigs or come to this place in a few days,
where we can keep them together and recruit them. Hav
ing been in the most active service for upwards of forty
days, and having travelled upwards of TOO miles, much of
it forced marching, it is natural to conclude that most of
the horses are weak ; and we feel great pleasure and obliga
tions to you in finding your arrangements such as to en
able us to recruit the horses of the regiment. To be ready
to move with you to Detroit and Canada, against the ene
mies of our country, is the first wish of our hearts. Two
great objects induced us to come — first, to be at the regain
ing of our own territory and Detroit, and at the taking of
Maiden ; and secondly, to serve under an officer in whom we
have confidence. We could not have engaged in the service
without such a prospect, when we recollected what disaster
has attended us for the want of good generals. Wre did
not want to serve under cowards, drunkards, old grannies,
nor traitors, but under one who had proved himself to be
wise, prudent and brave. The officers of the mounted regi
ment had some idea of addressing you on their anxiety to
be a part of your army in the campaign against Canada,
and of giving you a statement of the importance of having
an opportunity to make the regiment efficient for such a
campaign by recruiting their horses. As to the men, they
are active, healthy and fond of service. This morning I
have sent out 100 on foot to scour the surrounding country ;
and wherever we are, we wish continual service. Our regi
ment is about 900 strong when all together. I have left 100
at Defiance to regain some lost horses, and to guard that
frontier.

"You have not witnessed the opposition I encountered
in raising the regiment. Every personal enemy, every trai
tor and tory, and your enemies, all combined — but in vain.
Nothing but the hurry which attended our march prevented

336 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

me from having 1,500 men. Nothing but the importance of
the service, which I thought we could render, would have
justified my absence from the present catch penny Con
gress. (The great object of the session was to raise a
revenue.) My enemies, your enemies, the enemies of our
cause, would exult if the mounted regiment should from
any cause be unable to carry a strong army against the sav
ages and British, when you strike the grand blow.

"It is with much diffidence I write you anything touch
ing military matters; but the desires of my soul and the
situation of the regiment, have induced me thus freely and
confidentially to express myself. In the morning we shall
leave this place for Huron, ready to receive your orders,
which will always be cheerfully executed at every hazard.

"Your obedient servant,

"RH : M. Johnson/'

Little did the colonel expect, when winding up this let
ter, that he was going to Huron to receive an order of ban
ishment to the wilds of the west. When he did receive it
finally, however, by the return of his express, it was "cheer
fully executed at every hazard," and without a murmur.
His men would "not disgrace him and themselves by any
unsoldierly opposition to the orders of the president," how
ever contrary to their views and wishes. The only service
they were expected to render by this counterplot movement,
was to aid Governor Edwards who was continually repre
senting to the government that Dickson would certainly
invade his territory with several thousand Indians ; when,
in fact, Dickson had been recruiting only for General Proc
tor, and was now at Maiden with all the Indians he could
raise, intending to fight General Harrison as soon as Proc
tor could make his arrangements. Both the secretary of
war and General Harrison had constantly been of the
opinion, that while the enemy had Maiden to protect and
the northwestern army to destroy, they would attempt no
considerable movement against the western territories; and

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 337

their opinion proved to be correct. General Harrison im
mediately informed the war department of the situation of
Colonel Johnson's regiment, and of the great anxiety which
they had shown to remain in the northwestern service.

After receiving the final orders of the general on the
13th, and having selected the route by Upper Sandnsky,
Fort M? Arthur, St. Marys, Greenville, Delaware towns on
White River, Forts Harrison and Vincennes, as the most
eligible of those recommended by the general, the troops
marched by detachments and arrived at Upper Sandnsky
on the 16th. Some of the companies passed by Lower San-
dusky, at which place Major Croghan had arrived with part
of the 17th regiment and taken command of the fort. At
Upper Sandusky, Colonel Johnson ascertained that it was
indispensably necessary to change his route so as to pass
Urbana, for the purpose of procuring grain and other neces
saries for the regiment. They proceeded again in detach
ments and arrived at that place in a very unfavorable con
dition on the 19th and 20th. A considerable number of
horses had been lost already, and many of the men were
sick with the measles and other fevers. The prospect of
marching through the wilderness to Yincennes became
every day more gloomy; and it was now evident, that if
that route was pursued, but a small portion of the regiment
could be expected to reach their destination, on account of
sickness and the loss of horses. A meeting of the officers
was, therefore, held, and an address drawn up and pre
sented to the colonel, in which they solicited him to change
their route and allow them to pass through Kentucky.
They represented the cheerfulness and promptitude, with
which the regiment had to this moment, executed the orders
of the government and their commandant; and had per
formed a march of nearly 800 miles in the whole, over roads
of the worst description, swimming the numerous streams

22

338 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

they had to cross, and generally proceeding by forced
marches from thirty to fifty miles a day — that the regiment
was very much reduced and scattered by the loss of horses;
and by the time it reached Kaskaskias would be rendered
wholly inefficient, and perhaps entirely useless — and that
by going through Kentucky they would be able to raise
more men, and remount those who had lost their horses, or
had rendered them unfit for the expedition, and would ulti
mately reach their destination as soon as by the more direct
route through the wilderness, and be in a condition to
render efficient service. In reply the colonel remarked,
that

"It was not until the arrival of the regiment at this
place, that the entire impracticability of carrying to Kas
kaskias one-half the horses were certainly known, without
recruiting many days, or changing the route to Kentucky.
Under the whole view of the subject, no hesitation exists as
to the propriety and evident necessity of granting the re
quest of the officers."

The regiment was, therefore, ordered to march through
Kentucky for the above purposes, and to rendezvous at
Vincennes on the 20th of August. To justify this step in
violation of his positive orders, the colonel relied on its
evident propriety ; and it proved in fact to be the salvation
of the regiment.

While the regiment was at Urbana, intelligence was re
ceived that Colonel William Russell was preparing an ex
pedition against the Indians from the Indian Territory;
and he was at this time marching through their country
with a strong mounted corps of rangers and volunteer
militia. An excursion had also been previously made by
Colonel Bartholomew, which it will be proper in this place
to notice. In the spring, the Indians had committed many
depredations on the frontiers of Indiana, in the way of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 339

murdering the inhabitants and stealing their horses and
cattle. The Delawares were strongly suspected of either
secretly aiding in the mischief, or of committing it them
selves. Colonel Bartholomew of that territory hence de
termined to visit their towns on White river with a military
force, and if any proofs of their hostility could be discov
ered, to retaliate and chastise them effectually for it. , -He
accordingly assembled three companies of mounted men at
Valonia, commanded by Captains Peyton, Biggers and
Dunn, and amounting to 140 men. Having selected
Majors Tipton and Owen for his aides, he proceeded up the
country till he had reached the upper Delaware towns,
which he found uninhabited; and returning by the lower
towns he found them in the same condition. Some Indian
sign was discovered, but only one Indian was seen during
the whole excursion. Those who had not gone to reside
in the interior of the State of Ohio, had left the villages
where they formerly resided for some other region.

Soon after this excursion, Colonel Russell, of the United
States Army, who commanded the rangers of Indiana,
which had been raised under the act of Congress, authoriz
ing ten additional companies for the protection of the west
ern territories, projected another expedition to penetrate
as far as the Mississiniway villages. He requested Joseph
Allen, Esq., of Kentucky, to raise a company and join him
at Valonia early in July; and also invited Major General
Thomas, and Brigadier-General Cox, of the Kentucky
militia, to join in the expedition. They repaired accord
ingly to that place, which is about fifty miles from Louis
ville, near White river, and carried about 100 volunteers
to the standard of Colonel Russell, whose whole force then
amounted to 500 men. The colonel determined to march
this force in five lines with an officer having the rank of
major at the head of each line. General Thomas and Cox,

340 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Colonels Evans and Wilson, and Major Zach. Taylor, were
assigned to these posts; and the corps then proceeded
directly to the Delaware towns which were found still un
occupied. He then marched to Mississiniway, intending
if possible, to surprise any Indians who might be found in
the villages on that river. In five days he reached the main
village at the mouth of that river, which he found vacant ;
and from every appearance, it was supposed the Indians
had been gone about two months. There were nearly two
hundred houses in this village, which extended about a mile
in length; and two miles farther up the river, there were*
the remains of a large encampment, and a block house with
several port holes large enough for a six pounder. This
had been erected by Tecumseh in the preceding autumn
with a view to resist the progress of General Hopkins, and
had been a place of general rendezvous for the concentra
tion of his forces. The encampment had apparently been
large enough to contain one thousand Indians. It was now
abundantly evident, that all the Indians of the Wabash
were gone to Maiden to serve under the banners of General
Proctor. Colonel Russell, therefore, proceeded down the
Wabash by Tippecanoe to Fort Harrison, having taken a
circuit of more than 400 miles through the Indian country,
without having seen an Indian or lost a man.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE SECOND SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS — REPULSE OF THE BRIT
ISH AT LOWER SANDUSKY BY MAJOR CROGHAN —
AND PERRY'S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE.

Very early in July the Indians had begun again to in
fest the vicinity of Fort Meigs. A small party of fourteen
footmen were permitted by Captain Craig to return home
from that place by the way of Fort Winchester. They had
proceeded but a few miles up the river, before they were
attacked by a party of Indians, and totally de
feated, but two of them being able to make their
escape. A party of eighteen horsemen commanded
by Lieutenant Craig, were going up the river to
guard down some flour which had been left in the
Rapids, and were but two or three hundred yards from the
former party when the attack was made upon them. Ad
vancing towards the place of attack, they met one of the
footmen who had escaped, and at the same time were fired
on by three Indians, who were ambuscading the road to
intercept the retreat of the footmen. Lieutenant Craig
immediately ordered a retreat, and was obeyed by all but
three of his men, who pursued the little party of Indians —
one of whom, Mr. Wiant, having wounded an Indian, dis
mounted, pursued him 200 yards, killed him, and returned
in safety with his scalp and his gun. On their return to
the fort, Colonel Oaines was detached with a party of reg
ulars to reconnoitre the ground. Before his arrival the
Indians had dispersed, and made their escape in different
directions, and only one of our men was found dead at the
1>1 ace of the encounter. Lieutenant Craig was arrested for

341

V

342 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

his conduct in this affair, and was sentenced by a court-
martial to be cashiered. Wiant was promoted by General
Clay to the rank of ensign, and was presented with the best
sword in the depot of that place.

This occurrence inspired the garrison Avith more caution
in their excursions; but it was now generally believed that
the enemy had abandoned their intention of attacking the
fort. The storm, however, had not passed by; it was only
restrained with a view to accumulate more force, and burst
upon us with more suddenness and effect. The Indians
of the northwest, who had been urging General Proctor to
renew the siege, became still more importunate on the
arrival of Dickson with his wild savages from the west;
and the expedition was now delayed only in consequence
of the prisoner and Frenchman having escaped with the
intelligence of their intention to execute it immediately.

General Clay, however, Avas very vigilant, and daily
sent scouts down the river to watch for the enemy. This
service fell chiefly on the company of Captain Craig, of
Johnson's regiment, who had been left at the fort by the
orders of General Harrison, with 140 men and about ninety
horses. The captain being of opinion, that this service
wras too much to be performed by his men alone, remon
strated against it, but without effect, and finally deter
mined to leave the fort and follow his regiment. This
caused the general to arrest him, and ultimately he re
signed.

On the 20th of July, a party was sent down towards the
lake by laud, and another in boats which proceeded out a
few miles on the lake, but all returned without making any
discovery, excepting hearing the firing of cannon towards
Maiden. On the same evening, however, Lieutenant Peters,
conductor of artillery, who was returning with a few men
from Lower Handiisky, was pursued by a party of Indians;

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 343

and late in the evening the boys of the British army could
be distinctly seen down the river. Early next morning a
picket guard, consisting of a corporal and ten men, was
sent to a point about 300 yards below the fort, where it was
soon surprised by the Indians, and seven of them killed and
captured. A large army of British and Indians were now
seen encamped below the old British Fort Miami on the
north side of the river; and soon afterwards the Indians
had possessed themselves of the wood in the rear of the fort.
They carried off some horses and oxen, and through the day
occasionally fired into the fort, but entirely without effect,
as they were frequently warned by our grape and cannister
to keep at a respectful distance.

In the night Captain M'Cune was sent express to Gen
eral Harrison to apprise him of the siege ; and the men in
the fort were diligently employed in making the necessary
arrangements. As it was expected, that the British would
erect batteries during the night, and commenced a cannon
ade next day, great exertions were made to throw up new
traverses, to deepen the trenches, and to cover the maga
zines. The men who were permitted to rest, were required
to sleep on their arms. General Clay and his staff were
incessant in their attentions going on in the camp. After
midnight Lieutenant Montjoy came into the fort from
Portage blockhouse, with a party of twenty regulars, hav
ing made an extraordinary escape in penetrating through
a large body of Indians with the loss of but one man.

On the 23rd a large body of mounted Indians, supposed
to be 800 strong, were seen passing up the river under the
command of Tecumseh, with the intention, it was supposed,
of attacking Fort Winchester. On the evening of the next
day, as everything still remained quiet round the fort, Col
onel Gaines went out as far as the edge of the woods with
200 men, and made .the circuit of the fort, with a view to

344 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ascertain whether any batteries had yet been commenced
by the enemy. A stronger detachment was sent over from
the British camp to attack him, but it did not arrive in time
to intercept his return to the fort. On the 25th, the enemy
removed their camp over the river to the south side, and
encamped behind a point of woods, which partly concealed
them from the garrison. This movement connected with
their other conduct, induced a belief in the fort, that they
would make an attempt to carry it by storm; but the
project they had in view was not of such a desperate char
acter. Care was still taken by General Clay to keep the
Commander-in-chief well informed of occurrences at the
fort.

General Harrison had returned from Cleveland to
Lower Sandusky several days before the arrival of the
enemy, and received at that place from the express, the in
formation that Camp Meigs was again invested. He then
immediately removed his headquarters to Seneca town,
about nine miles up the Sandusky river, where he con
structed a fortified camp, having left Major Croghan with
160 regulars in Fort Stephenson, and taken with Mm to
Seneca about 140 more, under the immediate command of
Colonel Wells. A few days afterwards he was reinforced
by the arrival of 300 regulars under Colonel Paul, and
Colonel BalFs corps of 150 dragoons, which made his whole
force at that place upwards of 600 strong. He was soon
joined also by Generals M' Arthur and Cass, and Colonel
Owings with a regiment of 500 regulars from Kentucky,
was also advancing to the frontiers ; but he did not arrive
at headquarters before the siege of Fort Meigs had been
abandoned by the enemy. From the position at Seneca,
the general would be able to fall back for the protection of
his principal depot at Upper Sandusky, should the enemy
endeavor to turn his left flank and attack that place; or he

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 345

would be able, should the safety of Fort Meigs require it,
to proceed there undiscovered on a secret route, aud cut
his way into the fort with a reinforcement; or as soon as
his force be competent to cope with that of the enemy in the
field, he would be favorably situated to make a descent
upon them and raise the siege. Fort Meigs and Upper
Sandusky were the objects to be defended — Lower San-
dusky Avas comparatively nothing.

It was the opinion of General Harrison that the move
ment of the Indians towards Fort Winchester, was intended
as a feint to draw his attention in that direction, while an
attack would be made on Lower Sandusky or Cleveland.
The former had been pronounced untenable, and as it con
tained nothing valuable except 200 barrels of flour, and
was in no respect an important post, arrangements had
been made to evacuate and destroy the fort, in case the
British should approach it in force from the lake. Much
industry was used to reconnoitre the route to Upper San-
dusky, as well as to watch the lake for the approach of the
enemy to Lower Sandusky or Cleveland. The express
from Fort Meigs was sent back with information, that the
general had not a sufficient force with him to justify his
advancing immediately to that place; that he would col
lect his troops at Seneca, and be ready as soon as possible
to relieve the garrison ; that the governor of Ohio would be
advised of the situation of our affairs, and if the enemy per
severed in his attempt, a sufficient force would be collected
in a short time, to overpower and destroy him at once. The
express arrived at the fort with this intelligence on the
morning of the 26th, and on the evening of that day, a heavy
fire commenced on the Saudusky road, about the distance
of a mile from the fort, The discharge of rifles and mus-
quetry, accompanied by the Indian yell, could be clearly
distinguished ; and by degrees the apparent contest ap-

346 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

preached towards the fort, though sometimes it appeared
to recede. It lasted about an hour, and came in the end
near the edge of the woods. The general pronounced it a
sham battle, intended to draw out the garrison to relieve a
supposed reinforcement, A few discharges of cannon at
the fort, and a heavy shower of rain, at length put an end
to the scheme, no doubt to the great mortification of its
projectors. The express from General Harrison had provi
dentially arrived in time, to preserve the garrison from the
possibility of being deluded by this artifice of the enemy.
On the next day the British moved over to their old encamp
ment, and on the 28th embarked in their vessels and aban
doned the siege. The force which Proctor and Tecumseh
brought against us in this instance, has since been ascer
tained to have been about 5000 strong. A greater number
of Indians were collected by them for this expedition, than
ever was assembled in one body on any other occasion dur
ing the whole war.

Having raised the siege of Camp Meigs, the British
sailed round into Sandusky bay, whilst a competent number
of their savage allies inarched across through the swamps
of Portage river, to co-operate in a combined attack on
Lower Sandusky, expecting no doubt that General Harri
son's attention would be chiefly directed to Forts Win
chester and Meigs. The general, however, had calculated
on their taking this course, and had been careful to keep
patrols down the bay, opposite the mouth of Portage,
where he supposed their forces would debark.

Several days before the British had invested Fort
Meigs, General Harrison with Major Croghan and some
other officers, had examined the heights which surround
Fort Stephenson; and as the hill on the opposite or south
east side of the river, was found to be the most commanding
eminence, the general had some thoughts of removing the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 347

fort to that place, and Major Croglian declared his readi
ness to undertake the work. But the general did not
authorize him to do it, as he believed that if the enemy in
tended to invade our territory again, they would do it be
fore the removal could be completed. It was then finally
concluded, that the fort which was calculated for a garri
son of only two hundred men, could not be defended against
the heavy artillery of the enemy; and that if the British
should approach it by water, which would cause a pre
sumption that they had brought their heavy artillery, the
fort must be abandoned and burned, provided a retreat
could be effected with safety. In the orders left with
Major Croghan it was stated :

"Should the British troops approach you in force with
cannon, and you can discover them in time to effect a re
treat, you will do so immediately, destroying all the public
stores.

"You must be aware, that the attempt to retreat in face
of an Indian force would be vain. Against such an enemy
your garrison would be safe, however great the number."

On the evening of the 29th General Harrison received
intelligence by express from General Clay, that the enemy
had abandoned the siege of Fort Meigs ; and as the Indians
on that day had swarmed in the woods round his camp, he
entertained no doubt but that an immediate attack was
intended either on Sandusky or Seneca. He, therefore,
immediately called a council of Avar, consisting of M' Ar
thur, Cass, Ball, Paul, Wood, Hukill, Holmes, and Graham,
who were unanimously of the opinion — that Fort Stephen-
son was untenable against heavy artillery — and that, as the
enemy could bring with facility any quantity of battering
cannon against it, by which it must inevitably fall, and as
it was an unimportant post, containing nothing the loss of
which would be felt bv us, that the garrison should, thevc-

348 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

fore, not be reinforced but withdrawn and the place de
stroyed. In pursuance of this decision the general immed
iately dispatched the following order to Major Croghau :

"Sir — Immediately on receiving this letter, you will
abandon Fort Stephenson, set fire to it, and repair with
your command this night to headquarters. Cross the river
and come up on the opposite side. If you should deem
and find it impracticable to make good your march to this
place, take the road to Huron and pursue it with the utmost
circumspection and dispatch/'

This order was sent by Mr. Connor and two Indians,
who lost their way in the dark, and did not arrive at Fort
Stephenson before 11 o'clock the next day. When Major
Croghan received it, he was of opinion that lie could not
then retreat with safety, as the Indians were hovering
round the fort in considerable force. He called a council
of his officers, a majority of w^hom coincided with him in
opinion, that a retreat would be unsafe, and that the post
could be maintained against the enemy, at least till further
instructions could be received from headquarters. The
major, therefore, immediately returned the following
answer :

"Sir — I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock,
P. M., ordering me to destroy this place and make good my
retreat, which was received too late to be carried into exe
cution. We have determined to maintain this place, and
by heavens we can."

In writing this note, Major Croghau had a view to tin1
probability of its falling into the hands of the enemy, and
on that account made use of stronger language than would
otherwise have been consistent with propriety. It reached
the general on the same day, who did not fully understand
the circumstances and motives under which it had been
dictated. The following order was, therefore, immediately

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 349

prepared, and sent with Colonel Wells in the morning, es
corted by Colonel Ball with his corps of dragoons.

"July 30th, 1813.

"Sir — The general has just received your letter of this
date, informing him that you had thought proper to dis
obey the order issued from this office, and delivered to you
this morning. It appears that the information which dic
tated the order was incorrect; and as you did not receive
it in the night as was expected, it might have been proper
that you should have reported the circumstance and your
situation, before you proceeded to its execution. This
might have been passed over, but I am directed to say to
you, that an officer presumes to aver, that he has made his
resolution, and that he will act in direct opposition to the
orders of his general, can no longer be entrusted with a
separate command. Colonel W7ells is sent to relieve you.
You will deliver the command to him, and repair with
Colonel Ball's squadron to this place. By command, etc.
"A. EL Holmes, Asst. Adjt. Gen."

The squadron of dragoons on this trip met with a party
of Indians near Lower Sandusky and killed eleven out of
twelve. The Indians had formed an ambush and fired on
the advanced guard consisting of a sergeant and five
privates. Upon seeing the squadron approach they lied,
but were pursued and soon overtaken by the front squad
of Captain Hopkins1 troops. The greater part of them
were cut down by Colonel Ball and Captain Hopkins with
his subalterns, whose horses being the fleetest overtook
them first. The loss on our part was two privates wounded
and two horses killed.

Colonel Wells being left in the command of Fort
Stephenson, Major Croghan returned with the squadron to
headquarters. He there explained his motives for writing
such a note, which were deemed satisfactory, and having
remained all night with the general who treated him polite
ly, he was permitted to return to his command in the morn-

350 IIISTOKY OF THE LATE WAll

ing, with written orders similar to those lie had received
before.

A reconnoitering party which had been sent from head
quarters to the shore of the lake, about twenty miles dis
tant from Fort Stephenson, discovered the approach of the
enemy by water on the evening of the 31st of July. They
returned by the fort, after 12 o'clock the next day, and
passed it but a few hours, when the enemy made their ap
pearance before it. The Indians showed themselves first
on the hill over the river, and were saluted by a six-pounder,
the only piece of artillery in the fort, which soon caused
them to retire. In half an hour the British gunboats came
in sight, and the Indian forces displaced themselves in ev
ery direction, with a view to intercept the garrison should
a retreat be attempted. The 6-pounder was fired a few
times at the gunboats, which was returned by the artillery
of the enemy. A landing of their troops with a 5J-inch
howitzer, was effected about a mile below the fort; and
Major Chambers, accompanied by Dickson, was dispatched
towards the fort with a flag, and was met on the part of
Major Croghan by Ensign Shipp of the 17th regiment.
After the usual ceremonies, Major Chambers observed to
Ensign Shipp, that he was instructed by General Proctor,
to demand the surrender of the fort, as he was anxious to
spare the effusion of human blood, which he could not do,
should he be under the necessity of reducing it, by the
powerful force of artillery, regulars, and Indians under his
command. Shipp replied that the commandant of the fort
and its garrison were determined to defend it to the last
extremity ; that no force, however great, could induce them
to surrender, as they were resolved to maintain their post,
or to bury themselves in its ruins. Dickson then said, that
their immense body of Indians could not be restrained from
massacring the whole garrison in case of success — of which

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 351

we have no doubt, rejoined Chambers, as we are amply pre
pared. Dickson then proceeded to remark, that it was a
great pity so fine a young man should fall into the hands
of the savages — sir, for God's sake surrender, and prevent
the dreadful massacre that will be caused by your resist
ance. Mr. Shipp replied, that when the fort was taken
there would be none to massacre. It will not be given up,
while a man is able to resist. An Indian at this moment
came out of the adjoining ravine, and advancing to the
ensign, took hold of his sword and attempted to wrest it
from him, Dickson interfered, and having restrained the
Indian, effected great anxiety to get him safe into the fort.

The enemy now opened their fire from their 6-pounders
in the gunboats and the howitzer on shore, which they con
tinued through the night with but little intermission, and
with very little effect. The forces of the enemy consisted
of 500 regulars, and about 800 Indians commanded by
Dickson, the whole being commanded by General Proctor
in person. Tecumseh was stationed on the road to Fort
Meigs with a body of 2,000 Indians, expecting to intercept
a reinforcement on that route.

Major Croghan through the evening occasionally fired
his 6-pounder, at the same time changing its place occas
ionally to induce a belief that he had more than one piece.
As it produced very little execution on the enemy, and he
was desirous of saving his ammunition, he soon discontin
ued his fire. The enemy had directed their fire against the
northwestern angle of the fort, which induced the com
mandant to believe that an attempt to storm his works
would be made at that point. In the night Captain Hun
ter was directed to remove the 6-pound er to a blockhouse
from which it would rake that angle. By great industry
and personal exertion Captain Hunter soon accomplished
this object in secrecy. The embrasure was masked, and

352 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the piece loaded with a half charge of powder, and double
charge of slugs and grapeshot.

Early in the morning of the 2nd, the enemy opened their
fire from their howitzer and three 6-pounders, which they
had landed in the night, and planted in a point of woods
about 250 yards from the fort, In the evening, about 4
o'clock, they concentrated the fire of all their guns on the
northwest angle, which convinced Major Croghan that they
would endeavor to make a breach and storm the works at
that point; he, therefore, immediately had that place
strengthened as much as possible with bags of Hour and
sand, which wrere so effectual, that the picketing in that
place sustained no material injury. Sergeant Weaver with
five or six gentlemen of the Petersburg volunteers and Pitts
burgh blues, who happened to be in the fort, was entrusted
with the management of the G-pounder.

Late in the evening when the smoke of the firing had
completely enveloped the fort, the enemy proceeded to make
the assault. Two feints were made towards the southern
angle, where Captain Hunter's lines were formed; and at
the same time a column of 350 men were discovered ad
vancing through the smoke, within twenty paces of the
northwestern angle. A heavy, galling fire of musquetry
was now opened upon them from the fort, which threw them
into some confusion. Colonel Short who headed the prin
cipal column soon rallied his men, and led them with great
bravery to the brink of the ditch. After a momentary
pause he leaped into the ditch, calling to his men to follow
him, and in a few minutes it was full. The masked port
hole was now opened, and the 6-pounder, at the distance of
30 feet, poured such destruction among them, that but few
who had entered the ditch were fortunate enough to escape.
A precipitate and confused retreat was the immediate con
sequence, although some of the officers attempted to rally

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 353

their men. The other column, which was led by Colonel
Waburton and Major Chambers, was also routed in con
fusion by a destructive fire from the line commanded by
Captain Hunter. The whole of them fled into the adjoin
ing wood, beyond the reach of our small arms. During the
assault, which lasted half an hour the enemy kept up an in
cessant fire from their howitzer and five 6-pounders. They
left Colonel Short, a lieutenant, and twenty-five privates
dead in the ditch, and the total number of prisoners taken
was twenty-six, most of them badly wounded. Major Muir
was knocked down in the ditch, and lay among the dead,
till the darkness of the night enabled him to escape in
safety. The loss of the garrison was one killed and seven
slightly wounded. The total loss of the enemy would not
be less than 150 killed and wounded.

When night came on, which was soon after the assault,
the wounded in the ditch were in a desperate situation.
Complete relief could not be brought to them by either side
with any degree of safety. Major Croghan, however, re
lieved them as much as possible — he contrived to convey
them water over the picketing in buckets, and a ditch was
opened under the pickets, through which those who were
able and willing, were encouraged to crawl into the fort.
All who were able preferred of course to follow their de
feated comrades, and many others were carried from the
vicinity of the fort by the Indians, particularly their own
killed and wounded ; and in the night about 3 :00 o'clock,
the whole British and Indian force commenced a disorderly
retreat. So great was their precipitation, that they left a
sail-boat containing some clothing and a considerable quan
tity of military stores ; and on the next day seventy stand
of arms, and some braces of pistols were picked up round
the fort. Their hurry and confusion was caused by the
apprehension of an attack from General Harrison, of whose

354 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

position and force they had probably received an exag
gerated account.

It was the intention of General Harrison, should the
enemy succeed against Fort Stephenson, or should they
endeavor to turn his left and fall on Upper Sandusky, to
leave his cainp at Seneca and fall back for the protection of
that place. But he discovered by the firing on the evening
of the 1st, that the enemy had nothing but light artillery,
which could make no impression on the fort ; and he knew
that an attempt to storm it without making a breach could
be successfully repelled by the garrison ; he, therefore, de
termined to wait for the arrival of 250 mounted volunteers
under Colonel Renniek, being the advance of 700 who were
approaching by the way of Upper Sandusky, arid then to
march against the enemy and raise the siege, if their force
was not still too great for his. On the 2nd, he sent several
scouts to ascertain their situation and force; but the woods
were so infested with Indians, that none of them could pro
ceed sufficiently near the fort to make the necessary dis
coveries. In the night a messenger arrived at headquarters
with intelligence, that the enemy were preparing to retreat.
About 9:00 o'clock, Major Croghan had ascertained from
their collecting about their boats, that they were preparing
to embark, and had immediately sent an express to the com-
mander-in-chief with this information. The general now
determined to wait no longer for the reinforcements, and
immediately set out with the dragoons, with whicli he
reached the fort early in the morning, having ordered Gen
erals W Arthur and Cass, who had arrived at Seneca sev
eral days before, to follow him with all the disposable in
fantry at that place, and which at this time was about 700
men, after the numerous sick, and the force necessary to
maintain the position, were left behind. Finding that the
enemy had fled entirely from the fort so as not to be

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 355

reached by him, and learning that Tecurnseh was some
where in the direction of Fort Meigs with 2,000 warriors,
he immediately ordered the infantry to fall back to Seneca,
lest Tecumseh should make an attack on that place, or in
tercept the small reinforcements advancing from Ohio.

In his official report of this affair, General Harrison
observes that,

"It will not be among the least of General Proctor's
mortifications, to find that he has been baffled by a youth,
who has just passed his twenty-first year. He is, however,
a hero worthy of his gallant uncle, General George R.
Clarke.

"Captain Hunter of the 17th regiment, the second in
command, conducted himself with great propriety; and
never was there a set of finer young fellows than the subal
terns, viz : Lieutenants Johnson and Taylor of the 17th,
Anthony of the 24th, Meeks of the 7th, and Ensigns Shipp
and Duncan of the 17th."

Lieutenant Anderson of the 24th was also noticed for
his good conduct. Being without a command,, he solicited
Major Croghan for a musket and a post to fight at, which
he did with the greatest bravery.

"Too much praise/' says Major Croghau, "cannot be be
stowed on the officers, non-commissioned officers, and
privates under my command for their gallantry and good
conduct during the siege."

The brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel was immediately
conferred on Major Croghan by the President of the United
States, for his gallant conduct on this occasion. The ladies
of Chillicothe also presented him an elegant sword, accom
panied by a suitable address.

Among the scouts sent down the bay, after the enemy
had retreated, was a little party of Wyandot Indians, who
surprised and captured a few British soldiers, who had
been left behind in the retreat. The Indians brought them

356 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

to canip, without doing them any injury; and, conscious
that they had done their duty, they were frequently seen
telling the story to their brother warriors, and laughing at
the terror which had been manifested by the soldiers, who,
no doubt expected to be massacred or carried off and de
stroyed by torture. But the Indians who followed the
American standard had not, like those in the British ser
vice, been encouraged to commit the most horrible bar
barities.

This second invasion of Ohio like the former, brought
the patriotism of that State into action. As soon as Gov
ernor Meigs received certain information, that the enemy
had entered his territories, he issued his orders in which
he called on the militia to rise en masse and repel the in
vaders. The division lately commanded by General M1 Ar
thur literally obeyed the call. Every man prepared him
self to march against the enemy; and through the State
generally the greatest military ardor and activity prevailed.
It was supposed that at least ten thousand men were under
arms and marching to the frontiers. The enemy, however,
did not wait for their arrival. The foremost corps of
mounted volunteers was not able to reach headquarters bo-
fore General Proctor had rendered their services unneces
sary by his precipitate flight from Lower Sandusky. It
then became necessary, as in the former case, to disband
them again, without their having an opportunity to fight;
which again produced much discontent and chagrin among
them. Many of them were even highly exasperated against
the general, for not retaining and employing them efficient
ly against the enemy.

They had volunteered not only with the expectation of
being opposed to the invaders of their State, but also of
being employed in the main expedition against Upper
Canada, which it was now evident would soon be carried

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 357

into execution. When a considerable number of them
arrived at Upper Sandusky, and the retreat of the enemy
was known, Governor Meigs addressed a letter to General
Harrison, respecting the course to be pursued with them.
The general immediately repaired to that place for the pur
pose of explaining his situation and views to the governor,
and reconciling the volunteers to the measures he would be
obliged to adopt. After a personal interview with the gov
ernor, he committed his explanations to writing, on the 6th
of August, which he addressed to that officer, as follows :

"Your excellency's letter of the 4th inst. was handed to
me yesterday morning by Colonel Brush. The exertions
which you have made, and the promptitude with which
your orders have been obeyed, to assemble the militia to
repel the late invasion, is truly astonishing and reflects the
highest honor on the State. Believing that in a personal
interview, I could best explain to you the intentions of the
government and my own views, I determined to come to
this place to see you. I now have the honor to repeat to
you in this way, the result of my determination on the em
ployment of the militia, and most of the facts on which my
determination is founded. It has been the intention of the
government, to form the army destined for operations on
Lake Erie, exclusively of regular troops, if they could be
raised. The number was limited to 7000. The deficiency
of regulars was to be made up from the militia. From all
the information I at present possess, I am convinced there
will be a great deficiency in the contemplated number of
troops, even after the militia now in service, and whose
time of service Avill not expire immediately, have been added
to the regulars. I have, therefore, called on the governor
of Kentucky for two thousand effective men. With those
there will still be a deficiency of about 1200. Your excel
lency has stated to me, that the men who have turned out on
this occasion, have done it with the expectation of being
effectually employed, and that should they be sent home,
there is no prospect of getting them to turn out hereafter
should it be necessary. With my utmost exertions, the em-

358 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

barkation cannot be effected in less than fifteen or eighteen
days, should I even determine to substitute them for the
regular troops which are expected. To keep so large a
force in the field, even for a short period, would consume
the means which are provided for the support of the cam
paign, and which are only provided for the number above
stated. Under these circumstances, I would recommend
a middle course to your excellency, viz : to dismiss all the
militia but two regiments of ten companies, each of 100
men; and the usual proportion of field, platoon, and non
commissioned officers, etc., that the corps be encamped at
or near this place, until it is ascertained whether their ser
vices will be wanted. A short time will determine the
question. Permit me to request your excellency to give
your countenance and support to the exertions which Gen
eral M' Arthur will make to fill the 26th regiment of twelve
month's troops. It appears that the venerable governor of
Kentucky is about to take command of the troops of that
State. Could your excellency think proper to follow his
example, I need not tell you how highly grateful it would
be, dear sir, to your friend.

"W. H. Harrison."

Governor Meigs soon afterwards proceeded to disband
the volunteers from his State, very much to their dis
pleasure and motification. They believed that their ser
vices were slighted, and that General Harrison intended to
stigmatize them as unfit to be led against the enemy. His
explanations were deemed unsatisfactory ; and persons
inimical to him, were ready to encourage the popular dis
content, by misrepresenting his motives in this case, and
his conduct in relation to the affair at Lower Sandusky.
A considerable number passed resolutions, in which they
depreciated his military talents, and declared that they
would never repair to his standard again. The publication
of these resolves, produced an explanatory letter from
Major Croghan, in which he contradicted the misrepresen
tations which had been made, and declared his high respect

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 359

for the general and confidence in his military talents. A
meeting of the general and field officers of the regular
troops at Seneca was also held, and a public address pre
pared by them, in which they declared their confidence in
the general, and their entire approbation of his conduct;
and that his late plans and movements had been taken with
the advice of all the general and field officers under his com
mand. The public confidence in the general, so necessary
to the commander of militia troops, was thus preserved at
a critical moment, against the attacks of those who were
discontented and inimical to his fame. The retained regi
ments of the Ohio volunteers were encamped at Upper
Sandusky, but Governor Meigs did not think proper under
all the circumstances of the case to continue to command
them in person.

General Harrison returned again to Seneca, to super
intend the arrangements for the expedition against Upper
Canada. On the 9th of August at Lower Sandusky, a
British boat was discovered coining up the river with a
flag. When it landed below the fort, Captain Hunter was
sent to meet the commander, who proved to be Lieutenant
Le Breton, accompanied by Doctor Banner, with a letter
from General Proctor to the commandant at Lower San
dusky, their object being to ascertain the situation of the
British wounded and afford them surgical aid. Captain
Hunter invited them to the fort, Le Breton seemed to hes
itate as if he expected first to be blindfolded, as usual in
such cases; but Captain Hunter told him to come on, that
there was nothing in the fort which there was any occasion
to conceal ; and when he introduced him to Major Croghan
as the commandant of the fort, he appeared to be astonished
at the youthful appearance of the hero, who had defeated
the combined forces of his master.

360 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

As the letter of General Proctor also contained a pro
position for the paroling of those prisoners, who might be
in a condition to be removed, the flag was sent by Major
Croghan to headquarters at Seneca. General Harrison re
plied to the letter of Proctor, that

"Major Croghan conformably to those principles which
are held sacred in the American army, had caused all pos
sible care to be taken of the wounded prisoners, that his
situation would admit — that every aid which surgical skill
could give was afforded,"

And that he had already referred the disposal of the
prisoners to his government and must wait for their deter
mination. Doctor Banner, in the meantime, had examined
the situation of the wounded, and was highly gratified with
the humane treatment they had received. He informed
Major Croghan that the Indians were highly incensed at
the failure of the late expedition, and were kept together
with the utmost difficulty.

The principal object of our attention will now be the
preparations for the expedition against Maiden. The
progress of the naval preparations had been very slow — the
building of the fleet was not completed, till a much later
period than that originally fixed by the war department;
and after its completion, still farther delay was caused by
the want of seamen. Yet, after all this delay on the part
of the fleet, the regular forces enlisted for the expedition,
were very far short of the calculations made at the war
office. The whole regular force of the northwestern army
in July, did not much exceed two thousand men; and it-
was not until the 20th of that month, that General Harri
son was authorized by the government, to make his call on
the adjoining States, for the militia necessary to complete
the intended army. On that day at Lower Sandusky, he
received a letter from the secretary of war, informing him

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 361

that Commodore Perry was instructed to communicate
with him, respecting naval movements and co-operation,
and that he was authorized to take of the militia, what in
his judgment would be necessary. He then immediately
addressed the following letter to the governor of Kentucky.

"My Dear Sir — I have this moment received a letter
from the secretary of war, in which he authorizes me to
call from the neighboring States, such number of militia
as I may deem requisite for the ensuing operations against
Upper Canada. It was originally intended that the army
should consist of regular troops only; but is now ascer
tained that the contemplated number cannot be raised. It
is indeed late — very late — to call our militia; but still it
will be better to do this, than to enter upon operations on
which so much depends with inadequate forces. I am not
informed, as to the difficulties your excellency may have to
encounter to organize another detachment of militia. I
believe, however, it will not be impossible for you to reani
mate your patriotic fellow-citizens, and once more to bring
a portion of them into the field. What that portion will
be, your own judgment must determine. I have sent Major
Trimble my aide-de-camp, to inform you of many circum
stances which I have not time, nor indeed, would I like to
commit to paper. Send me as many good men as you can
conveniently collect, or as you may deem proper to call out
— not less than 400 nor more than 2,000. The period has
arrived, when with a little exertion, the task assigned to
this section of the Union may be finished and complete
tranquility restored to our frontiers.

"To make this last effort, why not my dear, sir, come in
person? You would not object to a command, that would
be nominal only. I have such confidence in your wisdom,
that you in fact should 'be the guiding head, and I the
hand.' The situation you would be placed in, would not
be without its parallel. Scipio the conqueror of Carthage,
did not disdain to act as the lieutenant of his younger and
less experienced brother Lucius. I refer you to Major
Trimble, who is instructed to communicate many particu
lars to you."

362 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

This letter was delivered to Governor Shelby on the
30th day of July by Major Trimble, who further detailed
the plans of General Harrison to the governor ; and stated
that the general would expect 1500 men from Kentucky
at least, if that number could be furnished conveniently
by the State. Governor Shelby proceeded without delay
to make arrangements for raising the men ; and being con
fident that the delays necessarily attendant on a draft, and
on the marching of foot troops so great a distance, would
prevent a drafted corps of that description from reaching
headquarters in time, he determined on his own responsi
bility to rely on raising the necessary number of mounted
volunteers. Neither the government nor the general had
intended to employ this kind of troops; but the experienced
governor of Kentucky well knew, that no other species of
force could be raised and marched from his State with suffi
cient promptitude to answer the purpose, and he knew that
a great many of his fellow-citizens were anxious for an
opportunity to proceed in this manner against their in
veterate and merciless enemies. With a degree of energy
and decision characteristic of his whole life, he, therefore,
immediately appealed to the patriotism of his fellow-citi
zens to join him in an expedition of this kind. The follow
ing circulars, addressed to individuals of military preten
sions and popularity, and to the militia of the State, were
published on the next day :

"Frankfort, July 31st, 1813.

"Dear Sir — The following address to the militia of Ken
tucky will inform you of the call that has been made upon
the governor of Kentucky for a reinforcement to the north
western army, and of my views as to the mode of complying
with it. T forward 0110 to you particularly, sir, under tho
hope that you will exert your influence to bring into the
field all the men in your power. Be so good as to acknowl
edge the receipt of this loiter, and apprise me of the calcn-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 363

lations which I may make of the number of men that can
be raised in your county — and whether it will suit your con
venience to go with us. I shall at all times take a pleasure
in acknowledging the public spirit by which you will be
actuated — and the obligations you will lay me under.

"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your
obedient servant,

"Isaac Shelby."

"Colonel A.— Z.

"TO THE MILITIA OF KENTUCKY
"Fellow Soldiers — Your government has taken meas
ures to act effectually against the enemy in Upper Canada.
General Harrison, under the authority of the President of
the United States, has called upon me for a strong body of
troops to assist in effecting the grand objects of the cam
paign. The enemy in hopes to find us unprepared, has
again invested Fort Meigs, but lie will again be mistaken,
and before you can take the field he will be driven from
that post,

"To comply with the requisition of General Harrison,
a draft might be enforced ; but, believing as I do, that the
ardor and patriotism of my countrymen has not abated,
and that they have waited with impatience a fair oppor
tunity of avenging the blood of their butchered friends, I
have appointed the 31st day of August next, at Newport,
for a general rendezvous of KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS.
I will meet you there in person. I will lead you to the field
of battle, and share with you the danger and honors of the
campaign. Our services will not be required more than
sixty days after we reach headquarters.

"I invite all officers, and others possessing influence, to
come forward with what mounted men they can raise ; each
shall command the men he may bring into the field. The
superior officers will be appointed by myself at the place
of general rendezvous, or on our arrival at headquarters;
and I shall take pleasure in acknowledging to my country
the merits and public spirit of those who may be useful in
collecting a force for the present emergency.

364 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

"Those who have good rifles, and know how to use
them, will bring them along. Those who have not, will be
furnished with muskets at Newport.

"Fellow-citizens! Now is the time to act, and by one
decisive blow, put an end to the contest in that quarter.

"Isaac Shelby."

"Frankfort, July 31st, 1813."

The reader will observe, that the governor cautiously
avoids calling any specific number of men, or even hinting
what force was required by General Harrison. He was
well convinced that the number wanted would rally at his
call, and he did not wish to let the enemy have a chance to
kiioAV what force he was about to bring into the field against
them.

Colonel Johnson's regiment was also ordered to return
to the northwestern service. He had scarcely reached
Kentucky, before General Harrison had been authorized to
recall him, by a letter from the war department, in which
the secretary expressed his regret, that the order for his
march had ever reached General Harrison; and that the
latter, knowing impropriety of the order, had not on that
ground delayed its execution. An express was immediately
sent after the regiment, but was unable to overtake it, be
fore the men had dispersed and proceeded to their respec
tive homes. Colonel Johnson then ordered his regiment
to rendezvous again at the Great Crossings on the 15th, and
at Newport on the 17th of August. The officers were par
ticularly requested to make every exertion to march com
plete companies, by recruiting volunteers to serve sixty
days after tlie 20th of August, or ninety days if required.
Their exertions were attended with the most complete suc
cess — the companies were not only filled, even beyond the
limit of the law, but in many instances more offered their
services than the officers deemed it prudent to accept. The
zeal and abilities of Colonel Johnson, together with his un-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 305

remitting attention to the interests of his men, inspired his
fellow-citizens with confidence in him, as a military leader,
and securing the universal esteem of his troops, united
them as a band of brothers in the common cause.

But such was now the ardor of the Kentuckians, at the
flattering prospect of finishing the war in the northwest,
that the filling of one regiment was but a very small part
of the forces they were ready to furnish. The address of
the governor, like an electric spark, set fire to all the com
bustible spirits of the State, and with one consent they
were heard to say — come, let us rally round the eagle of
our country, for old King's mountain will certainly lead us
to victory and conquest. Men of influence in every part of
the State came forward, and were generally followed by
most of their neighbors who could make it convenient to
leave their homes.

With a view to apprise the government of the measures
he had taken, and to secure their approbation of his course,
the governor on the 1st of August, addressed a letter to the
war department, from which the following is an extract.

"Much delay would have been the inevitable conse
quence of ordering out the militia in the ordinary mode of
draft. As mounted volunteers, a competent force can, I
feel confident, be easily raised. I have, therefore, ap
pointed the 31st of this month, at Newport, in this State,
for a general rendezvous of mounted volunteers. I have
the honor of enclosing for the information of the President,
a copy of my address to the militia of this State on the
occasion. The prospect of acting effectually against Upper
Canada, will, I have no doubt, call forth a large force to
our standard, and they will be immediately marched to the
headquarters of the northwestern army, in such bodies as
will most facilitate their movements. When there they
can act as footmen, or mounted, as circumstances may re
quire. I shall take great pleasure to hear from the Presi
dent on this subject, previous to my departure from this

366 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

place, and I request the favor of you to lay this letter
immediately before him for his consideration, and that you
will be pleased to apprise me of the result by the earliest
conveyance."

The following are extracts of letters from the governor
to General Harrison. On the 2nd of August, after stating
the measure he had taken, he proceeds :

"I need not observe to you, how important it will be to
have rations and forage provided on the way. It will be
impossible to move on without the latter. Indeed, a supply
must be laid in, at Georgetown in this State. Men who
travel from the southern parts of it, will require both
rations and forage at that place to enable them to proceed.
I beg you may attend to this subject, and let me know what
is to be expected. Seeing that you cannot be reinforced
in any other way, the government must not stickle at the
trifling expense of a little forage, to obtain an efficient force
for the main objects of the campaign. No apology was
necessary to invite me to your standard. Had I more age
and much greater experience, I would not hesitate to fight
under your banner, for the honor and interest of my beloved
country.

"August 8. — I have received information from various
parts of the State, that the volunteer scheme will succeed ;
but it is impossible to speak with any kind of certainty at
so early a stage of the business. I flatter myself, that I
shall be able to bring into the field from two to three thous
and or upwards. My present view is, that all these men
will ride to the margin of the lake, and if they cross over,
leave about one-tenth to bring the horses back some dis
tance, and herd them in parcels in the best range, until the
campaign expires. Many of the volunteers, that will com
pose this corps, will be gentlemen who care less about
emoluments than their own ease and convenience, and must
have their horses taken care of, to ride home again. A
great proportion of the volunteers will come from the
southwestern part of the State, who will have to travel
from two to three hundred miles, before they arrive at the
point of rendezvous. Many of them, too, will be poor men,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 367

who will not be able to proceed, unless forage and rations
are both supplied. Indeed I shall expect, that forage will
be directed to be furnished at Georgetown in this State.
Horses will otherwise become so weak, that it will be im
possible for them to proceed further.

"Your aide-de-camp, Major Trimble, has stated that you
would not guarantee the pay of more than 2,000 men, but
would accept the services of a much larger number. Were
I to make this public, I am confident it would dampen the
ardor of the volunteers. Even gentlemen of fortune, of
whom there are many that will go in the ranks, could not
with any confidence encourage their poorer neighbors, to
hazard their lives and lose their time for nothing. It is at
any rate a great sacrifice, for a citizen of Kentucky to make
for the mere pay of a common soldier for the service of
himself and horse. I hope you will reflect on this subject
and authorize payment for all that go, at least for 4,000
men, should that many turn out ; for I shall otherwise not
be able to draw the distinction between those that will be
entitled to receive pay and those that will not."

These extracts exhibit the solicitude of Governor Shelby
to raise a force sufficient to give a decisive blow, and to
take care that such a force should be received into service,
and should not be disappointed and defeated by the want
of accommodations on their way.

To these letters General Harrison replied on the 18th
of August at Seneca, that

"Every arrangement has been made for the proper ac
commodation of the volunteers agreeably to your sugges
tion. I am so well persuaded that the government will
approve the measure of receiving the men, whom you may
bring with you above the contemplated 2,000, that I will
not hesitate to say that I will accept them. Everything is
in a fair train for the commencement of operations on your
arrival. Our fleet is now off Sandusky bay. I shall go
down to it to-morrow morning, and take with me seventy
men to act as marines. I wish the commodore to go immed-

368 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

lately to Maiden, and endeavor to bring the enemy to
action. Colonel Bartlett says, that you shall have forage.
"I have been much disappointed in the number of regu
lar troops. However, we are daily adding a little to them.
The Pennsylvania regiment of militia, which were stationed
at Erie, and which were to have joined me, have refused
to march. This circumstance has determined me to accept
your surplusage. I am determined not to have it believed
again, that I am at the head of an army, when I have only
the amount of a regiment, as was the case lately.''

When the war department authorized General Harrison
to proceed in completing his army from the militia, he was
informed that the regiment stationed at Erie was placed
under his command, but when he called upon them, they
declined the service. Some of them volunteered to go in
the fleet, and

"The rest," says the general in a letter to the war de
partment, "have resolved that they will come on to join
this army as ordered, provided they get two months' pay
before hand."

However, like the disobedient son, in the parable, they
afterwards repented and came, bringing with them the
boats from Cleveland to Sandusky bay for the embarka
tion of the other troops.

Major Trimble having arrived at headquarters from
Kentucky, addressed a letter to Governor Shelby on the
18th, in which he says:

"Everything here looks like invasion, and you may rely
on seeing the Canada shore soon after you arrive. Should
Kentucky fail to do her duty at this time, she will be
damned for ever. She will have to hide her head, and pray
for the mountains to fall upon her and cover her."

The major was a Kentuckian, and the sentiment here
expressed was common to his patriotic fellow-citizens.
They were determined in this last effort, to sustain the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 369

reputation of their State, and to inflict a signal punish
ment on the enemy, by whose barbarities they had suffered
so much.

We must now turn our attention to the naval affairs on
the lake, which at an early period this year claimed the
attention of both governments. The British, however, had
already the command of the lake, being in possession of a
considerable fleet on its bosom ; whilst the Americans had
not a single armed vessel above the falls of Niagara. Great-
industry and exertion were hence necessary on our part, to
enable us to meet the enemy on equal terms in the present
campaign. With this view, workmen were employed and
the keels of two brigs and several schooners were laid early
in March at Erie, to which place Commodore Perry as we
have noticed already, was sent to superintend their con
struction and equipment. There was abundance of timber
convenient, but every other article had to be transported
from other places, mostly from Pittsburgh and Philadel
phia; and such were the difficulties which had to be en
countered, that the progress in fitting out the fleet, did not
keep pace with the expectations formed by the government.
One regiment of militia and a few regulars were employed
for the protection of the workmen and the vessels they were
building. No attempt, however, was made to molest them,
till the 20th of July, when the undertaking was nearly com
pleted. The enemy had this season built a twenty gun
brig at Maiden, and with this addition to their force, they
probably deemed their naval superiority so decided, as to be
careless about the progress of our labors; or perhaps it
was their policy to let us spend our time and labor in the
completion of our vessels, before they paid them a destroy
ing visit. The manner in which they conducted the cam
paign, however, appears to us reprehensible. Had General
Proctor proceeded with his regulars, militia, and Indians,

24

370 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

supported by a train of heavy artillery, against our prepa
rations at Erie, instead of wasting his time and strength in
vain attempts on Fort Meigs, he might have done us much
greater injury, and perhaps have defeated us in the present
campaign, by preventing the erection of a navy competent
to the command of the lake. If he had only destroyed the
boats prepared at Cleveland, he would have caused us more
serious difficulties than any we experienced from his for
midable invasions. But it has been stated that his Indians
were not disposed to leave terra firma, and hazard them
selves in a cruise so far down the lake.

However, about the 20th of July, while the land forces
were sent on a demonstration against Fort Meigs, the
larger vessels of their fleet proceeded down the lake to re
connoitre at Erie ; in sight of which they remained two or
three days, apparently threatening, and perhaps really in
tending, to attack the place; but without having made an
attempt, .they at last stretched over the lake towards Long-
Point. Their menace excited a considerable hustle and
alarm at Erie, lest the vessels in their present advanced
state should be destroyed, and the flattering prospects of
the campaign be thus blasted. Major General Meade, who
commanded the militia of the adjacent country, immediate
ly issued an order to the contiguous brigade of his division,
to repair en masse to Erie for the protection of the fleet.
The order was promptly obeyed, and in a few days upwards
of fifteen hundred men were assembled at the place ap
pointed. Captain Perry, in the meantime, in order to amuse
the enemy, had sent out two of his gunboats, which gave
them a few shot ; but they kept at so great a distance that
no damage was done.

Commodore Perry now redoubled his exertions to finish
his equipments, which he at last completed about the 2nd
of August, and on the two following days succeeded in got

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 371

ting his heaviest vessels over the bar at the mouth of the
harbor. The water being but 6 or 7 feet deep, it was nec
essary to buoy them up with his light vessels and scows;
all of which was accomplished in the face of the enemy, who
had returned in his fleet on the evening of the 3rd, and re
mained in sight all the next day, but without offering any
molestation to the progress of this work. As soon as our
fleet was completely over the bar, the enemy again left us
and sailed towards Long Point. A sufficient number of
sailors, not having yet arrived to man our vessels, the com
modore now proposed to receive volunteers for 48 hours
from the Pennsylvania militia, and a sufficient number ac
cepted his invitation to enable him to sail next morning in
pursuit of the enemy. He crossed the lake to Long Point,
and then proceeded up the British shore some distance
without discovering their fleet, which had, in fact, returned
to Maiden, for their new brig and other reinforcements, on
discovering the force which Perry was able to bring against
them. Our fleet then returned to Erie, to discharge the
militia volunteers, that were on board, and supply their
place with sailors. In the meantime, General Meade had
discharged all the militia, who had come forward at his
call, to meet the menaced descent of the British. The fleet
being equipped for action, and able to give the enemy
chase, their services were no longer required in the field of
Mars, but were much needed in their harvest fields at home.
Lieutenant Elliott was bringing ninety sailors, from the
fleet under Commodore Chauncey on Lake Ontario, to man
the fleet on Erie. Boats were sent down the lake to meet
them, which brought them up in safety, and enabled our
commodore to spread his canvass again, and proceed up the
lake. He arrived off Sandusky Bay on the 5th, and Cap
tain Richardson, who had been sent by the general to Erie,
and had now returned in the fleet, came out immediately to

372 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

headquarters to announce its arrival and request a com
pany of soldiers to act as marines. General Harrison ac
companied by several officers, went down to the fleet, tak
ing with him a company, commanded by Captain Stockton,
of the 28th regiment of 12 months' regulars under Colonel
Owings from Kentucky, including all the seamen that could
be found in the army; and also about 20 volunteers under
Lieutenant Coburn from Payne's company of Johnson's
regiment. The Kentuckians, some of whom had probably
never seen a ship before, relying on their skill to shoot,
were thus ready to meet the enemy on any element, how
ever novel the intended enterprise might be to them. In
the consultation between the land and naval commanders,
it was agreed that the commodore should proceed immedi
ately off Maiden, to brave the enemy's fleet, and if possible
bring them to action, before he should take our troops on
board to transport them over the lake. It was apprehended,
however, that the enemy would be prudent enough to de
cline the contest, until our fleet was encumbered with our
land forces.

As soon as our commodore had displayed his canvass
before Maiden, a considerable bustle took place on board
the British fleet, but no attempt was made to come out and
engage him, although he did not fail to challenge them to
the combat. Finding that they did not intend to fight, he
sent the Ariel as near as she could proceed with safe
ty, to examine them more narrowly. Their new brig, which
they called the Detroit, was launched; and the two fleets
were apparently of equal force. The British, however, had
the superiority — their vessels were larger than ours, were
better manned, and carried a greater number of guns. The
following were the vessels, and number of guns in each
fleet:

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 373

AMERICAN.

Guns

Brig-
Lawrence 20

Niagara 20

Caledonia 3

Schooner —

Ariel 4 (1 burst)

Scorpion 2

Somers 2, and 2 swivels

Tigress 1

Perenpine 1

Sloop —

Trippe 1

Total 54, 2 swivels

BRITISH.
Ship—

Guns

Detroit 19, and2hwt's.

Q. Charlotte 17, and 1 hwtV

Ser.—

Lady Prevost 13, and 1 hwt's.

Brig-
Hunter 10

Sloop —

Little Belt 3

Schooner —

Chippeway 1, and 2 swivels

Total 63, 4 hwt's., 2 swivels

American 54, 0 hwt's., 2 swivels

Superiority <), 4 liwt's., 0 swivels

374 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

The commodore did not remain long off Maiden, but
finding the enemy not inclined to meet him, returned to
Put-in-Bay, in Bass Island, where we shall leave him a
few days, to watch the sailing of the British fleet under
Commodore Barclay, whilst we notice some other occur
rences.

General Harrison, having learned that much dissatis
faction prevailed among the British Indians, since the re
pulse of the allies at Lower Sandusky, determined to make
use of means to detach them completely, if possible, from
the British cause. He sent some friendly Wyandot chiefs,
in whom he had confidence, to confer writh the warriors of
their tribe, who had joined the British under Walk-in-the-
water, and also with the other hostile tribes in general,
with a view to negotiate a peace and reconcile them to a
neutral course in the approaching contest. When these
cominisstiouers arrived at Brownstown, information ^>f
their business was immediately communicated to Elliott,
and they were obliged to deliver their talk, which should
have been addressed to the Wyandots alone, to a general
council of all the hostile chiefs, at which Elliott and M'Kee
were present. They were answered by Round Head, who
was entirely in the British interest, and who spoke what
Elliott pleased to dictate. A private message, however,
was sent by Walk-in-the-water, that he would use his best
exertions to detach the Indians from the British, and that
he had determined not to fight us, but on the advance of
our army, to seize the Huron church at Sandwich, with all
the warriors he could engage to assist him, and defend him
self there against the British and their adherents. The
general was thus convinced that no material defection was
to be expected among the allies of the British.

General M' Arthur was sent about this time to take the
command at Fort Meigs, with instructions to draw in the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 375

pickets and construct a fortification on a smaller scale,
and to make arrangements for embarking the heavy artil
lery with such military stores as might be found neces
sary.

The mounted regiment, under Colonel Johnson, assem
bled in pursuance of his orders at the places appointed for
their rendezvous, bringing with them a great accession of
strength in new recruits. Every company in the regiment
had more than its legal complement of men. Captain
M'Afee had 152, including officers and privates; Captains
Combs and Davidson had each upwards of 130. The colo
nel received orders from General Harrison, to march imme
diately to the frontiers, for the purpose of escorting provi
sions from the posts on the St. Marys and Auglaize to Fort
Meigs, preparatory to the embarkation of the troops for
the main expedition. The regiment marched by companies,
and on the 20th arrived at Dayton, where the colonel re
ceived information, that the Indians had recently killed
two men and a woman, some distance within the frontiers
near Piqua, and that the citizens, much alarmed and en
raged, had assembled in considerable numbers, with a de
termination to take revenge on the friendly Shawanese and
Delawares, residing near that place, whom they accused
of committing the murders. Colonel Johnson immediately
pushed forward in advance of the regiment with Captain
Coleman's company, and on arriving at Piqua, was in
formed by John Johnson, Esq., the Indian agent, that he
had called on the chiefs for an explanation, and had been
assured by them with much candor and promptitude, that
the British were attempting to embroil them with their
white brethren, by sending hostile Indians to commit dep
redations in their vicinity, in the expectation that the
whites would charge it to them. Two murders had also
been committed near Manary's blockhouse, and the Shaw-

376 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

anese at Wapoghconata had informed the agent that a
hostile party had previously passed that place, by whom it
was evident the murders must have been committed. It
was with great difficulty, however, that the citizens could
be pacified. The circumstances being made known to Gen
eral Harrison, he published an address to the frontier in
habitants, assuring them that he had received satisfactory
evidence that the murders were committed by the hostile
Indians, and entreating the people not to take redress into
their own hands, but to rely on the government which
would certainly inflict exemplary punishment for any ag
gressions committed by the friendly Indians. This address
with the arrival of the mounted regiment quieted the
minds of the people, and reconciled them to trust for safety
and satisfaction to the army and the government.

As the means for transportation were not yet in readi
ness, the regiment was separated into several detachments,
and stationed at different posts, where the companies were
all diligently drilled under the superintendence of the
field officers. Much credit is due to Lieutenant Colonel
James Johnson, for the ability and diligence with which
he attended on all occasions to the training of his men.
To him they were greatly indebted for that proficiency in
the knowledge of their duties, which rendered them terrible
to the enemy in the day of battle. The good conduct and
ardor of the troops were also much promoted by the prac
tice of addressing them publicly on their duties, which was
pursued by the colonel and some other officers, who were
possessed of talents for extemporary speaking. Colonel
Johnson had taken particular care at all times, to have his
men completely familiarized with appropriate order of
battle. In his orders of this description he provided for
two very important matters in Indian fighting — for out
flanking the enemy, and for charging through their lines

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 377

and forming in their rear. The following are extracts on
these points :

"The balance of the two columns, (in the order of
march), viz.: Captains Matson and Ellison shall join and
extend the line of battle on the right and in line with Cap
tain M'Afee; and the right flank (in the order of march),
on the same principle shall extend the line of battle by fil
ing to the right, with positive orders on each flank to out
flank the enemy, Captain Craig's company remaining on
horseback until he turns his flank and gets in his rear; and
so of the left column and left flank, Captain Combs extend
ing the line of battle on the left, and Captain Rice uniting
with him, but being on the extreme left, he shall not dis
mount until he outflanks and gains the rear of the enemy.7'
In an order of the 3rd of September, he directs that
"Captain Warfleld will march on the right of Captain
Ellison, and form with him a column of double files. Cap
tain Rice will march on the left of Captain Combs, and
Captain Hamilton on the right of Captain Coleman, each
forming a line of double files. These double lines are to
form the charging column, and are to charge through the
line of the enemy, and form in their rear, by wheeling to
the right and left, at a moment when a general and ex
hausted fire of the enemy may render it practicable. But
should a general retreat of the enemy render this impos
sible, each column will deploy to the light and left, and
fall upon the flanks of the enemy. Major Payne will lead
the right column ; Major Thompson the left ; and the colo
nels the center. The charging columns are to act princi
pally on horseback."

These orders were much approved in the regiment, as
being well adapted for Indian fighting; for in contending
with savages, the only chance to save the men is to make a
bold dash at the enemy in the beginning, and never turn
your back upon them afterwards. To stand and fight them
in regular order, only exposes the man and hazards the
victory ; for in such a case they will kill two to one of the

378 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

best marksmen that can be opposed to them. The best
method is to outflank them, rush upon them, drive them
from their lurking places, and pursue them closely.

About the 1st of September, the troops were enabled to
proceed in the business of transportation, about 20 wagons,
and a brigade of packhorses, having arrived for that pur
pose. The greater part of the regiment had arrived at
Fort Winchester on the 9th of September, a day which had
been appointed by the President at the request of Congress,
as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. Those who
chose to observe it in that manner were encouraged to do
so; and although there is in general but little religion to
be found in an army, yet on the evening of this day, a num
ber of little parties were seen in different parts of the
lines, paying their devotions to the God of armies, and
chanting his praises with plainness, sincerity, and zeal;
whilst their less pious, but moral and orderly compatriots,
preserved around them, the strictest order and decorum.
A pleasing tranquillity pervaded the ranks, and the patriot
soldier seemed to feel a cheering confidence, that the God
of battles would shield him in the hour of danger. The
author of this history could not but feel that the special
protection of heaven would be enjoyed by the American
army, while nobly fighting in the cause of justice and
humanity. Such were the harmony and good order con
stantly prevailing in this regiment, and the mutual
confidence and good will between the officers and men, that
there is scarcely an individual among them, who does not
look back to those days as the happiest of his life, and who
did not love and respect his commandant as an elder
brother.

The next day, the 10th of September — an important and
memorable day in the present campaign — was spent by the
regiment in training, and in fighting sham battles, the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 379

exact miniature of that which they were soon to fight in
reality. A line of infantry was formed, and the horses
were practiced to charge through it at full speed ; and such
was the tract-ability and the force of custom in this noble
animal, that in a little time there was scarcely a horse in
the regiment that would flinch at a line of infantry envel
oped in a blaze of fire and smoke. Those who are unac
quainted with the docility of this animal, would scarcely
believe that he could be brought to have so much contempt
for danger, to understand so well the different sounds of
the trumpet, and seemingly to participate in the sentiments
and views of his rider. The beautiful description of the
horse, which is given in holy writ, was fully verified in our
trainings.

"He paweth in the valley, and rejoiceth in his strength :
he goeth on to meet the armed men. He mocketh at fear,
and is not affrighted; neither turneth he back from the
sword. The quiver rattleth against him, and the glitter
ing spear, and the shield. He swalloweth the ground with
fierceness and rage; neither believeth he that it is the
sound of the trumpet."

A few days afterwards the regiment proceeded towards
the Rapids, using the precaution to march in a body, as
several straggling parties of Indians had lately been dis
covered, and it w^as known that Tecumseh had a consider
able mounted force, writh which it \vas probable he might
attempt some enterprise in that quarter of the country.

Governor Shelby was also now advancing towards the
frontiers with a strong corps of mounted volunteers. Early
in August he had selected General John Adair, of Mercer,
for his first aide — a gentleman whose military talents were
universally acknowledged and respected. In the latter
part of the month instructions were issued for all officers
commanding volunteer corps, to draw arms and ammuni
tion on their arrival at Newport, and then proceed towards

380 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the headquarters of the northwestern army by slow
inarches; and Major George Walker was dispatched in the
capacity of brigade major and quartermaster to super
intend the business at Newport, On the 1st of September,
about three thousand five hundred men, all sturdy Ken-
tuckians, had crossed the Ohio, with their venerable gov
ernor at their head, like an ancient oak, still green, strong,
and majestic; for although he had now reached the 63rd
year of his age, yet the vigor of his person, and the decisive
energy of his mind, were such as are rarely found in those
who have numbered half his years.

The arsenal at Newport was drained of all the arms fit
for use, and still there was a deficiency of 700 or 800. The
governor immediately wrote to General Harrison advising
him of this circumstance.

"I have ordered (he continues) all my forces to con
centrate at Springfield, where I shall halt a day or two for
some ammunition and hospital stores, and endeavor to
organize the army, after which not a moment shall be lost
till we join you. We are about 3,500 strong, as nearly as I
can at present judge, and all mounted. In a letter I had
the honor to address you before I left Frankfort, I took the
liberty to recommend the calling on Governor Meigs for an
additional force of his militia, to enable you to make a sure
stroke on the enemy. I am still of the same opinion; for
although you may be restricted to a particular number, to
make the descent into Canada, you ought to put nothing
to hazard. Should you even transcend your powers, if we
are fortunate, your country Avill approve the measure, and
if otherwise, she cannot complain. I shall be sorry to see
any attempt made to invade the enemy's country, until we
are prepared to hold every inch of ground that we may con
quer. I shall be highly gratified to hear from you on my
march, and to be apprized of so much of your views, as it
may be proper and safe to communicate. " — Shelby.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 381

The organization was not entirely completed at Spring
field; forage being scarce, it became necessary to move on
towards Urbana, to which place Major Walker and Colonel
Joseph M'Dowell were sent in advance to make prepara
tions, the former being appointed quartermaster general,
with the rank of colonel, and the latter adjutant general
with the same rank. At Urbana the organization was com
pleted. The troops were formed into 11 regiments, to be
commanded by Colonels Trotter, Donaldson, Poague,
Mont joy, Rennick, Davenport, Taul, Calloway, Simrall,
Barbour, and Williams. Out of these regiments five brig
ades were formed a division under Major General Wrilliam
Henry ; the other two formed a division under Major Gen
eral Joseph Desha. John Crittenden, Esq., was appointed
2nd aide to the governor; W. T. Barry, Esq., secretary ; and
Thomas T. Barr, Esq., judge advocate general. Each com
mandant of a regiment appointed his own staff and sur
geons, and the office of hospital surgeon was given by the
governor to Doctor A. J. Mitchell.

About the 9th of September the volunteers marched
from Urbana, and on the 12th arrived at Upper Sandusky,
where Tahe, the ancient Wyandot chief, was introduced to
Governor Shelby ; he had expressed a great desire to see the
governor of Kentucky. The following letter from General
Harrison was received at this place :

"Headquarters, Seneca, 12th September, 1813.
"You will find arms at Upper Sandusky; also a con
siderable quantity at Lower Sandusky. I set out from this
place in an hour. Our fleet has beyond all doubt met that
of the enemy. The day before yesterday an incessant and
tremendous cannonading was heard in the direction of
Maiden by a detachment of troops coming from Fort Meigs.
It lasted two hours. I am all anxiety for the event. There
will be no occasion for your halting here. Lower San
dusky affords fine grazing. Writh respect to a station for

382 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

your horses, there is the best in the world immediately at
the place of embarkation. The Sandusky Bay, Lake Erie,
and Portage River form between them a peninsula, the
isthmus of which is only one mile and a half across. A
fence of that length, and a sufficient guard left there, would
make all the horses of the army safe. It would enclose
fifty or sixty thousand acres, in which are many cultivated
fields, which having been abandoned, are now grown up
with the finest grass. Your sick had better be left at Upper
Sandusky or here.

"Harrison."

Within half an hour after the above letter was written,
the general received the following laconic note from the
commodore, by express from Lower Sandusky :

"U. S. Brig. Niagara, off the Western Sister, etc.,

"September 10, 1813, 4 P. M.

"Dear General — WTe have met the enemy and they are
ours — two ships, two brigs, one schooner and a sloop.
"Yours with great respect and esteem,

"Oliver Hazard Perry/'

This exhilarating news set Lower Sandusky and Camp
Seneca in an uproar of tumultuous joy. The general im
mediately proceeded to the former place, and issued his
orders for the movement of the troops, and transportation
of the provisions, military stores, etc., to the margin of the
lake, preparatory to their embarkation. An encampment
had already been formed there, which was now enlarged
and some blockhouses commenced. Governor Shelby, on
the receipt of the letter from Harrison at Upper Sandusky,
had proceeded with his unit in advance of his troops, and
met the news of the naval victory at Fort Ball ; from which
place he addressed a hasty note to Major General William
Henry, who had been left in command at Upper Sandusky,
informing him of the glorious result on the lake, that the
army would consequently pass into Canada without loss of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 383

time, and that he must use his best exertions to reach the
point of embarkation as soon as possible. General Henry,
a veteran of the revolution, well knew the importance of
despatch, and pressed forward on bad roads, through deep
swamps, at the rate of thirty miles a day, with all the
forces, until arrived at headquarters on the margin of the
lake, on the 15th and 16th of September; at which place
the governor had previously arrived on the 14th, a few
minutes before the fleet had made its appearance, return
ing from its victorious battle. On the 15th, upwards of 300
British prisoners were landed from the fleet, and placed
under the care of the infantry. A few days afterwards
they were escorted by a guard of Kentucky militia under
quartermaster Payne to Franklinton and Chillicothe.

VICTORY ON THE LAKE. — We must now turn our atten
tion to the particulars of the naval battle. After remain
ing a few days at Put-in-Bay,Commodore Perry had return
ed in full view of Maiden, and offered battle again to the
British fleet, which they again declined ; but they now ap
peared to be making great exertions to get ready for a con
test. The commodore then withdrew, and came down the
lake off Sandusky Bay, in hopes that the enemy would fol
low him, or at least come out on the lake. While at this
station, three American citizens, who had made their es
cape from Detroit, arrived at the fleet in an open boat, from
whom it was ascertained that the enemy had been greatly
straitened for provisions since our fleet had been on the
lake. They had previously brought up a considerable por
tion of their supplies on the lake from Long Point. By the
same persons the force of the enemy was stated to be 800
regulars, 1,000 militia, and nearly 2,000 Indians. On the
5th of September, the commodore informed General Harri
son in a letter from Sandusky Bay, that his men were suf
fering very much by sickness, and that his fleet could not

384 HISTORY OF THE LATE WA&

transport more than 3,000 men, with which number he
would be so crowded as to be unable to use any of his guns.
A few days afterwards lie returned to Put-in-Bay to wait
for sailing of the British fleet.

At sunrise on Friday morning, the 10th of September,
the enemy were discovered standing out from Maiden. The
American squadron immediately weighed anchor, and pro
ceeded to meet them. It was the intention of commodore
Barclay to engage his opponent before he could clear the
islands near the head of the lake; and the wind, being in
the southwest, was favorable to his plan; but before 10
o'clock the American fleet had gained the open lake, be
tween the islands and the mouth of the river Detroit.
About the same time the wind changed to the southeast,
and thus brought the American squadron to the windward.
Our commodore then formed his line of battle, and bore up
against the enemy. An hour of awful suspense ensued.
All hands stood ready, as soon as the winds could bring the
hostile fleets together, to commence the desperate conflict,
which was to decide the command of the upper lakes, and
sink or save a British province. The fleets were new, and
traversed a new theater of war. The British commodore,
however, was old in experience and well advanced in years.
He had bled in the battle of Trafalgar, and had imbibed the
naval tactics of Nelson. The American was young, and
had never heard the thunder of a hostile ship; but skilled
in the theory of naval war, and teeming with the courage
and enterprise of an American freeman, he was ready for
the contest with a foe superior in force and experience.

At 15 minutes before 12, the enemy opened his fire, but
it was not returned for 10 minutes by the American fleet,
which was much inferior in long guns. The battle then
commenced on both sides ; but owing to the superiority of
the British in long guns, their fire was found to be the most

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 385

destructive, and being chiefly directed against the Law
rence, the foremost ship, in which the commodore sailed, lie
was induced to make every exertion to close with the
enemy, directing the other vessels to follow his example.
In a short time every brace and bowline of the Lawrence
was shot away, and she became unmanageable, notwith
standing the great exertions of her sailing master. In this
situation she sustained the conflict with the Detroit and
Queen Charlotte, upwards of two hours within cannister
distance, until every gun was rendered useless, and the
greater part of her crew either killed or wounded. The
commodore, now finding that she could no longer annoy
the enemy, conceived the bold design of leaving her, and
passing in an open boat to the Niagara, which the lowness
of the wind had long prevented, with the lighter vessels
from coming into close action. At half past 2 the wind
increased and enabled Captain Elliott to bring up the
Niagara in gallant style. The commodore then consigned
the Lawrence to the command of Lieutenant Yarnall,
whose bravery already displayed was a sure pledge that he
would do everything in his power for the honor of the flag;
and proceeded towards the Niagara, standing erect in an
open boat, a fair mark for the musketry of the enemy,
within the range of which he had to pass, bearing his flag
with the motto

"Don't Give Up The Ship."

His men, more careful of his life, pulled him down by force
from the dangers of an incessant fire, directed at him by
the enemy. When safe on board the Niagara, the remnant
of his crew in the Lawrence gave three cheers for joy at his
success. He then expressed his fears to Captain Elliott,
that the victory was lost, by the lighter vessels remaining
at so great a distance in the rear. The captain replied that
he hoped not, and immediately tendered his services to

25

386 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

bring them up to a position where they could render more
effectual service. The Niagara was now at the head of the
lines, and Captain Elliott had to proceed on this service,
down th.e whole line of the enemy, in a small boat exposed
to their incessant fire; yet he accomplished the perilous
enterprise uninjured, though completely soaked with the
water thrown upon him by the balls which struck around
him. He brought up the remotest gun boats, and placed
them under the sterns of the heaviest vessels of the enemy,
where they were enabled to do much execution. In the
meantime the commodore in the Niagara, which had been
but little injured, made the signal for close action, and de
termined to pass through the enemy's line. He bore up
and ran ahead of their two ships and a brig, giving a rak
ing fire to them from his starboard guns, and to their large
schooner and sloop on the starboard side, at half pistol-
shot distance. By this bold project of breaking through
the line of the enemy, all the guns of the Niagara were
brought, at the same moment, to bear on his vessels in the
most effectual manner ; and at the same time the gun boats
were brought by Captain Elliott, to pour destruction into
the sterns of his large ships, and the other small vessels to
play upon them within grape and cannister distance. Such
a galling, destructive fire could not be long sustained by
the British — their two ships, a brig and a schooner, quickly
surrendered. The sloop and the other schooner attempted
to escape by flight, but the American schooners soon com
pelled them to strike. The whole squadron was thus cap
tured, not a vessel having escaped to carry the dismal news
to Maiden.

Soon after Commodore Perry had left the Lawrence, he
had the extreme mortification to see her flag come down.
But he was perfectly satisfied thai she had been defended
to the last extremity, and that a show of further resistance

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 387

would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of her
brave crew. The enemy, however, were so shattered at
that time, that they were unable to take possession of her,
and her brave commander soon hoisted her flag again.
Though several times wounded, he refused to quit the deck,
and had the satisfaction to see the whole fleet of the enemy
surrender, while his flag was flying over the shattered hulk
of the Lawrence. Many other instances of individual hero
ism were displayed — too numerous, indeed, to be noticed
in a general history.

On the evening after the battle, the commodore an
nounced his victory to the secretary of the navy, by the
following modest and much admired letter.

"Sir — It has pleased the Almighty to give the arms of
the United States, a signal victory over their enemies on
this lake. The British squadron, consisting of two brigs,
two ships, one schooner, and one sloop, have this moment
surrendered to the force under my command, after a sharp
conflict.

"Perry."

It was indeed a sharp conflict, and even late in the
battle the victory was extremely doubtful. During the
first two and a half hours, the American squadron fought
to a great disadvantage, the action being chiefly sustained
all that time by the Lawrence. The fresh breeze which
sprung up, about the time that vessel was entirely disabled,
turned the fortune of the day in our favor, by enabling all
our vessels to press on the enemy, break through his line,
and rake him effectually in every direction.

The loss on board the Lawrence was 22 killed and 64
wounded ; and the vessel was so completely cut up, that it
was absolutely necessary to send her immediately into a
safe harbor. The loss in the whole fleet was 27 killed and
96 wounded. The Niagara had only 2 killed — the Gale-

388 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

donia, Somers and Trippe had none. The loss of the enemy
was 72 killed, about double that number wounded, and
upwards of 300 prisoners. Commodore Perry, in his first
accounts of the battle, in the above letters to General Har
rison and the secretary of the navy, committed a trifling
error in styling the Lady Prevost a brig — he afterwards
reported her a schooner. Her commander, Captain Bar
clay, the senior officer in the British fleet, was severely
wounded. The captain of the Queen Charlotte was killed,
and also the 1st lieutenant of the Detroit.
After the battle, with fire arms, was over,

"Another engagement took place — it was a war of po
liteness and humanity. The British officers refuse to re
tain their swords, and the magnanimous Perry declines re
ceiving them. They pass repeatedly back and forward be
tween the two commodores. American generosity finally
triumphs. The British officers are forced, by his over
whelming kindness and humanity, to retain those very
swords which his superior skill and bravery had compelled
them to surrender. And as an additional mark of his lib
erality, the commodore advanced them f 1,000 on his own
account, to defray their expenses in travelling to such
places as might be assigned them."

Every exertion was also made to render the prisoners
and wounded of the enemy, as comfortable in their cap
tivity as our own troops. Such generous conduct made a
lasting impression on the gratitude of the brave and gal
lant Captain Barclay.

On the day after the battle the funeral obsequies of the
British and American officers, who had fajlen in the
action, were performed in an appropriate and affecting
manner. An opening on the margin of Put-in-Bay was
selected for the interment of their remains. The crews of
both fleets attended. The day was fine and pleasant. Na
ture seemed hushed in silence, and a dead calm prevailed

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 389

on the lake. The solemn looks of the officers and men, the
procession boats keeping time with their oars to the solemn
dirge that was playing, the mournful waving of the flags,
the deep-toned peals of minute guns — all together gave the
scene a melancholy grandeur which may be felt, but can
not be described — How different from the scene of yester
day. Now all united as brothers, to perform the last honors
due to the departed brave of both Nations. Three Britons
had fallen, Captain Finnis and Lieutenants Garland and
Stockoe — and two Americans, Lieutenant Brooks and Mid
shipman Lamb. They lie 011 a lonely beach, where the
future traveller will scarcely find their humble graves.

The American people who delight to honor their brave
and magnanimous defenders, bestowed many marks of their
gratitude and admiration, on Commodore Perry and his
brave associates. The following resolves were passed in
Congress and carried into execution :

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America, in Congress assembled,
That the thanks of Congress be, and the same are hereby
presented to Captain Oliver Hazard Perry, and through
him to the officers, petty officers, seamen, marines, and
infantry, serving as such, attached to the squadron under
his command, for the decisive and glorious victory gained
on Lake Erie, on the 10th of September, in the year of 1813,
over a British squadron of superior force.

"Resolved, That the president of the United States be
requested to cause gold medals to be struck, emblematic of
the action between the two squadrons, and to be presented
to Captain Perry and to Captain Jesse D. Elliott, in such
manner as will be most agreeable to them; and that the
President be further requested to present a silver medal,
with suitable emblems and devices, to each of the commis
sioned officers, either of the navy or army, and a sword to
each of the midshipmen and sailing masters, who so nobly
distinguished themselves on that day."

390 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

This brilliant victory at once immortalized the heroes
who achieved it, and opened Upper Canada to the American
arms. The captured vessels were safely towed into Put
in-Bay, the Lawrence was sent to Erie to be dismantled,
and Commodore Perry was ready, after he had landed his
prisoners at the mouth of Portage, to transport the north
western army to Maiden.

CHAPTER IX.

INVASION OF UPPER CANADA AND CAPTURE OF THE ARMY
UNDER GENERAL PROCTOR.

On the evening of the 16th of September, General
M'Arthur received orders at Port Meigs to embark the
artillery, military stores and provisions at that place, in
vessels which were sent from headquarters to receive them,
and to march the regulars of the garrison across the coun
try to the rendezvous at the mouth of Portage, preparatory
to their embarkation with the rest of the army. He had
already reduced Fort Meigs to a small post, in the upper
corner of the old works, and quickly executed the orders
for his removal. The remaining Kentuckians at that place,
under General Clay, had determined to accompany General
Harrison though their term of service had nearly expired ;
and the general himself had particularly solicited the gov
ernor for leave to accompany him, in case his men were not
permitted to go. He now embarked with his suite, and a
number of his men, in the transport vessels which had come
for the stores.

The mounted regiment under Colonel Johnson, which
was now also at Fort Meigs, received orders from General
Harrison to encamp under the guns of the fort and wait
for further orders. The company of Captain Warfield had
gone from Piqua with the governor's troops to Portage, and
the captain had obtained permission from General Harri
son for his company to cross with him to Canada. This
circumstance connected with some others, and with the

391

392 HISTORY OF THE LATE AVAR

orders received from the general, produced much uneasi
ness in the balance of the regiment, lest it might have been
determined at headquarters, to leave them on this side of
the lake.

In concentrating his forces for the invasion of Canada,
General Harrison had notified the Wyandot, Shawanee,
and Seneca Indians near Upper Sandusky, that they would
be received into his service; and about 260 had in conse
quence joined him at Seneca and accompanied him to the
point of embarkation, under their chiefs Lewis, Blackhoof,
and Snake. The two regiments of Ohio militia, which had
been left at Upper Sandusky, were subsequently discharged.

In bringing down the military stores and provisions
from the posts on the Sandusky River to the vessels in the
lake, a short land carriage became necessary to expedite
the embarkation. The peninsula formed by the Sandusky
Bay on the right, and by Portage River and Lake Erie on
the left, extended between fifteen and twenty miles from
the anchorage of the shipping in the mouth of Portage, at
which place the isthmus on which the army was encamped
was less than two miles across from one river to the other.
The boats have to travel upwards of forty miles, and to be
exposed to the dangers of the lake navigation. It was
therefore deemed the most safe and expeditious to trans
port the stores and drag the boats across the isthmus,
which was accomplished between the 15th and 20th of the
month, whilst the army was detained in making other nec
essary arrangements.

The Kentucky troops were encamped across the narrow
est part of the isthmus, above the place of embarkation-,
and each regiment was ordered to construct a strong fence
of brush and fallen timber in front of its encampment,
which extended, when finished, from Portage to Sandusky
River. Within this enclosure their horses were turned

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 393

loose to graze on ample pastures of excellent grass. The
preparations for the expedition being nearly completed, it
became necessary to detail a guard to be left for the pro
tection of the horses. The commandants of regiments were
ordered by the governor to detach one twentieth part of
their commands for this service; and Colonel Christopher
Rife Avas designated as their commander. In furnishing
the men, many of the colonels had to resort to a draft, as
volunteers to stay on this side of the lake could not be ob
tained. The Kentuckians had no constitutional scruples,
about crossing the boundary line of the United States, and
no greater insult could be offered to one of Shelby's volun
teers, than to insinuate that he did not desire to cross into
Canada.

This, however, was not exactly the case with all the
militia assembled at the mouth of Portage. When the
order for embarking was issued, the gentlemen of the Penn
sylvania regiment from Erie, were unfortunately seized
with constitutional scruples. General Harrison personally
addressed them, and requested the officers for the honor of
their State, to endeavor to prevail on their men to embark.
After making an attempt to persuade them, one of the
captains returned to General Harrison, and observed in a
pusillanimous tone —

"I believe the boys are not willing to go, general."
Harrison eyed him with contempt and replied, "The
boys, eh ! I believe some of the officers, too, are not willing
to go. Thank God, I have Keutuckians enough to go with
out you."

However, about 150 of them were prevailed on to embark,
under the lieutenant colonel and major, the commandant
of the regiment being sick.

On the 20th, General Harrison embarked with the regu
lar troops under Generals M' Arthur and Cass, and arrived

394 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the same day at Put-in-Bay, in Bass Island, about 10 miles
distant from the point of embarkation. Next morning the
governor sailed with a part of his troops, having ordered
Major General Desha to remain at Portage and bring up
the rear, which he performed with great alacrity and
vigilance. On that and the succeeding day all the militia
arrived at Bass Island. Colonel Rife was left in command
at Portage, with Doctor Maguffin as his surgeon, and with
instructions to pay particular attention to the bashful
Pennsylvanians, who ought for their backwardness to be
disowned by their State. The whole army remained on Bass
Island on the 24th, waiting for the arrival of all the nec
essary stores and provisions at that place. The winds and
the weather were as favorable for this movement as Heaven
could make them. It seemed as if all the elements had
conspired to favor the expedition. The felicity of the troops
in this respect was the subject of general remark, and
indeed the finest season had been enjoyed for all the pre
liminary movements and preparations.

During the stay of the army at this place, the Ken-
tuckians left by General Clay at Fort Meigs arrived at
headquarters to join the expedition. Their services not
being wanted, they were here discharged and returned
home, except the general, Major Dudley and a few others,
who proceeded with the army as far as Sandwich. Some
of the Pennsylvanians, who had ventured as far as this
island, were now permitted to indulge their scruples and
retire also from the service ; the others continued as far as
Sandwich.

On the 25th, the whole army moved to the Middle Sister,
a small island containing about five or six acres of ground,
which was now crowded with men, having about four thou
sand five hundred upon it. Whilst the transport vessels
were bringing up the military stores and provisions on the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 395

26th, General Harrison sailed with Commodore Perry in
the Ariel, to reconnoitre off Maiden, and ascertain a suit
able point on the lake shore for the debarkation of his
troops. They came in view of Amherstburg, but could not
examine the fort, the position of which was on the river
above the town, by which it was concealed from their sight.
The blockhouse on Bare Point, three miles below Maiden,
had been destroyed. A dead silence and tranquillity pre
vailed along the coast, and the inhabitants appeared to
view the reconnoitering vessels with extreme indifference.
These circumstances induced the general to suspect that
the enemy had made arrangements to surprise him in the
act of landing the forces, or possibly that he might have
destroyed his works and retreated. The army, however,
approached the shore on a subsequent day in full expecta
tion that the enemy would meet them on their landing.

Late in the evening the general returned to the army on
the Middle Sister. The following general order was now
issued, prescribing the order of debarkation, of march, and
of battle:

"As it is the intention of the general to land the army
on the enemy's coast, the following will be the order of de
barkation, of march, and of battle. The right wing of the
army will be composed of the Kentucky volunteers under
command of his excellency, Governor Shelby, acting as
major general — the left wing, of the light corps of Lieuten
ant Colonel Ball, and the brigades of Generals M' Arthur
and Cass. This arrangement is made with a view to the
localities of the ground, on which the troops will have to
act, and the composition of the enemy's force, and is cal
culated in marching up the lake or strait, to place the
regular troops in the open ground on the lake, where it is
probable they will be opposed by British regulars, and the
Kentucky volunteers in the woods, which probably will be
occupied by the enemy's militia and Indians. When the
signal is given for putting to shore the corps of Lieutenant

396 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Colonel Ball M ill precede the left wing, and the regiment
of volunteer riflemen under Colonel Simrall the right wing.
These corps will land with the utmost celerity consistent
with the preservation of good order, and as soon as landed,
will seize the most favorable position for annoying the
enemy, and covering the debarkation of the troops of the
line. General Cass' brigade will follow Lieutenant-Colonel
Ball's corps, and General Calmes' the regiment of Colonel
Simrall. The other regiments will follow and form in suc
cession after those which precede them, the right wing with
its right in front deploying to the left. The brigades of
Generals King, Allen, and Caldwell, will form successively
to the right of General Calmes. The brigades of Generals
M' Arthur and Chiles will form the reserve, under the im
mediate command of General M'Arthur. The general will
command in person the brigades of Cass and Calmes, as
sisted by Major General Henry. His excellency, Governor
Shelby, will have the immediate command of the three
brigades on the right, assisted by Major General Desha. As
soon as the troops disembark, the boats are to be immedi
ately sent back to the fleet. It will be observed that the
order of landing here prescribed is somewhat that of direct
echelon, deployed into line upon the advanced corps of the
right and left wings. It is the intention of the general,
however, that all the troops which are provided with boats,
should land in as quick succession as possible; and the gen
eral officers commanding towards the extremities of the
line are authorized to deviate from this arrangement, to
counteract any movement of the enemy, by landing any
parts of their commands previous to the forming of the
corps which are herein directed to precede them. The
corps of Lieutenant-Colonel Ball, and the volunteer regi
ment of Colonel Simrall will maintain the position they
occupy on landing, until the troops of the line are formed
to support them; they will then retire through the- intervals
of the line, or to the flanks and form in the rear of the line.
A detachment of artillery with a six-pounder, four-pounder
and howitzer, will land with the advanced light corps. The
rest of the artillery will be held in reserve and lauded at
such points as Major Wood may direct. The point of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 397

landing for the reserve under Brigadier General M' Arthur
cannot now be designated. It will be made to support any
part of the line which may require aid, or be formed on the
flanks as circumstances may require. The arrangements
for landing the troops will be made entirely under the
direction of an officer of the navy, whom Commodore Perry
has been so obliging as to furnish for that purpose. The
debarkation of the troops will be covered by the cannon of
the vessels. The troops being landed and the enemy driven
off, or not opposing the landing, the army will change its
front to the left, and form in order of battle in the follow
ing manner : The two brigades of regular troops, and two
of the volunteers, to be formed in two lines at right angles
to the shore of the lake. The brigades of Generals M' Arthur
and Calmes to form the front line, and those of Cass and
Chiles the second line, the regular troops still on the left,
and that flank resting on the lake shore. The distance be
tween the two lines will be three hundred yards. The
remaining three volunteer brigades will be drawn up in a
single line of two ranks, at right angles to the lines in
front, its head on the right on the right of the front line,
forming a crotchet en potence with that line, and extending
beyond the second line. The corps of Lieutenant-Colonel
Ball will form the advance of the left wing at the same dis
tance of 300 yards, and Colonel SimralPs regiment that of
the right wing at the same distance. Some light pieces of
artillery will be placed in the road leading up the lake, and
at such other points as Major Wood may direct. When the
order is given for marching, the first and second line will
advance by files from the heads of companies, or in other
words those two lines will form two columns marching
their flanks by companies at entire distances. The three
brigades on the right flank will be faced to the left and
marched forward, the head of this column still forming en
potence with the front line. It is probable that the two
brigades of the front line will extend from the lake some
distance into the woods on the right flank, and it is desir
able that it should be so : but should it be otherwise, and
the crotchet or angle be at any time in the open ground,
Governor Shelby will immediately extend the front line to

398 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the right by adding to it as many companies of the leading
brigade of the flank column, as will bring the angle, and
consequently the left column itself completely within the
woods. It is to be presumed that the enemy will make their
attack upon the army on its march, that their regular
troops will form their right upon the lake, their militia
occupy the ground between their regulars and the woods,
and that the Indians will make a flank attack from the
woods. The formation herein prescribed is intended to re
sist an arrangement of this kind. Should the general's
conjecture on this subject prove correct, as it must be
evident that the right of the enemy cannot be turned, as on
that wing the best of his troops will be placed, it will be
proper to refuse him our left, and direct our principal effort
to uncover the left flank of Ids regulars, by driving off the
militia. In the event here supposed, it will therefore be
proper to bring up a part, or the whole, of General Cass's
brigade, to assist the charge to be made by General Calmes,
or that the former should change positions with the brigade
of volunteers in the second line. Should the general think
it safe to order the whole of Cass' brigade to assist the
charge to be made by General Calmes, or that the former
should change positions with the volunteers in the second
line, or should the general think it safe to order the whole
of Cass' brigade to the right, without replacing it with
another, General Cass will march it to the right, formed in
oblique echelons of companies. It will be the business of
General M'Arthur, in the event of his wing being refused,
to watch the motions of the enemy, and with the assistance
of the artillery, prevent his front line at least from inter
cepting the progress of our right. Should the enemy's
militia be defeated, the brigade of ours in advance, will
immediately wheel upon the flank of the British regulars,
and General M? Arthur will then advance and attack them
in front. In the meantime his excellency, Governor Shelby,
can use the brigade in reserve of the second line, to extend
the flank line from its front or left, or to reinforce any
weak part of the line. In all cases where troops in advance
are obliged to retire through those which are advancing to
support them, it will be done by companies in files, which

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 399

will retire through the intervals of the advancing line, and
immediately form in the rear. The light troops will be
particularly governed by this direction. The disposition
of the troops in the right flank, is such as the commanding
general thinks best calculated to resist an attack from the
Indians, which is only to be expected from that quarter.
His excellency, Governor Shelby, will, however, use his
discretion in making any alteration which his experience
and judgment may dictate.

"Lieutenant-Colonel Ball, Colonel Simrall, and the
officers commanding on the flank line, are to send out small
detachments in advance of the two former corps, and to
the flank of the latter. Should they discover the enemy in
force, immediate notice will be sent to the lines. The gen
eral commanding on the spot, will immediately order the
signal for forming in order of battle, which is the beat, to
arms. All signals will be immediately repeated by all the
drums of the line. The signal for the whole to halt is, the
retreat. Drums will be distributed along the line at the
heads of companies, and taps occasionally be given to regu
late their march. Lieutenant-Colonels Ball and Simrall
are to keep the general constantly informed of the dis
coveries made by the advanced parties, and when it shall
become necessary for their corps to retire, they will form
on the flank, or in the rear of Generals M'Arthur and
Calmes' brigades, and receive the orders of their brigadiers
respectively.

"William Henry Harrison."

Such were the directions given for the debarkation, the
marching, and the fighting of the troops ; in which we find
all that lucid minuteness, so necessary in the orders given
to an army composed emphatically of raw troops, and
whose officers in general were but little superior in the
knowledge of tactics to the men they commanded. After
this perspicuous development, however, of the operations
to be performed, the debarkation was subsequently effected
with surprising celerity and good order, not indeed under

400 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the opposition of a hostile force, but in the momentary
expectation of an attack.

On Monday, the 27th, the whole army was embarked
early in the day, and set sail from the Middle Sister for the
Canada shore, General Harrison, having previously circu
lated a general order among the troops, in which he ex
horted them to remember the fame of their ancestors, and
the justice of the cause in which they were engaged. To
the Kentuckians he said :

"Remember the river Raisin; but remember it only,
whilst victory is suspended. The revenge of a soldier can
not be gratified on a fallen enemy."

The winds were propitious, and the whole army ap
proached the shore, in an oblique direction, and in good
order, aiming to land in an open field about four miles be
low Maiden. The signal to land was given, and the whole
flotilla in succession pulled to shore in elegant style. Not
an enemy was to be seen. Some Indians had made their
appearance on the coast a few minutes before, but the fire
of the fleet had driven them off. It was about three o'clock
in the evening when the army landed ; the line of march was
soon formed, and in less than two hours the advanced corps
under Ball and Simrall arrived at the Ruins of Maiden.
The whole army came up, the American flag was hoisted,
and possession was taken of the town of Amherstburg.
General Procter had burnt the fort and navy yards and re
treated up to Sandwich, under the impression that there
were at least ten thousand Kentuckians coming against
him.

Immediately after the capture of the fleet, General
Proctor had sent spies to reconnoitre the forces of General
Harrison. They had viewed the Kentuckians, while en
camped on the plains of Sandusky, and had reported their

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 401

number to General Proctor, as being from ten to fifteen
thousand men. This information had determined him to
burn Maiden and make his escape by retreating up the
rivers Detroit and Thames, and pursuing the back route
to the lower parts of the province. No doubt his guilty
fears, lest he should fall into the hands of men, whose
friends he had suffered to be massacred by the savages, had
also much influence on his mind in bringing it to this de
termination. It is only from such fears, and from his mis
conception of our force, that we can account for his con
duct, for the army of regulars, militia, and Indians, which
it was in his power 10 have concentrated against us, was
nearly equal to all the forces of General Harrison ; and the
country above Maiden abounded with provisions for their
support. The inhabitants were probably not very willing
to contribute their substance or the sustenance of the In
dians, but General Proctor had the power and it was his
duty to collect adequate supplies as long as the country
could furnish them; and on the 13th he had proclaimed
martial law, to

"Take effect as far as supplying the wants of the troops
under his command, or the sending away or apprehending
all traitorous or disaffected persons might render it ex
pedient."

To supply the great assemblage of Indians at that place,
however, consisting of warriors, squaws, and children, was
by no means an easy task. Before the retreat 15,000 rations
were issued daily — a fact which proves that Proctor had a
very powerful auxiliary force of Indians.

As soon as he had ascertained the loss of the fleet, he
had commenced his preparations for retreating. About the
time martial law was proclaimed, he had embarked a con
siderable quantity of military stores in boats, and sent
them up to Sandwich. On the 17th, he had given orders to

402 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

collect and bring away all the cattle and provisions on the
coast below Maiden. He now kept his headquarters at
Sandwich, having left Colonel Warburton in command of
Maiden, to whom he gave orders on the 20th to destroy the
public property and buildings, and retreat to Sandwich,
but in the indecisive confusion of a guilty mind, the execu
tion of this order was again suspended, till the morning of
the 26th, when the place, being finally evacuated, was at
length destroyed.

General Tecumseh, whose conscience could not accuse
him of so many crimes, and whose Indian heroism knew
how to endure their consequences, was entirely opposed to
the retreating measures of General Proctor. On the 18th
of September, in the name of all the Indian chiefs and
warriors, he addressed the following speech to General
Proctor, as the representative of their great father, the
king:

"Father, listen to your children! You have them now
all before you.

"The war before this, our British father gave the
hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were alive.
They are now dead. In that war, our father was thrown on
his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the
hand without our knowledge; and we are afraid that our
father will do so again at this time.

"Summer before last, when I came forward with my
red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor
of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry,
that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans.

"Listen! When war was declared, our father stood up
and gave us the tomahawk and told us that he was then
ready to strike the American ; that he wanted our assist
ance; and that he would certainly get us our lands back,
which the Americans had taken from us.

"Listen! You told us, at that time, to bring forward
our families to this place, and we did so ; and you promised
to take care of them, and they should want for nothing,

IK THE WESTERN COUNTRY 403

while the men would go and fight the enemy ; that we need
not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons ; that we
knew nothing about them, and that our father would
attend to that part of the business. You also told your
red children that you would take good care of your garrison
here, which made our hearts glad.

"Listen! When we were last at the Rapids it is true
we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who
live like ground-hogs.

"Father, listen! Our fleet has gone out; we know they
have fought; we have heard the great guns, but we know
nothing of what happened to our father with that army.
Our ships have gone one way, and we are much astonished
to see our father tying up everything and preparing to run
away the other, without letting his red children know what
his intentions are. You always told us to remain here and
take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to hear that
was your wish. Our great father, the king, is the head, and
you represent him. You always told us that you would
never draw your foot off British ground, but now, father,
we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our
father doing so without seeing the enemy. We must com
pare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail
upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between its
legs and runs off.

"Father, listen ! The Americans have not yet defeated
us by land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by
water; we therefore wish to remain here and fight our
enemy, should they make their appearance. If they defeat
us, we will then retreat with our father.

"At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans
certainly defeated us, and when we retreated to our father's
fort at that place, the gates were shut against us. We were
afraid that it would now be the case, but instead of that,
we now see our British father preparing to march out of
his garrison.

"Father! You have got the arms and ammunition
which our great father sent for his red children. If you
have an idea of going away, give them to us, and you may
go and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands of the

404 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and
if it be his will, we wish to leave our bones upon them."

Had Proctor followed the advice of Tecumseh, and
fought the American forces before he retreated, the result
must have been more glorious at least, if not entirely favor
able, to the British arms.

On the night of the 27th, the American forces encamped
round the ruins of Maiden, their general having determined
to pursue the enemy in the morning. In a letter to the war
department, written on the evening of the 27th, he says :

"I will pursue the enemy tomorrow, although there is
no probability of overtaking him, as he has upwards of
1,000 horses, and we have not one in the army. I shall
think myself fortunate to collect a sufficiency to mount the
general officers. It is supposed here, that General Proctor
will establish himself upon the river Trench, or Thames,
40 miles from Maiden."

Proctor had pressed into his service all the horses of the
inhabitants, which they had not effectually concealed. One
only, and that a very indifferent one, could now be pro
cured. On it the venerable governor of Kentucky was
mounted, and proceeded with the army towards Sandwich,
where they arrived on the 29th, without meeting any ob
struction from the enemy, except that the bridge over the
Aux Canards River had been torn up, but was soon re
paired again. There had been considerable expectation
among the commanding officers, that a formidable resist
ance would be made at this bridge, but no enemy was to be
seen ; and on arriving at Sandwich, it was ascertained that
General Procter had retreated from that place early on the
preceding day. The Indians, however, were in considerable
force in the suburbs of Detroit, the inhabitants of which,
who liad already been very much plundered, were in great
apprehension of an immediate massacre, but a few dis-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 405

charges of grape shot from the fleet, which had come up the
river, soon compelled them to fly to the woods for safety.
General M' Arthur went over with his brigade and took
possession of the town, and the same evening General Har
rison issued his proclamation for re-establishing the civil
government of the territory. All persons who had been in
office at the time of the capitulation, were directed to re
sume their functions, and administer the laws which had
then been in force.

On the 30th, which was a very wet day, the troops con
tinued in Sandwich. The few inhabitants who remained in
the town were requested to drive in beef cattle for the sub
sistence of the army, and being informed that if this was
not done, foraging parties must be sent into the country,
who would probably commit depredations on the people,
which it was the wish of the general to prevent, they com
plied and brought in a plentiful supply. Complaints, how
ever, were made to Governor Shelby, by some of the citi
zens, that his soldiers had in some instances violated their
property, upon which the following general order was
issued, which effectually checked such misconduct. It is
preserved in this place as a precedent for the benefit of
British commanders :

"The coniinander-in-chief of the Kentucky volunteers
had heard with extreme regret, that depredations have been
committed upon the property of the inhabitants of this
town, by some of the troops under his command. He did
not expect that it would ever be necessary for him to ad
monish citizens, who are proud in the enjoyment of prop
erty at home, of the impropriety of wantonly injuring that
of others. Violations of this kind, whilst th^^ disgrace the
individuals who are guilty of them, will tend to injure the
character of the army, and detract from the merit which
the success of the present campaign would entitle them to
claim. While the army remains in this country, it is
expected that the inhabitants will be treated with justice

406 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and humanity, and their property secured from unneces
sary and wanton injury. The commander-in-chief of the
Kentucky volunteers enjoins it upon the officers of every
grade, to use their exertions to prevent injury from being
done to the private property of the inhabitants. He is
determined to punish, with the utmost rigor of martial law,
any one who shall be guilty of such violation."

The inhabitants of Canada had fled from their houses
and hid their property, on the approach of the American
army, fully expecting that the Kentuckians, like the Brit
ish, would plunder and massacre all before them, but they
found themselves very happily disappointed in these ex
pectations.

We have now arrived at a point, where it becomes nec
essary to advert to the advance of the mounted regiment
under Colonel Johnson, which now became an important
corps in the operations of the army.

We left the mounted regiment encamped at Fort Meigs
about the middle of September, very uneasy lest they
should not have an opportunity of participating in the
perils and glories of the campaign. On the 20th, Lieutenant
Griffith, who had been sent with a scouting party to the
river Raisin, returned to camp with an Indian prisoner
called MisselemetaAv, who was a chief counsellor to Tecuni-
seh, and uncle to the celebrated Logan, but a man of very
different principles and conduct. He had been the leader
of the Indians at the massacre of the Pigeon Roost in the
Indiana territory. Griffith had caught him asleep in a
house at the river Raisin. He told Colonel Johnson that
the Indians had been watching the movements of his army,
had examined his encampments, and seen him arrive at
Fort Meigs; and that they estimated his forces to be at
least 2,400. He further stated that the Indians about
Brownstown, amounting to 1,750 warriors, had determined
to give him battle at tbe river Huron — and that they were

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 407

still ignorant of the fate of the British fleet. He was an
Indian of excellent information, and had been the constant
companion and friend of Tecumseh. Being under the im
pression that he would now certainly have to die, he gave
Colonel Johnson a long and apparently very candid ac
count of past transactions, since the treaty of Greenville to
the present day. He said the British had supplied the
Prophet's party with arms and ammunition before the bat
tle of Tippecanoe; that Tecumseh's plan for a common
property in their lands had been strongly recommended
and praised by Colonel Elliott; and that the British had
used every means in their power, since the year 1809, to se
cure the friendship and aid of the Indians, in the event of a
Avar with the United States — having often invited them to
Maiden and made them presents for that purpose ; and hav
ing also represented to them that they would receive Brit
ish aid to drive the Americans over the Ohio River, after
which they should live in the houses of the inhabitants and
have their daughters for wives. He said he was now con
vinced that the British had again deceived them, and that
the Great Spirit had forsaken him in his old age for his
cruelty and wickedness.

Captain Coleman, who had been sent to headquarters
to ascertain the destination of the regiment, now returned
to camp, having left the army on its way from Bass Island
to the Middle Sister. He brought information from the
general that the regiment would certainly be called upon in
a few days to co-operate with the army in the direction of
Detroit. This news, together with the probability of hav
ing a brush with the Indians at least, once more raised the
hopes and animated the spirits of the men.

On the evening of the 25th, orders were received by
express from General Harrison, for the regiment to march
immediately to the river Raisin , as it was probable the

408 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

army would land the next day on the Canada shore. Early
next morning the regiment marched, fully expecting that
they would have to encounter a strong Indian force in the
neighborhood of Brownstown. The colonel took with him
from Fort Meigs four light pieces of artillery, which he
placed under the command of Captains E. Craig, Turner,
Gist, and Sandford, each with a command of 10 men. On
the second day they reached the river Raisin. Frenchtown
was generally abandoned, only a few French families re
maining in it. The fine orchards of peach and apple trees
were loaded with excellent fruit.

The bones of the massacred Kentuckians were scattered
over the plains for three miles on this side of the river.
The detachment which had visited that place under Colonel
Johnson in June, had collected and buried a great many of
them, but they were now torn up and scattered over the
fields again. The sight had a powerful effect on the feel
ings of the men. The Avounds inflicted by that barbarous
transaction were again torn open. The bleaching bones
still appealed to heaven, and called on Kentucky to avenge
this outrage on humanity. We had heard the scene de
scribed before — we now witnessed it, in these impressive
memorials. The feelings they excited cannot be described
by me — but they will never be forgotten — nor while there is
a recording angel in heaven, or a historian upon earth, will
the tragedy of the river Raisin be suffered to sink into
oblivion. Future generations will often ponder on this
fatal field of blood, and the future inhabitants of French-
town will long point out to the curious traveller, the garden
where the intrepid Madison for several hours maintained
the unequal contest of four to one, and repulsed the bloody
Proctor in every charge. Yonder is the wood, where the
gallant Allen fell! Here the accomplished Hart and
Woodfolk were butchered ! There the brave Hickinan was

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 409

tomahawked and thrown into the flames! That is the spot
where the lofty Simpson breathed his last ! And a little
farther Doctors Montgomery, Davis and M'lllvain, amia
ble in their manners and profound in science, fell in youth
and left the sick to mourn their loss ! The gallant Meacte
fell on the bank in battle, but his magnanimous Lieutenant
Graves, was reserved for massacre; for a massacre per
petrated by savages under the influence of British — a
nation impiously styled "the bulwark of our religion."

At this place an express arrived from the main army,
which he had left on the Middle Sister on the morning of
the 26th. He was sent while Harrison was reconnoitering
off Maiden, by the attentive and prudent governor of Ken
tucky, to apprise Colonel Johnson of the progress and pros
pects of the army, that he might regulate his march accord
ingly. Next morning, before the regiment marched, their
faithful guide, Anthony Shane, of the Shawnee tribe, ob
served that he knew the spot where Captain Simpson had
been killed. The colonels, with Captain M'Afee and Doc
tor Ewing, went with him to the place, and found the bones,
which they buried. The frame of Captain Simpson was
easily known from the others by its length, the captain hav
ing been upwards of six feet and a half high. A detach
ment of 100 men was now sent in advance to the river
Huron, to throw a bridge over that stream for the passage
of the troops, who arrived, and partly crossed it in the
evening; and the balance, with the baggage wagons and
artillery, crossed in the morning, on the floating bridge
which had been prepared for them. Soon after the passage
of this river, an express arrived from General Harrison,
with information that the enemy had burned Maiden and
fled up the river Detroit, and that the army had reached
the Petit Cote settlement in full pursuit. This news put
the regiment at half speed, which was continued all day.

410 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

They passed through Brownstown, now evacuated, and the
Magauga village, from both of which the Indians had fled,
and had likewise deserted all their huts on the Detroit
river. Arriving at the river De Corce, they found there a
part of the company of Captain Warfield, which had been
sent over by the general to repair the bridge. The Indians
had formed an ambuscade at this place, behind a long row
of pickets on the opposite side of the river, where they had
waited for the regiment all the preceding night, in the ex
pectation that Colonel Johnson would march by night into
Detroit. Disappointed in this, they had retired. Captain
Warfield had brought boats to take up the artillery by
water, with a view to expedite the march ; but on consulta
tion the colonel determined to keep them with him, as they
were not much encumbrance. At the river Rouge the regi
ment encamped, and after dark received intelligence, that
500 Potawatamies were lying about six miles up that river.
While the officers were €onsulting on the propriety of at
tacking them, Major Trigg arrived with a reinforcement of
four companies of regulars and one of militia, from head
quarters at Sandwich, where some uneasiness had been felt
for the safety of the regiment. In consequence of the infor
mation brought by Major Trigg, the project of attacking
the Indians was dropped, and some apprehension was felt,
that an attack would be made by them in the night. This,
however, did not happen; but while the troops were cross
ing the river in the morning, a Frenchman came down and
stated, that a party of Indians were crossing above, for the
purpose of giving them battle. The battalion of Major
Trigg, and the volunteers who had crossed, were immediate
ly formed in front to cover the passage of the balance. No
attack, however, was made, and the whole detachment
arrived in Detroit, before 12 o'clock on that day, which was
the last of September.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 411

When General Harrison saw the regiment passing up
to Detroit, he sent Major Charles S. Todd with orders
for them to cross as soon as possible to Sandwich. As the
men had not dismounted when he arrived, they marched
down to the river immediately, but no boats could be pro
cured to carry them over. They returned and encamped,
while Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson went over to procure
boats. Late in the evening he returned with a few, having
made arrangements for procuring others in the morning.

On the 1st of October, Governor Shelby went, a little
after daylight, to the quarters of General Harrison, in pur
suance of an appointment to consult with him respecting
the further pursuit of the enemy. He found the general
alone, and directly mentioned the appointed subject of con
sultation. The general, as if his mind was entirely occu
pied with it, immediately replied — we must not be heard ;
and led the governor into a private room, into which he
had directed his aides to conduct him. Here they soon
came to the conclusion, that Proctor might be overtaken
in three or four days of hard marching; and it was deter
mined not to lose a moment in preparing for the pursuit.
The governor was requested to collect his general officers
at headquarters in the course of an hour, that their opin
ions might be taken on the occasion. They were convened
accordingly at the room of the general ; and he there stated
his design of pursuing the enemy, observing that there were
but two ways of doing it — one of which was to follow him
up the strait by land — the other, to embark and sail down
Lake Erie to Long Point, then march hastily across by land
twelve miles to the road and intercept him.

"But the governor thinks, and so do I, that the best way
will be to pursue the enemy up the strait by land."

The general officers unanimously concurred in the same
opinion, together with General Adair, first aide to the gov-

412 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ernor, who had been invited to the council. I have been
thus particular in stating the facts, relative to the deter
mination to pursue the enemy, because it has been reported
and believed, that General Harrison never would have pur
sued farther than Sandwich, had it not been for Governor
Shelby, and that he differed with the governor, respecting
the route to be taken; but the fact is, there never was a
difference of opinion between them, neither on the pro
priety of the pursuit nor the manner of performing it.
The determination and preparations of the general to pur
sue, had never been suspended; and the chief object of the
councils was to obtain the approbation of the governor and
general officers for the route he preferred.

Colonel Johnson having been ordered to bring over his
regiment with the greatest dispatch, Governor Shelby went
over immediately after the council, to communicate the re
sult to the colonel, and apprise him of General Harrison's
determination to pursue the enemy next day. Every pos
sible exertion was made by Colonel Johnson and his officers
to get over the river, but they were so obstructed by the
wind and waves, that the whole of their men and horses
were not gotten over till late in the evening. The march
ing of the army, however, had been unavoidably delayed
till next day by other causes.

It was necessary that a considerable detachment should
be left at Detroit, to protect the citizens of Michigan from
the depredations of the Indians, with which General Proc
tor had threatened them before his retreat. It was ascer
tained that Five-medal, Maipock, and other chiefs, had re
mained on the west side of the Detroit river, with the
Miamies, and a large portion of the Potawatamies, and of
some other tribes. General M' Arthur's brigade was, there
fore, left at Detroit to keep them in check ; and its place
in the line was supplied by that of General Calnies, .now

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY

commanded by Colonel Trotter, in consequence of the indis
position of the general. The brigade of General King took
the place vacated by that under Trotter. The corps of Col
onel Ball was attached to the command of General Cass.
The mounted regiment formed the front guard, with in
structions to cover the whole front of the army, with small
parties one mile in advance, and at least half that distance
on the right flank. Colonel Simrall's regiment constituted
the rear guard. Such were the arrangements made for an
early march on the morning of the 2nd of October, the bag
gage, provisions and ammunition wagons in the meantime
being sent up the river in several vessels of the fleet.

At sunrise on the 2nd, the foot troops were in motion,
except the brigade of General Cass, who had to wait for
their knapsacks and blankets, which had been left at the
Middle Sister, with a view to disencumber these troops for
the expected contest at the point of debarkation. A vessel
had been sent back for them, but she had not yet arrived.
The mounted regiment was also detained awhile, drawing
provisions; but General Harrison halted the foot troops
about twelve miles in advance, whilst the mounted men
came up and took their place in front, in which order the
army pushed forward, the governor frequently observing.

"If we desire to overtake the enemy, we must do more
than he does by early and forced marches."

The bridges across the ravines and creeks which empty
into Lake St. Clair, had all been left unimpaired, which
seemed to prove that the enemy did not expect to be pursued
on that route. About twenty miles up the road, six
British deserters met the regiment of mounted men, who
said they had left Proctor with his army about fifteen miles
up the Thames, at 1 :00 o'clock on the preceding day, and
that he had between 600 and 700 regulars, some dragoons,
and about 1,200 Indians. This information infused new

414 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

life into the troops, and they pushed on with increased
ardor till dark, having traveled about twenty-five miles the
first day. On the 2nd day of the pursuit, an early and
forced march was made, which soon brought the army to
the mouth of the river Thames, below which a small party
of dragoons were discovered by the spies under Major Sag-
gett, who pursued and captured them, together with a
lieutenant and eight privates of the infantry, who had just
begun to destroy a bridge over a creek, a small distance
above the mouth of the river. Captain Berry, of the spies,
made five of them surrender, and bring back their boat,
after they had crossed the Thames. All the men were cap
tured, but one of the horses belonging to the dragoons made
his escape and went up to the British army, from which
circumstance General Proctor received the first hint of the
near approach of his enemy. This little affair, the first
fruits of the.pursuit, had a very great effect in animating
the pursuers.

The campaign was not without auspicious omens, which
in the superstitious times of ancient history, would have
had a more powerful effect on the minds of both officers
and men, than the circumstance of capturing a small de
tachment of the enemy. When the army arrived at the
mouth of the Thames, an eagle was seen hovering over it,
which General Harrison observed was a presage of success,
as it was our military bird. Commodore Perry, who had
condescended to act as volunteer aide to the general, re
marked that a similar circumstance had occurred to the
fleet, on the morning of the 10th of September.

There was another singular occurrence in the animal
creation. A sow shoat had followed a company of mounted
volunteers from the interior of Kentucky. As she kept
constantly with the army, she became generally known to
the soldiers, who called her the governor's pig, and were

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 415

careful to protect her, as they deemed her conduct an aus
picious omen. At the margin of the lake she embarked
with the troops and went as far as Bass Island. She was
there offered a passage into Canada, but obstinately re
fused to embark the second time. Some of the men attrib
uted her conduct to constitutional scruples, and observed
that she knew it was contrary to the constitution to force
a militia pig over the line. In consequence of this remark,
they gave her leave to stay, and return to the regiment
at Portage.

About 250 yards above the first bridge, where the little
party of infantry was taken, there was another bridge, of
which the front guard took possession, and in a few min
utes were informed by a guide, on whom the general re
lied for information respecting the country, that he had
discovered a party of British and Indians coming dowrn
to the bridge. The mounted regiment immediately formed
in order of battle, but no enemy appeared, and the bridge
being repaired by the infantry, the army passed over and
proceeded on their march. The vessels with the baggage
had kept up with the army, and now crossed the bar at
the mouth of the Thames, and sailed up that river. In
passing the bridge, the mounted regiment was thrown in
the rear, in which place it continued a few miles, till the
spies in front were fired on by a few dragoons of the enemy.
The regiment was then ordered by General Harrison to the
front, with instructions to march briskly, but to be careful
not to fall into an ambuscade. For several miles the
dragoons continued to skirmish with the front guard, till
night came on, and the army encamped about ten miles
from the mouth of the Thames. Next morning the march
was resumed at daylight in full confidence that the enemy
would be overtaken on that day. The order of inarch was
altered in some respects. The front guard and foot troops

416 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

were permitted to march in the road near the river, while
the balance of the mounted regiment marched about a mile
distant on the right flank, in a succession of prairies, which
ran parallell to the river. Some skirmishing presently oc
curred between the spies, and the rear parties of the Brit
ish ; the mounted regiment several times formed the line of
battle, and while in this situation a Canadian woman came
to the front line, and informed Lieutenant-Colonel
Johnson, that the main body of the Indians were at the
forks of the river, about three miles in advance, where she
supposed they intended to give us battle. The march was
resumed, and the skirmishing continued, till the spies
reached the bridge at the fork of the river. The planks
had been torn off the bridge, and some of the spies having
attempted to cross on the naked sills, a heavy fire was
opened upon them from an adjacent wood, and from the
opposite bank of the main river. Major Wood was ordered
up, with two 6-pounders, and the foot troops began to form
the line of battle, as it was expected that an obstinate
resistance would be made at this place.

The fork on the right, which the army had to cross, is
much the smallest stream. There were two bridges over
it, one at the mouth, and the other about a mile higher up.
The Indians were posted in the fork near the lower bridge,
with their left wing extending to the upper bridge; and
also on the opposite side of the main stream. While the
army was forming, and the artillery was playing on the
Indians at the mouth of the river, Colonel Johnson was
directed to secure the bridge above. He brought up his
troops in order of battle to that place, and had a warm
skirmish with the Indians across the stream. They soon
fled, however, from all points, having previously torn off
the planks of the bridge, and set fire to McGregor's mill,
which was near it. The regiment lost two men killed,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 417

and six or seven wounded — among the latter were Captain
Craig and Lieutenant Griffith. The Indians had thirteen
killed and a considerable number wounded. Nor was this
all the loss their ranks sustained on this day. The Wyan-
dot chief, Walk-in-the- Water, had left them in the morn
ing with sixty of his warriors. He had visited General
Harrison on the preceding day with a flag, desiring to
make peace. The general told him he had no time to make
treaties, and that if he wanted peace he must abandon
Tecumseh, and get out of the way of the American army,
and with these terms he had hastened to comply.

The bridges were soon repaired, the lower one under the
immediate superintendence of the governor and General
Cass, and the other under the direction of Lieutenant-Col
onel Johnson ; and in two hours from the time the skirmish
commenced, the whole army had crossed. About half a
mile above the forks, the British had set fire to a schooner
freighted with military stores and a house just below it
was saved from the flames, in which there were nearly a
thousand stand of arms. After marching about five miles
farther, our troops were obliged to encamp another night,
without having overtaken the British army. But certain
intelligence was now received, that the enemy were only
a few miles in advance.

Opposite to the place of encampment, there was an
other vessel and a large distillery in flames, which con
tained ordnance and naval stores to an immense amount.
Two 24-pounders, with a large quantity of shells and balls
were also taken at this place. A breastwork was formed
round the encampment and General Harrison continued on
horseback till 10 o'clock, superintending and inspecting
all the arrangements of the camp. During the night Gen
eral Proctor and Tecumseh came down the river and recon
noitred the encampment, with the intention of making an

27

418 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

attack before day, but on seeing its strength and size they
were discouraged, and abandoned the scheme. During the
night governor Shelby was also on the alert, going round
every part of his lines to see that proper vigilance was
preserved, till exhausted with fatigue he took up his lodg
ing in that part of the camp nearest the enemy, where he
shared the blanket of one of his soldiers.

In the morning on the 5th of October, the troops were
raised very early, and as the day dawned the whole army
was put in motion. The mounted regiment took the front,
with General Harrison and his staff at its head, and the
infantry followed after, as expeditiously as possible under
the command of Governor Shelby. By 9 o'clock the ad
vance reached a mill, near which there is a rapid in the
river, where it is practicable to ford it on horseback ; and
at this place General Harrison intended to cross, that he
might reach the enemy who were known to be on the north
side. Two gun boats and several bateaux, laden with
military stores and other property, together with several
prisoners, had already been captured this morning, and at
the mill a lieutenant and 8 privates were taken, from whom
information was received that the enemy had determined
to give us battle at no great distance from that place. The
infantry in a few minutes came up with the mounted men,
and the passage of the river was effected by 12 o'clock.
Each horseman took up one of the infantry behind him,
and the balance crossed in canoes, some of which were
found at that place, and the others caught floating down
the river. As soon as the whole were over, the line of
march was resumed in the former order, and at every place
where the road touched a bend of the river, boats and
canoes were found, with military stores, clothing, and pro
visions, which the enemy had abandoned in the precipita
tion of their retreat. After advancing about 8 miles, an

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 419

encampment was discovered, where Colonel Warburton
had lain the night before, with a part of the British troops,
and it was ascertained that General Proctor had reached
the Moravian town, 4 miles from this place with a detach
ment on the preceding day. As it was now certain that
the enemy was nearly overtaken, the general directed the
advance to the mounted regiment to hasten their march,
with a view to procure the necessary information for regu
lating the movements of the main body. When they had
proceeded about 2 miles, they captured a British wagoner,
who informed them that the enemy were lying in order of
battle about 300 yards before them, waiting for the arrival
of our army. Colonel Johnson, with Major Suggett and
his spies, immediately advanced within sight of their lines,
and acquired by his own observations, as well as from the
statements of the wagoner, every information that was at
tainable, respecting the place and order in which the
enemy were posted, all of which was communicated with
out delay to General Harrison, agreeably to his directions.
The regiment at the same time was halted and formed in
order of battle.

The place selected by General Proctor to resist the
progress of our army was well calculated for his purpose.
The ground along the margin of the river, through which
the road passed, was covered chiefly with beech, intermixed
with sugartree and oak timber, and tolerably free from
undergrowth. At a small distance there was a marsh run
ning nearly parallel with the river about 2 miles, the dis
tance between them becoming less as you proceed up the
river. Where the enemy was posted, there was a narrow
swamp, between 200 and 300 yards from the river, after
which there was some solid ground, before the main swamp
commenced. The British regulars were formed in two
lines, with their left on the river and their right extending

420 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

to the first swamp, their artillery being planted in the road
near the bank of the river. The Indians were all posted
beyond the first swamp. Their left, where Tecumseh com
manded in person, occupied the isthmus between the
swamps, on which the undergrowth was tolerably thick;
and their right extended a considerable distance down the
main marsh, the margin of which at this place receded
very fast from the river, and formed a very obtuse angle
with the lines of the army.

The mounted regiment in its present order of battle,
occupied the ground between the river and the first swamp.
General Harrison immediately came up to it, on being
informed that the enemy was discovered, and having satis
fied himself as to the situation and views of his adversary,
he directed Colonel Johnson when the infantry approached,
to take ground to the left, and forming his regiment on
that flank, to endeavor to turn the right of the Indians. He
then returned to give orders for the formation of the
infantry, who were but a short distance in the rear of the
horsemen when the enemy was first discovered. While
engaged in this business, he was informed by Major Wood
that he had approached very near the lines of the enemy
and discovered that his regulars were drawn up in open
order. This information, with the suggestion of Colonel
Johnson, that the thickets and swampiness of the ground
on the left, would render it impracticable for his mounted
men to act efficiently in that direction, immediately in
duced the general to change his plan of attack. He deter
mined to refuse his left to the Indians, and to try the novel
experiment of breaking the British lines at once, by a
charge of mounted infantry. He therefore directed the
mounted regiment to be formed in two charging columns in
short lines, and on receiving the enemy's fire, to charge

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 421

through his ranks, form in his rear, and act as circum
stances might require.

The kind of enemy to be fought rendered it necessary
that the rear and flanks should be well secured against his
attacks. The foot troops, consisting of five brigades, which
averaged but little more than 300 men each, were therefore
disposed in the following order : The brigade commanded
by Trotter constituted the front line, at a convenient dis
tance in the rear of the mounted regiment, with its right
on the river and its left extending a short distance over the
first swamp. The brigade of General King formed the
second line, 150 yards in the rear of the former, and that
of General Chiles was posted in the road, and still further
in the rear, to act as a corps of reserve. These three
brigades formed the command of General Henry. The
division of General Desha, consisting of the brigades of
Allen and Caldwell, and the regiment of Colonel Simrall,
was formed on the left, in a line fronting the outer swamp,
to protect the left flank against the Indians in that quarter.
The right of this line joined the left of the front line under
Trotter, with which it formed an abtuse angle or crotchet
between the two swamps, whilst it extended on the left to a
considerable distance parallel with the margin of the
swamp. A small corps of regulars under Colonel Paul,
about 120 strong, was posted between the road and the
river, for the purpose of advancing in concert with a few
Indians under the bank, and seizing the artillery of the
enemy.

The governor of Kentucky was directed to take his posi
tion at the angle between the swamp, which was considered
as a very important point in these arrangements for the
contest. General Harrison placed himself at the head of
the front line, from which he would be able to observe the

422 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

charge of the horsemen, and to give them any support which
might be required.

When Colonel Johnson proceeded to form his regiment,
agreeably to the orders of General Harrison, he found there
was not room for all his men to act against the British
between the river and the nearest swamp, and having as
certained that he could cross the latter, he concluded to
exercise the discretion which had been given him, and to
carry his battalion through the swamp to attack the In
dians. The first battalion was therefore formed, according
to orders, by Lieutenant Colonel J. Johnson and Major
Payne, opposite to the British lines, in four columns of
double files, with Major Suggett and his spies in front.
Its right was placed about fifty yards on the left of the
road, that it might be in some measure out of the immediate
range of the British artillery. The second battalion was
marched through the swamp, and formed in two columns
on horseback, with a company on foot in front, the right
column being headed by Colonel Johnson and the left by
Major Thompson. These columns, of course, were imme
diately in front of the angle where Governor Shelby wras
stationed.

Everything being in readiness for the onset, the whole
army advanced in the order now described, until the front
of the first battalion received a distant fire from the British
lines; this somewhat frightened the horses, and caused a
little confusion at the heads of the columns, and thus re
tarded the charge, giving the enemy time to prepare for a
second fire, which soon followed the first. But the columns
in a moment were completely in motion, and rushed upon
the British with irresistible impetuosity. Their front line
immediately broke in every direction, and their second
about thirty paces in its rear, after giving us a fire, was
also broken and thrown into confusion. Our columns.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 423

having passed through, wheeled to the right aiid left, and
began to pour a destructive fire on the rear of their dis
ordered ranks — but in a moment the contest was over. No
sooner had our horsemen charged through their lines and
gained their rear, then they began to surrender as fast as
they could throw down their arms. And thus in a moment
the whole British force, upwards of eight hundred strong,
was totally vanquished and the greater part of it captured
by the first battalion of the mounted regiment, under
Lieutenant Colonel James Johnson. Before the front line
of our infantry had gotten fairly in view of them General
Proctor, however, made his escape, escorted by a small
party of dragoons and mounted Indians, who were imme
diately pursued as far as the Moravian town, by a party
of the mounted regiment consisting chiefly of officers.

The contest with the Indians on the left was more
obstinate. They reserved their fire till the heads of the
columns and the front line on foot had approached within
a few paces of their position. A very destructive fire was
then commenced by them, about the time the firing ceased
between the British and the first battalion. Colonel John
son, finding his advanced guard, composing the head of his
column, nearly all cut down by the first fire, and himself
severely wounded, immediately ordered his columns to dis
mount and come up in line before the enemy, the ground
which they occupied being unfavorable for operations on
horseback. The line was promptly formed on foot, and a
fierce conflict was then maintained for seven or eight min
utes, with considerable execution on both sides, but the
Indians had not sufficient firmness to sustain very long a
fire which was close and warm and severely destructive.
They gave way and fled through the brush into the outer
swamp, not, however, before they had learned the total dis
comfiture of their allies, and had lost by the fall of

424 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Tecumseh, a chief in whom were united the prowess of
Achilles and authority of Agamemnon.

As soon as the firing commenced between the Indians
and the second battalion, Governor Shelby, who was posted
at the crotchet in its rear, immediately ordered that part
of the front line of infantry, which lay between the first
swamp and the crotchet, being a part of Colonel Donelson's
regiment, to march up briskly to the aid of the mounted
men. They rushed up accordingly into Colonel Johnson's
lines, and participated in the contest at that point. This
was the only portion of the infantry which had an oppor
tunity of engaging in any part of the battle. The governor
also dispatched General Adair, his aide-de-camp, to bring
up the brigade of General King to the front line, but before
this could be accomplished, the enemy had fled from Colo
nel Johnson, and a scattering, running fire had commenced
along the swamp in front of General Desha's division, be-
tAveen the retiring Indians and the mounted men in pursuit,
who were now commanded by Major Thompson alone,
Colonel Johnson having retired in consequence of his
wounds. This firing in the swamp continued, with occa
sional remissions, for nearly half an hour, during which
time the contest was gallantly maintained by Major
Thompson and his men, who were still pressing forward
on the Indians. Governor Shelby in the meantime rode
down to the left of General Desha's division, and ordered
the regiment of Colonel Simrall, which was posted on the
extreme left, to march up on the right flank of the enemy,
in aid of Major Thompson, but before this reinforcement
could reach the scene of action, the Indians had given up
the contest.

Soon after the British force had surrendered, and it
was discovered that the Indians were yielding on the left,
General Harrison ordered Major Payne to pursue General

IN THE AVESTERN COUNTRY 425

Proctor with a part of Ms battalion, which was promptly
done, and the pursuit continued, by the greater part of the
detachment, to the distance of six miles beyond the Mora
vian town, some Indians being killed and a considerable
number of prisoners, with a large quantity of plunder
being captured in their progress. Majors Payne, Wood,
Todd, and Chambers, Captain Langham, and Lieutenants
Scrogin and Bell, with three privates, continued the pur
suit several miles further till night came upon them — but
Proctor was not to be taken. His guilty conscience had
told him that his only chance for safety from the vengeance
of those whose countrymen he had murdered, lay in the
celerity of his flight. The pursuem, however, ait last
pressed him so closely that he was obliged to abandon the
road, and his carriage and sword were captured by the
gallant Major Wood. The prisoners, about 50 in number,
were brought back to the Moravian town, where they were
left in charge of Captain M'Afee with 100 mounted men,
until Major Gano arrived about midnight with a reinforce
ment of 150 infantry. At the head of the town six pieces
of brass artillery were taken, three of which had been cap
tured in the revolution at Saratoga and York, and sur
rendered again by Hull in Detroit.

The exact loss which either side sustained in this battle
has never been correctly known. According to the best
information, however, which has been received, the total
loss of the mounted regiment on that day was 17 killed and
30 wounded. The loss of the infantry was much less,
though considerable also, at the point where they rein
forced Colonel Johnson, which was the principle theater
of our losses. The Indians left thirty-three dead on the
battle-ground, and had ten or twelve killed in different
places by their pursuers. The British had 18 killed and
26 wounded, besides 600 prisoners captured, including 25

426 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

officers. Among our killed was Colonel Whitley, a veteran
who had been a distinguished soldier in former Indian
wars, and had been no less conspicuous and serviceable in
the present campaign, in which he accompanied Colonel
Johnson. Captain Craig and Lieutenant Logan died of
their wounds a few days after the battle. Colonel Johnson
and Captains Davidson and Short were also wounded
severely, but recovered. The colonel was shot through his
thigh and in his hip, by the first fire of the Indians, and
shortly afterwards he was shot through his left hand, by a
ball which ranged up his arm, but did not enter his body.
He continued, however, in front of his men, gallantly fight
ing the enemy, as long as the action lasted at that place.
The white mare on which he rode was also shot so severely
that she fell and expired soon after she had carried her
rider within the lines of the infantry.

Tecumseh was found among the dead, at the point
where Colonel Johnson had charged upon the enemy in
person; and it is generally believed that this celebrated
chief fell by the hand of the colonel. It is certain that the
latter killed the Indian with his pistol, who shot him
through his hand, at the very spot where Tecumseh lay,
but another dead body lay at the same place, and Mr. King,
a soldier in Captain Davidson's company, had the honor of
killing one of them.

From the best information that has been received, it
appears that there was no material difference in the
strength of the two armies in this battle. The troops under
Harrison had been greatly reduced in numbers, by detach
ments left as guards and for other purposes, and by those
who were sick and otherwise unable to keep up on forced
marches. The distance from Sandwich to the Moravian
town is upwards of eighty miles, which our army marched
in three days and a half, though frequently harrassed by

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 427

skirmishing and forming in order of battle, and delayed by
repairing bridges and procuring supplies. A body of un
disciplined militia, urged along and regulated alone by
their patriotism and military ardor, would necessarily be
much reduced by such a journey. The whole of the regulars
had been left behind, except the small fragment of a regi
ment under Colonel Paul. The brigade of General
M' Arthur had been left at Detroit to protect the inhabi
tants against the Indians, and that of General Cass had
been left at Sandwich, waiting for the baggage of the men,
which delayed them so long that they were unable to come
up with the army before the battle had been fought. The
whole way from Sandwich to the battle-ground was filled
with scattering parties of the militia. Hence, our force at
the place of action was believed to be less than 2,500 men,
which was very little more than the force actually engaged
on the part of the enemy. The British part of that force
appears to have been about 845 strong. Its loss in killed,
wounded and captured was 645; and the adjutant-general
of the British forces soon afterwards officially acknowl
edged that 204 of those who escaped, had assembled at
Ancaster on the 17th of October. This calculation is also
confirmed by the official return of the troops at Maiden on
the 10th of September, which made them 944 in number-
affording an excess of 100 above our estimate, to meet the
losses experienced on the retreat before the battle. As for
the amount of their Indian force, when it is shown by their
own official papers captured with the army, that 14,000
rations were issued daily to the Indians before the retreat,
and that the greater part of them accompanied Proctor up
the Thames, it is certainly a reasonable calculation to
estimate them at 15, 18, or even 20 hundred warriors in the
battle. The whole force of the allies must, hence, have been
at least considerably above 2,000 — yet a large portion of

428 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

that force was captured and the balance entirely driven off
by the single regiment under Johnson, aided at one point
only by a portion of the infantry, and making altogether,
it is believed, much less than half the army. But had our
force been greatly superior, the nature of the ground and
position of the enemy would have rendered its superiority
useless, for a larger force than his could not have been
brought efficiently into action, had his resistance been so
great as to render it necessary. The mounted regiment had
but 950 men in the battle — hence, the force of the first
battalion, which was led into action by Lieutenant-Colonel
James Johnson, could not have been much more than half
as great as the British force, which it shattered in a
moment by its impetuous charge.

Our important and glorious victory, it is evident, was
principally achieved by the novel expedient of charging
through the British lines with mounted infantry.

"The measure/' says General Harrison, who conceived
it at the moment of its execution, "was not sanctioned by
any thing I had seen or heard, but I was fully convinced
that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen ride
better in the woods than any other people. A musket or
rifle is no impediment to them, being accustomed to carry
it on horseback from their earliest youth. I was per
suaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared for
the shock, and that they could not resist it."

The shock was indeed so unexpected and impetuous
that all the resistance they were able to make amounted to
nothing. Two or three killed and a few more wounded was
all the execution done by upwards of eight hundred vet
erans, many of whom surrendered without giving a second
fire.

"It is really a novel thing," says Colonel Wood, "that
raw militia stuck upon horses, with muskets in their hands

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 429

instead of sabres, should be able to pierce British lines
with such complete effect, as did Johnson's men in the
affair upon the Thames; and perhaps the only circum
stance which could justify that deviation from the long
established rules of the art military, is the complete suc
cess of the result. Great generals are authorized to step
aside occasionally — especially when they know that their
errors will not be noticed by the adversary."

The preservation of the following testimony of General
Harrison, to the merits of his officers on this occasion, will
doubtless be gratifying to many persons who will read this
history. It is an extract from Ins letter to the secretary
of war.

"In communicating to the President through you, sir,
my opinion of the conduct of the officers, who served under
my command, I am at a loss how to mention that of Gov
ernor Shelby, being convinced that no eulogium of mino
can reach his merits. The governor of an independent
•state, greatly my superior in years, in experience, and in
military frame, he placed himself under my command, and
was not more remarkable for his zeal and activity than for
the promptitude and cheerfulness with which he obeyed my
orders. The major-generals, Henry and Desha, and the
brigadiers, Allen, Caldwell, King, Chiles, and Trotter, all
of the Kentucky volunteer militia, manifested great zeal
and activity. Of Governor Shelby's staff, his adjutant-
general, Colonel M'Dowell, and his quartermaster-general,
Colonel Walker, rendered great services; as did his aides-
de-camp, General Adair and Majors Barry and Crittendeu.
The military skill of the former was of great service to us,
and the activity of the two latter gentlemen could not be
surpassed. Illness deprived me of the talents of my ad
jutant general, Colonel Gaines, who was left at SandAvich.
His duties, however, were ably performed by the assistant
adjutant general, Captain Butler. My aides-de-camp,
Lieutenant O'Fallon and Captain Todd of the line, and my
volunteer aides, John S. Smith and John Chambers, Esqrs.,
have rendered me the most important services from tho

430 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

opening of the campaign. I have already stated that Gen
eral Cass and Commodore Perry assisted me in forming the
troops for action. The former is an officer of the highest
merit, and the appearance of the brave commodore cheered
and animated every breast. It would be useless, sir, after
stating the circumstances of the action, to pass encomiums
on Colonel Johnson and his regiment. Veterans could not
have manifested more firmness. The colonel's numerous
wounds prove that he was in the post of danger. The
Lieutenant-Colonel, James Johnson, and the Majors Payne
and Thompson, were equally active, though more fortunate.
Major Wood, of the engineers, already distinguished by
his conduct at Fort Meigs, attended the army with two
six-pounders. Having no use for them in the action, he
joined in the pursuit of the enemy/' etc. — Harrison.

It has already been stated that only a small detachment
of regular troops under Colonel Paul were in the action,
the balance of the brigade under Cass, which was com
posed of the regiments of Paul and Owings, and the bat
talion of light infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Ball,
having been left behind waiting for their baggage. They
were about 30 miles in the rear at the time of the battle,
and were much mortified at not having an opportunity to
come in contact with the enemy and participate in the
glory of the victory. Their officers had made great exer
tions to discipline them, for which they had received the
highest encomiums of General Harrison; and the gallant
Perry had expressed his admiration of the skill and promp
titude with which they performed their evolutions, particu
larly in debarking from the boats and forming the order
of battle.

The merit of furnishing the means by which this im
portant victory was achieved, belongs almost exclusively
to Kentucky. Without her resources, under the skillful
management of Governor Shelby, it is highly probable that
the general government would not have brought the cam-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 431

paign to a successful issue, although they had obtained the
command of Lake Erie. The small force of regulars, with
which they had been able to furnish General Harrison,
was wholly incompetent to the invasion of Upper Canada,
and it was so late in the season, before they authorized him
to call on the militia, that the time usually consumed in
drafting and marching foot troops, including the delays
unavoidable in procuring the supplies and transportation
they would require, must have thrown him once more into
the difficulties of a winter campaign. By raising mounted
volunteers, Governor Shelby not only furnished the nec
essary number of men with promptness, but he also fur
nished in their horses the means of transportation, by
which they were enabled to reach the lake in good time;
and when the government had carried them over the lake,
they proceeded again upon their own resources and those
of the enemy, without much assistance from the govern
ment through the balance of the campaign. The unauthor
ized but judicious and successful course pursued by Gov
ernor Shelby in this instance, however, was afterwards
approved not only by the legislature of Kentucky, but also
by the executive of the Union and the voice of the nation.
On the 6th our troops continued to occupy the battle
ground, and the Moravian town about 2 miles above it,
being employed in burying the dead and collecting the
public property of the enemy, of which a considerable
quantity was found in different places. In addition to the
artillery already mentioned, and a great variety of military
stores, there were at least 5,000 stand of small arms cap
tured by our troops and destroyed by the enemy on this
expedition. A large proportion of them had been taken
from us at the surrender of Detroit, the massacre of the
river Raisin, and the defeat of Colonel Dudley. Early on
the 7th, General Harrison left the army under the immo-

432 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

diate command of Governor Shelby and returned to
Detroit, and in the course of the same day the different
corps commenced their return home, having embarked the
greater part of the property they had captured in boats
on the Thames, and set fire to the Moravian town, which
was a nice inconsiderable village, occupied chiefly by Dela
ware Indians, who professed to be of the Moravian sect of
religion. On the 10th all the troops arrived with their
prisoners at Sandwich. It had now began to snow, and
the weather was extremely cold and stormy. For two or
three days the wind blew down the strait with such violence
that it was impracticable to cross it, and the vessels bring
ing down the public property were greatly endangered and
much of it was lost.

In the meantime an armistice was concluded by Gen
eral Harrison with the Indians. Before he marched in
pursuit of the British, a deputation of the Ottawas and
Chippewas had sued for peace, which he had promised them
on condition that they would bring in their families and
raise the tomahawk against the British. To these terms
they had readily acceded, and before his return the
Miamies and Potawatamies had solicited a cessation of
hostilities from General M'Arthur on the same conditions.
Even the ferocious and inveterate Maipock of the Potawat
amies now tendered his submission, and an armistice was
concluded with seven of the hostile tribes, which was to
continue till the pleasure of the President was known.
They agreed to deliver up all their prisoners at Fort
Wayne, and to leave hostages in security for their good
behavior. Separated from their allies by our victories on
the lake and the Thames, from whom they had received
subsistence and council, they were now glad to accept our
friendship on any terms, which would save them from
extermination bv famine and the sword.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 433

On the 12th the storm had so far abated that the
mounted regiment crossed over the strait to Spring Wells ;
and on the next day the Kentucky infantry crossed at the
mouth of the river Rouge. Some dissatisfaction and com
plaint now prevailed among the latter, at not being fur
nished with water transportation to carry them back to
Portage, but General Harrison came into their camp, and
in a public address assured them that the vessels of the
fleet were required for other important services. This
satisfied and reconciled most of them to return on foot
along the lake shore. The greater part of the fleet was still
in lake St. Glair, many of the boats were lost, and Commo
dore Perry had positive orders from the government to
carry an expedition in the fleet against Mackinaw, which
General Harrison was now preparing to execute with the
regulars.

The foot troops arrived at the river Raisin on the 15th,
where they found the bones of their massacred countrymen
still bleaching in the village of Frenchtown and its en
virons. Governor Shelby directed the regiment of Colonel
Simrall to collect and bury them, but they were so numer
ous and widely scattered, that he found it necessary to
employ the brigade of General King in the same business.
They collected 65 skeletons, which were interred with the
honors due to them by their brethren, returning from the
conquest of their murderers, over whom they had tri
umphed more signally in honor and humanity than in
arms. On the next day they continued their march and
arrived at the Miami Bay, where they received a very
reasonable supply of provisions, which were sent down to
them by Major Trigg from Fort Meigs. On the 19th they
arrived at Portage, where their horses had been left, having
performed a hard and laborious march of seven days, since
they crossed the strait, in which they suffered greatly from

28

434 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

hunger, fatigue and cold. The beach along the edge of the
water afforded them a good road for a considerable portion
of the way, but they had often to wade through deep waters
in passing creeks and arms of the lake and to penetrate
through horrible swamps and difficult thickets. The care
of the prisoners had greatly added to the difficulties, which
his excellency, the governor, had to encounter, in super
intending the homeward march, until the army arrived at
Sandwich ; at that place General Trotter voluntarily took
charge of them, and notwithstanding the extreme difficul
ties of the journey, thence to Portage, his management was
so judicious and vigilant that he was able at the latter
place to account for every man who had been confided to
his care.

The horses were collected from the enclosure in which
they had been left, by forming a line of 1,500 men across
the lower end of the peninsula, before which they were
driven up on the isthmus and each delivered to its proper
owner. Colonel Rife had not only taken good care of the
horses, but he had also built a fort at Portage, and had
opened and bridged a road to Lower Sandusky, for which
he received the thanks of his returning countrymen. On
the 20th a general order was issued, directing the return of
the troops to Kentucky in detachments, passing by Prank-
linton, where they were to deposit their arms. The gov
ernor concluded this order by observing —

"although in the course of this campaign, you neces
sarily encountered many difficulties and privations, yet
they were met with that cheerfulness and sustained with
that manly fortitude which the occasion required. The
uninterrupted good fortune which lias attended us, is a
source of the most pleasing reflection, and cannot fail to
excite the warmest feelings of gratitude towards the Divine
Being, who has been pleased in a peculiar manner to favor

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 435

us and to crown with success the exertions we have maxle
for our country.

"In the course of the very active operations which we
have performed, it is possible that expressions may have
dropped, tending to irritate and wound the feelings of some
who were engaged in them. The commanding general
hopes, that with the campaign will end every unpleasant
sensation, which may have arisen from that source, and
that we shall return home united as a band of brothers,
with the sweet solace of having served our country from
the purest motives, and with the best of our abilities."

In pursuance of this order the troops returned to Ken
tucky and were discharged by Major Trigg at Limestone
on the 4th of November. The mounted regiment was de
tained a few days at Detroit, till the Indians had dispersed
after the armistice, and then returned home without any
remarkable occurrence. Its colonel was left at Detroit in
consequence of his wounds, where he was attended by his
brother, the lieutenant-colonel, who brought him a few
days afterwards over the lake in a boat to Lower Sandusky.
He was thence carried in a wagon to Cincinnati, where he
met his own carriage coming for him. After he had arrived
at home, he was confined to his bed several months; he was
able, however, to resume his seat in Congress about the
middle of February. Though at last recovered of his
wounds, they have left a permanent lameness behind them.

The expedition against Mackinaw, for which General
Harrison and Commodore Perry were preparing, when the
Kentuckians left them, was soon afterwards abandoned.
They intended to have sailed on the 12th, but the weather
was then so stormy that they could not venture to embark ;
nor had they yet received a supply of provisions and bag
gage, which they were expecting up the lake for the expedi
tion. Those supplies were on board the schooners Chippewa
and Ohio, the former from Bass Island, and the latter from

436 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAE

Cleveland. They had arrived at the mouth of the strait,
when they were met by the storm, by which they were so
greatly distressed that the mariners threw all the baggage
and provisions overboard. The vessels were then driven
down the lake, and finally run aground near Buffalo. Some
of the baggage being found on shore near the upper end of
the lake, it was believed at headquarters that the schooners
were entirely lost. A consultation was then held by Gen
eral Harrison, with M' Arthur and Cass of the army, and
Perry and Elliott of the fleet, at which it was determined
unanimously that the season was then so far advanced that
the expedition ought not to be undertaken, unless it could
sail immediately, and that it would be impossible to pro
cure the necessary supplies for a considerable length of
time. It was also believed that General Proctor had or
dered the commanding officer at Mackinaw to destroy that
post and retreat by the way of Grand River. The enter
prise was, therefore, abandoned without hesitation.

The Indians being subdued, and the expedition to Mack
inaw abandoned, General Harrison determined to proceed
down the lake in the fleet, with General M7 Arthur's brigade
and a battalion of regular riflemen under Colonel Smith.
He had not for several months received any instructions
from the war department, and knew not what the govern
ment wished him to do, on the close of the campaign in the
northwest. Believing, however, that General Cass would
be able with his brigade to keep the Indians in subjection,
and hold our conquests in that quarter, he left him in com
mand at Detroit, and sailed down the lake with the rest of
the troops. Orders to this effect had been sent from the
war department by Captain Brown, who was in one of the
schooners, and was lost when she grounded at the lower
end of the lake.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 437

The secretary of war was at S'ackett's Harbor when he
received the first intelligence of Perry's victory, and on the
22nd of September had dispatched Captain Brown with
orders for General Harrison to secure Maiden, proceed
down the lake with his forces and throw himself in the
rear of De Rottenburg, who was then investing Port
George. A reinforcement of 3,000 men, on both sides of the
Niagara, was to be ready to join him on his arrival, and
he was then expected to drive the enemy from the country
between lakes Erie and Ontario.

On the 22nd of October General Harrison arrived at
Erie, where the fleet had been built, and soon pursued his
voyage again to Buffalo, where he arrived on the 24th, with
an aggregate of 1,300 men, which afforded, however, but
1,000 effectives. He had still received no communication
from the war department, and was entirely uninformed as
to the situation of affairs where he was going. He deter
mined, however, to proceed dowTn the Niagara to Fort
George. De Rottenburg had long since abandoned that
place, and retired to Burlington Bay. General M'Clure,
of the New York militia, was commanding at the fort when
General Harrison arrived; and as the enemy was still at
Burlington, they determined to march against him and
drive him from that position. The troops in the meantime
were marched down by the falls and stationed at Newark.
A communication was now opened with the secretary of
war at Sackett's Habor, and to obtain a sufficient force for
the intended enterprise, a call was made on the militia of
the adjoining counties. But before an adequate force
con Id be collected, and the necessary arrangements made,
a letter was received by General Harrison from the secre
tary, informing him that the brigade of M' Arthur was re
quired at Sackett's Harbor, and that he would be permitted
to make a visit to his family, which he understood as an

438 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

order to retire to his own district. The letter was dated
on the 3rd of November, and on the 16th of that month,
Commodore Chauncey arrived at Newark, the headquarters
of General Harrison, with vessels to transport his troops
to the harbor. The troops were accordingly embarked, and
the general set out immediately for Washington City,
which he included in his route on the visit to his family at
Cincinnati. On his journey he received all those marks
and demonstrations of public confidence and gratitude,
with which the American people were accustomed to greet
their distinguished defenders : and as the campaign on the
northern frontier soon terminated in a copious harvest of
disgrace to all the generals immediately concerned in it,
General Harrison soon had the additional satisfaction of
being designated by public opinion, for the chief command
on that frontier in the campaign of the ensuing summer.
The judgment of the war department, however, was at
variance with the expectations of the people on this sub
ject. Early in January the general arrived at Cincinnati,
which continued to be his headquarters as long as he
thought proper to retain his commission in the army.

General Cass, being required to attend the trial of
General Hull at Albany, the command at Detroit devolved
on Colonel Butler, and the former before his return to the
western country was appointed governor of the Michigan
territory. The greater part of the fleet was stationed for
the winter in the harbor of Erie, some of the larger vessels
being left in Put-in-Bay and the necessary precautions
were taken to guard the whole against any enterprise for
their destruction by the enemy.

The campaign on the northern frontier, under the im
mediate superintendence of Armstrong, Wilkinson and
Hampton, having terminated very unfavorably to our
cause, apprehensions were entertained by the government

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 439

in December, that the British thus encouraged, would make
great exertions to re-establish their affairs in the north
west, and particularly to regain the friendship of the In
dians, and perpetuate their influence among them. With
the latter views, it was ascertained that Dickson had been
sent up from York with a large quantity of goods. Our
government hence determined to take the most effectual
and rigorous measures to counteract these designs of the
enemy. Instructions were therefore sent after General
Harrison on his return home, that the settlements on the
Thames, which would afford the enemy the means of ad
vancing towards Detroit, and intermeddling with the In
dians, must be entirely destroyed and converted into a
desert; that peace must be made with the Indians on the
most liberal terms, supplying all their wants and allowing
them to retain all the lands they had held before the war;
and that they must be engaged to take up arms on our side,
and let loose on the British frontier early in the spring,
so as to drive away every British settler to be found on the
west of Kingston.

"A question may occur," says the secretary of war,
"under what restrictions, as to their mode of warfare, we
ought to employ them? The question has in it no difficulty.
Under what justification do we employ them at all? The
example of the enemy. It was not our choice but theirs,
and is but an appeal made to their fears, after having un
successfully made many to their justice. The experiment
should therefore have fair play. All the horrors brought
to our firesides ought to be carried to theirs. Nor is this a
policy of mere retaliation. The settlements in Upper
Canada abandoned, their posts cannot be supported, and
will, of course, also be abandoned."

When these instructions were issued, the cruelties of
the savages, now threatened to be renewed, were not the
only atrocities which merited this retaliation. < The enemy

440 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

bad recently crossed into our settlements on the Niagara
frontier, and laid the whole country in ruins, destroying
everything before them in the most wanton and barbarous
manner. The humanity of the President, however, would
not permit him to persist in the rigorous measures he had
authorized. The instructions from the secretary were
speedily countermanded, and the general was merely
authorized

"to make prisoners and remove to our settlements, so
many of the male British settlers as might be most dis
posed to do us harm.'7

It appears, however, from a correspondence between
General Harrison and the British Generals Proctor and
Vincent, after the battle on the Thames, that the former
had firmly resolved to take upon himself the responsibility
of a rigorous retaliation, should a renewal of Indian bar
barities render it necessary. Immediately after the battle
of the Thames, Proctor sent a flag with a letter to General
Harrison, requesting that the private property and papers,
which had been captured with the army, might be respected
and restored to their proper owners. As General Harrison
was on the eve of sailing down the lake, when he received
the letter, he declined answering it until he had arrived at
Port George, and then directed his reply to General Vin
cent, the senior officer at Burlington Heights. As for his
treatment of the prisoners, and his disposition of private
papers and property, lie referred General Vincent to the
accompanying letters from the captured officer's for infor
mation; at the same time assuring him that his conduct
had proceeded from motives of humanity alone, and not
from any claim which the enemy could make on the score
of reciprocity of treatment ; for, of the American prisoners
who had fallen into the hands of Procter, those who

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 441

escaped from the tomahawk had suffered all the indignities
and deprivations which human nature was capable of
enduring. There was not a single instance in which the
private property of the officers had been respected. After
enumerating many instances, in which families comprising
men, women, and children, had been most inhumanly
butchered by Indians, who came direct from the British
camp and returned to it, and after assuring general Vin
cent that

"The savages who had sued for mercy, would gladly
have shown their claims to it, by reacting on the Thames
the bloody scenes of Sandusky and Cold Creek," that "a
single sign of approbation would have been sufficient to

pour upon the subjects of the kind their whole fury "

he concludes his letter with the following paragraph :

"I deprecate most sincerely the dreadful alternative
which will be offered to me, should those barbarities be
continued, but I solemnly declare that if the Indians who
remain under the influence of the British government, are
suffered to commit any depredations on the citizens, within
the district that is committed to my protection, I will
remove the restrictions which have been imposed on those
who have offered their services to the United States, and
direct them to carry on the war in their own way. I have
never heard a single excuse for the employment of the
savages by your government, unless we may credit the
story of some British officers having dared to assert, that
'as we employed the Kentuckians, you had a right to make
use of, the Indians.' If such injurious sentiments have
really prevailed, to the prejudice of a brave, well-informed
and virtuous people, they will be removed by the represen
tations of your officers, who were lately taken upon the
river Thames. They will inform you, sir, that so far from
offering any violence to the persons of their prisoners, these
savages would not permit a word to escape them, which
was calculated to wound or insult their feelings — and this,
too, with the sufferings of their friends and relatives at the

442 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

rivers Raisin and Miami fresh in their recollection. v-
Harrison.

General Vincent promised in his reply, that

"no effort of his should ever be wanting to diminish the
evils of a state of warfare, as far as might be consistent
with the duties which were due to his king and country" —

a promise which portended butcheries and devastation
without measure, as the history of "his majesty's reign over
his dutiful subjects" most amply demonstrates. But for
tunately the progress of the war did not afford an oppor
tunity again for the performance of those duties.

CHAPTER X.

EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN HOLMES — RESIGNATION OF GEN
ERAL HARRISON — EXPEDITION TO MACKINAW — TREATY
WITH THE INDIANS — AFFAIR OF PRAIRIE DU CHIEN —
EXPEDITION OF GENERAL M' ARTHUR.

Although the enemy did not think proper during the
winter to send up any formidable force to the northwest,
yet Colonel Butler, the commanding officer at Detroit, was
scarcely in a condition to contend with their advanced
posts, and the individuals of the militia who were disposed
to be troublesome. The brigade of General Cass, which
was left at Detroit, was originally very weak, and during
the month of December, it suffered extremely from a
violent epidemic, which resisted all the skill of its physi
cians. At one time its whole effective force did not amount
to 300 men. A small corps of the Ohio and Pennsylvania
militia, were hence kept in service through the winter, to
assist in garrisoning the different posts, and in protecting
the vessels of the fleet.

About the first of January, the enemy posted a corps
of observations at Delaware on the Thames, thirty miles
above the Moravian town, under the command of Captain
Stewart, who frequently sent foraging and reconnoitering
parties down the Thames, and into the vicinity of Sand
wich. Colonel Butler was hence induced to place a corps
for similar purposes, and as a check to the movements of
the enemy, on the Thames at Dobson's some distance below
the Moravian town. It consisted of 30 men under the

443

444 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

command of Lieutenant Lowell. The British, being ap
prised of the situation of this corps, descended the Thames
from Delaware and surprised it in the night, capturing the
whole party without much loss in killed and wounded on
either side. The colonel did not think proper to re-estab
lish the post, but occasionally sent reconnoitering and
foraging parties up the Thames, one of which, under Cap
tain Lee, who commanded a company of Michigan rangers,
captured and brought away Colonel Bagby, Captain
Springer, and several others of the Canadian militia, who
were the most active in the cause of the enemy. Captain
Springer was a native of the United States, having been
born near Albany in New York, and had been naturalized
by the British and made a magistrate as well as a militia
officer. Captain Lee some time afterwards caught Major
Townsley, a native of Connecticut, who had been the most
active and vindictive partisan of the British in Upper
Canada.

In February Colonel Butler determined to make a
stroke at some of the advanced posts of the enemy. The
execution of the enterprise was confided to Captain
Holmes, with a detachment of regulars and some Michigan
rangers and militia. He was directed to march against a
small post called Fort Talbot, situated about 100 miles
down the lake below Maiden, or if he should deem it more
eligible to make an attack on the enemy at Delaware, he
was authorized to change his destination to that place. He
marched from Maiden about the 20th of February, with
two six-pounders in his train, but he soon found it impos
sible to proceed down the lake with artillery, he was so
much obstructed by fallen timber, thickets, and swamps.
He was obliged to leave them and depend on his small
arms. Captain Gill, who had pursued some Canadian
militia up the Thames, with a small company of rangers,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 445

was to cross the country and form a junction with Holmes.
After this had been effected, the route down the lake was
found to be so difficult that Captain Holmes determined to
leave it and go to the Thames, with a view either to attack
the enemy at Delaware, or to intercept any detachment
that might be sent down the river. He struck the Thames
below the Moravian town, and immediately marched to
wards the enemy's post. When he had arrived within fif
teen miles of it, he learned that a detachment about 300
strong was coming to meet him. As the force which he
commanded was much weaker, he determined to retreat till
he could find a strong position to resist them. He fell back
five miles to Twenty Mile Creek, a stream which runs into
the Thames from the north. Having crossed it on a bridge,
he posted his men on the summit of an adjoining height,
and began to strengthen his position with a breastwork.
The enemy soon appeared on the opposite heights over the
creek. The captain now called a council of officers, to
determine whether they should endeavor to maintain their
position, or retreat still further. On this question there
was much difference of opinion. Many of the detachment
had suffered so much from cold and fatigue that they were
now unfit for duty, and others had been permitted from
the same causes to return home, so that the whole effective
force did not exceed 160, while the force of the enemy was
believed to be double that number. Captain Holmes and
his adjutant, Ensign Heard, a grandson of the celebrated
General Morgan, were strenuously opposed to a retreat,
and it was at last determined that they would perish or
triumph in their present position.

The enemy did not pretend to annoy them that evening,
but early in the morning a party of British regulars came
to the bank of the creek, fired a few times at the camp and
then retired. After waiting some time for a more formid-

44G HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

able attack, Captain Holmes sent out Lieutenant Knox
with some of the rangers to reconnoitre. He returned in a
few minutes and reported that the enemy had fled with
precipitation, leaving their baggage scattered along the
road, and that they did not appear to have been more than
seventy in number. Mortified at the idea of having re
treated from such diminutive force, Captain Holmes imme
diately pursued them, with a determination to attack their
position at Delaware next morning. Having pursued them
about five miles, Captain Lee, of the advanced guard, re
ported that he had come up with the enemy in considerable
force, and that they were forming in order of battle. Cap
tain Holmes now apprehended that they had retreated to
draw him from his position, with a view to gain his rear
with a superior force, which would compel him to advance
towards their post at Delaware, or to cross the wilderness
towards F'ort Talbot without forage or provisions. It was
not their plan, however, to intercept his retreat, and in a
short time he regained the position he had left on Twenty
Mile Creek.

Some of his officers again insisted on a retreat, but the
captain determined to wait at this place for an attack from
the enemy. He continued to strengthen his camp which
was a hollow square, and post his regulars on the north
side, and on the brow of the hill without breastwork. His
rangers and militia were posted on the west and south, the
horses and baggage being placed in the center. Late in the
evening the enemy appeared again on the opposite heights,
upwards of 300 strong, under the command of Captain
Basden. Their militia and Indians immediately crossed
the creek above the road, surrounded the camp, and com
menced an attack on the north, west and south. Their
regulars crossed on the bridge and charged up the hill
within 20 paces of our front line, which had been ordered

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 447

to kneel so as to be effectually protected by the brow of
the hill. The fire of that line was now opened with such
effect that the front section of the enemy was immediately
cut down, and those which followed were very much in
jured. He then displayed his column along the hillside
and took open distance behind trees, in which order a
warm contest was maintained for a considerable time. On
the other lines the militia and Indians fought behind trees
at a more respectful distance, but were also much thinned
by the deliberate fire of our men. Finding it impossible to
make much impression on the camp, the enemy at length
retreated under cover of the night, having lost in the
action, according to their own account, no less than sixty-
seven killed and wounded, but in the opinion of Captain
Holmes, their loss was between eighty and ninety. Captain
Basden and Lieutenant M'Donald were wounded, and Cap
tain Johnson and Lieutenant Graham were killed. The
loss on our side was but seven in killed and wounded.

The brave detachment under Holmes received much
applause for this victory, which formed a fine counterpart
to the brilliant affair of Sandusky. The commanding offi
cer, who was always remarkable for his zeal, activity, and
knowledge of his duty, was immediately promoted to the
rank of major, for his singular gallantry and good conduct
on this occasion.

Soon after this affair Colonel Butler obtained leave to
return to Kentucky chiefly with a view to superintend the
recruiting of his own regiment in that state, and the com
mand of Detroit devolved on Lieutenant Croghan.

As the government still expected, that the British
would make considerable exertions in the approaching
summer to regain the ground they had lost in the north
west, and particularly to re-establish their connections and
influence with the Indians, a plan of counteracting opera-

448 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

tions was adopted early in April, and Commodore Sinclair
and Major Holmes were selected to carry it into execution.
The view of the government will be best understood by the
following extract of a communication from the commodore
to Colonel Croghan :

"Erie, 28th of April, 1814.

"Sir— The government having thought proper to sep
arate the command of the upper lakes from that of Ontario,
they have appointed me to the former, and in my instruc
tions I am directed to open a communication with the
commanding officer at Detroit. That you may be better
informed of their views, I give you the following extract
from the instructions of the honorable secretary of the
navy on this subject:

Extract— ' April 15th, 1814.

'You will immediately on your arrival at Erie, open a
communication with the military commander at Detroit,
asking of him all the information he may possess, relative
to the passage into and navigation of Lake Huron, and all
the circumstances connected with your expedition, the
nature and extent of which you will explain to him. You
will also request him to have in readiness to join your
force, a body of 300 hardy, intrepid volunteers, one-half of
which should be riflemen, for which I have, no doubt, the
secretary of war will have directed the necessary measures
to be taken.

'The information we possess, relative to the designs and
movements of the enemy, rests upon report, and is rather
probable than certain. There is, however, reason to be
lieve, that the enemy have sent two small detachments of
seamen, and perhaps mechanics to Lake Huron, where
they are constructing some sort of naval force — rumor says
two brigs, but if the last is so, they must be of small force.
They are also said, to be building a number of boats on lake
Simcoe, and have recently transported considerable quan
tities of naval and ordnance stores to York, the distance
from which to Lake Simcoe is not above 40 miles over a
good road. The boats are doubtless intended to convey

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 449

those stjores, through the waters emptying from Lake
Simcoe into Lake Huron at Gloucester Bay, on the south
east extremity of Lake Huron. It is on the shores of this
bay they are constructing their naval force. For this place
you will make a prompt and vigorous push, destroy or
capture whatever they may have prepared, and proceed,
before the alarm can be extended, to St. Joseph at the
mouth of French River, which place it is expected you
may readily reduce and get possession of all the property
and stores deposited there, and leaving a force to protect
that post if tenable, or not likely to be attacked by a
superior force, you will thence proceed to Mackinaw, with
which the communication of the enemy being entirely cut
off, and the place being destitute of provisions, it will
doubtless prove an easy conquest. Having accomplished
these objects, you will be governed by the season, the state
of your provisions, and the information you may receive,
whether to leave a small garrison at that place and a part
of your squadron on that lake, during the ensuing winter,
or return to Erie with the whole.' '

After requesting Colonel Croghan to dispatch some
active spies, to ascertain the situation and forces of the
enemy, and also to secure a passage into Lake Huron, by
erecting a military post in some eligible situation on the
strait between lakes St. Clair and Huron, the commodore
proceeds —

"It appears to me that the military force mentioned by
the secretary of the navy is by no means adequate, as my
ships will be badly manned, owing to the great difficulty
of procuring seamen ; and if I am not misinformed, the land
force will have in every instance to co-operate on shore, as
their batteries are so situated as not to be reduced by the
shipping." — Sinclair.

About the time these instructions were communicated
to the commodore, the secretary of war thought proper to
send a corresponding order directly to Major Holmes,
entirely passing by Colonel Croghan, the commandant at

29

450 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Detroit, and merely notifying General Harrison the com
mander of the district through whom the arrangements for
the expedition should have been made. This course of the
secretary was a violation not only of military etiquette,
but also of the most important military principles — which
require that the commander of a district, or of a separate
post, especially when situated on a distant frontier, should
have the supreme direction of minor matters, within the
sphere of his command. The interference of the govern
ment in such matters must inevitably derange his plans
and produce confusion and disaster in the service. The
general should be furnished with the object and outlines of
the campaign or expedition, and with the necessary sup
plies of men, money, and munitions, for accomplishing that
object, and then be made responsible for their proper man
agement. But the secretary in this instance issued his
orders to Major Holmes under the nose of his colonel,
whereby the rank and authority of the latter were super-
ceded and the resources of his post were to be clandestinely
withdrawn from his power. This was highly resented by
Colonel Croghan, who communicated his sentiments on this
subject without reserve to Commodore St. Clair and Gen
eral Harrison. He assured the commodore that he had
already taken every means to reconnoitre the upper lakes
and country, with a view to obtaining such information as
he requested, and that he would be happy to co-operate and
assist him in the enterprise, but could not pledge himself
in the present state of his resources, to furnish any impor
tant assistance. To the general he wrote :

"Major Holmes has been notified by the war department
that he is chosen to command the land troops which are
intended to co-operate with the fleet against the enemy's
force on the upper lakes. So soon as I may be directed by
you, to order Major Holmes on that command, and to fur-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 451

nish him with the necessary troops, I shall do so, but not
till then shall he or any other part of my force leave the
sod. — Croghan."

In answer to a second letter from the commodore,
written in the latter part of May, he proceeds :

"I much fear, sir, that in your expectation of being
joined at this place by a battalion, or corps of regulars
under Major Holmes, you will be disappointed. Major
Holmes it is true has been notified by the war department
that he is selected to command the land troops on the expe
dition up the lakes. But this notification, even did it
amount to a positive order to the major, could not be con
sidered as an order to me, nor can I deem it in itself suffi
cient to justify me in weakening the present reduced
strength of my command. My objection to co-operate with
you at this time, is not I assure you, moved by anything
like chagrin at this departure from military etiquette, but
is bottomed on a thorough conviction that nothing less
than a positive order could justify or excuse my detaching
a part of the small force under my command, from the
immediate defense of this frontier. I agree with you, that
the promised force under Major Holmes appears too weak
to effect the desired end. I cannot speak positively on
the subject, as my knowledge even of the geographical situa
tion of that country is but limited ; yet, my belief is, that if
resistance be made at all, it will prove too stout for 1,000
men. The position of Mackinac is a strong one, and should
the enemy have determined on holding it, he has had time
enough to throw in reinforcements. The Engages in the
employ of the N. W. Company, generally get down to Mack
inaw from their wintering grounds, about the last of May
in every year. Will those hardy fellows, whose force ex
ceeds 1,000, be permitted to be idle? Will it not be the
interest of the N. W. Company to exert all its means, in
the defense of those posts, in which it is so immediately
concerned? I send you a few queries on this subject, with
the answers as given by an intelligent gentleman, formerly
an agent to the N. W. Company, and well acquainted with
the geographical situation of that country. Every arrange-

452 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ment is made for securing the entrance into Lake Huron.
I am under no solicitude about the passage up the strait.

"Croghan."

Although the colonel appears to consider the order to
Holmes, as a mere notification of his appointment, yet it
was certainly intended by the secretary, to be sufficiently
positive and ample to put the expedition in motion, with
out any other communication from the war department,
except the instructions to the commodore. Soon after the
above was written, the colonel addressed another letter to
General Harrison, from which the following is an extract :

"I know not how to account for the secretary of war's
assuming to himself, the right of designating Major Holmes
for this command to Mackinaw. My ideas on the subject
may not be correct, yet for the sake of the principle, were I
a general commanding a district, I would be very far from
suffering the secretary of war, or any other authority, to
interfere with my internal police.

"I have not yet been able, even by three attempts, to
ascertain whether the enemy is building boats at Macko
dash (Gloucester Bay.) None of my spies would venture
far enough, being either frightened at the view of Lake
Huron, or alarmed at the probability of meeting hostile
Indians. — Croghan. "

This letter was written in the latter part of May. Gen
eral Harrison actuated by similar sentiments had already
resigned his commission of major-general in the army,
which he had received about the time his appointment in
the Kentucky militia had expired. He believed that the
secretary of war disliked him, and had intentionally en
croached on the prerogatives of his rank to insult him, by
corresponding with the officers under his command, and
giving them orders direct, which ought, at least, to have
been communicated indirectly, through the Commander-in-
chief of the district. He had remonstrated in a spirited

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 453

manner against this interference, and finding it again re
newed in the present case, he resigned his commission by
the folloAving letters to the secretary and President.

"Headquarters, Cincinnati, May llth, 1914.

"Sir — I have the honor through you, to request the
President to accept my resignation of the appointment of
major-general in the army, with which he has honored me.

"Lest the public service should suffer, before a succes
sor can be nominated, I shall continue to act until the 31st
instant, by which time I hope to be relieved.

"Having some reasons to believe, that the most ma
licious insinuations have been made against me at Wash
ington, it was my intention to have requested an inquiry
into my conduct, from the commencement of my command.
Further reflection has, however, determined me, to decline
the application — because, from the proud consciousness of
having palpably done my duty, I cannot believe that it is
necessary either for the satisfaction of the government or
the people, that I should pay so much respect to the sug
gestions of malice and envy.

"It is necessary, however, that I should assure you, sir,
that I subscribe implicitly to the opinion, that military
officers are responsible for their conduct, and amenable to
the decisions of a court martial, after they have left the ser
vice, for any improper act committed in it.

"The principle was established in England, in the case
of Lord George Sackville after the battle of Minden ; it was
known and recognized by all the ancient republics ; and is
particularly applicable I think to a government like ours.
I, therefore, pledge myself to answer before a court mar
tial, at any future period, to any charge which may be
brought against me.

"I have the honor, etc.,

"Harrison."

"The Hon. J. Armstrong, Etc/'

"Headquarters, Cincinnati, May llth, 1914.
"Dear Sir — I have this day forwarded to the secretary
of war, my resignation of the commission I hold in the
army.

454 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

"This measure has not been determined on, without a
reference to all the reasons which should influence a citi-
7/en, who is sincerely attached to the honor and interests
of his country ; who believes that the war in which we are
engaged is just and necessary; and that the crisis requires
the sacrifice of every private consideration, which could
stand in opposition to the public good. But after giving
the subject the most mature consideration, I am perfectly
convinced, that my retiring from the army is as compatible
with the claims of patriotism, as it is with those of my fam
ily, and a proper regard for my own feelings and honor.

"I have no other motive for writing this letter, than to
assure you, that my resignation was not produced by any
diminution of the interest, which I have always taken in
the success of your administration, or of respect and attach
ment for your person. The former can only take place,
when I forget the republican principles in which I have
been educated; and the latter when I shall cease to regard
those feelings, which must actuate every honest man, who is
conscious of favors that it is out of his power to repay.
"Allow me, etc., "HaiTison."

"James Madison, Esq., President U. S. A."

When Commodore Sinclair had made every preparation
to sail from Erie on the expedition up the lakes, and was
waiting only for more men in which he was still deficient,
he received on the 1st of June, a dispatch from the secre
tary of the navy, countermanding the intended enterprise.
This determination of the government was produced by a
l>elief, founded on the intelligence they had received, that
the enemy were not making much exertion to re-establish
their affairs in the northwest. The plan of our operations
in that quarter, was, therefore, now to be substituted by
that, which is developed in the following letter from the
secretary of war to the President.

"War Department, April 30th, 1814.
"Sir — So long as we had reason to believe, that the
enemy intended, and was in a condition to re-establish him-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 455

self on the Thames, and open anew his intercourse with the
Indian tribes of the west, it was no doubt proper to give
our naval means a direction, which would best obstruct and
defeat such movements and designs. An order was accord
ingly given by the navy department, to employ the flotilla
in securing the shores of the western lakes, destroying the
enemy's trading establishment at St. Josephs, and in re
capturing Fort Mackinaw. As, however, our last advices
show that the enemy has no efficient force westward of Bur
lington bay, and that he has suffered the season of easy
and rapid transportation to escape him, it is evident that
he means to strengthen himself on the peninsula, and make
Fort Erie, which he is now repairing, the western extremity
of his line of operations. Under this new state of things,
it is respectfully suggested, whether another and a better
use cannot be made of our flotilla.

"In explaining myself it is necessary to promise, that
the garrisons of Detroit and Maiden included, it will be
practicable to assemble on the shores and navigable waters
of Lake Erie, 5,000 regular troops, and 3,000 volunteers and
militia, and that measures have been taken to produce this
result by the 10th day of June next. Without, however,
naval means, this force will be necessarily dispersed, and
comparatively inoperative — with their aid, competent to
great objects.

"Lake Erie on which our dominion is indisputable, fur
nishes a way scarcely less convenient for approaching the
heart of Upper Canada, than Lake Ontario. Eight or even
six thousand men, landed in the bay between Point Aubino
and Fort Erie, and operating either on the line of the
Niagara, or more directly, if a more direct route is to be
found, against the British post at the head of Burlington
bay, would induce the enemy so to weaken his more eastern
posts, as to bring them within our means at Sackett's Har
bor and Plattsburg.

"In choosing between this object, and that to which the
flotilla is now destined, there cannot I think be much hesi
tation. Our attack carried to Burlington and York, inter
poses a barrier, which completely protects Maiden and
Detroit, makes doubtful and hazardous the enemy's inter-

456 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

course with the western Indians, reduces Mackinaw to a
possession perfectly useless, renders probable the aban
donment of Fort Niagara, and takes from the enemy half
his motives for continuing the conflict on Lake Ontario.
On the other hand, take Mackinaw, and what is gained but
Mackinaw itself? If this plan is adopted, no time should
be lost in countermanding the execution of the other.

"I have the honor, etc.,

"J. Armstrong."
"The President."

The adoption of this plan for the campaign of 1814,
was not, however, to produce a total abandonment of the
expedition up the lakes. Commodore Sinclair was in
structed to send a small detachment of the fleet in that
direction, not exceeding three small vessels, to be accom
panied by a co-operating force of 150 men from Detroit.
He, accordingly dispatched that number under Lieutenant
Woodhouse to Detroit, where he was to receive the land
forces and then proceed up the strait. On the very day,
however, that the order for abandoning the original expedi
tion into the upper lakes, was received by Commodore
Sinclair, the government determined again to carry it into
execution in its full extent. This change was produced by
news of a more alarming complexion, respecting the naval
preparations of the enemy on Lake Huron; and, in part,
perhaps, by a conviction, that the army of 8,000, to be
drawn from the western country, would be found greatly
deficient in the field. It is believed, that a report of great
naval preparations being made on Lake Huron, was prop
agated by the enemy on purpose to draw our flotilla in that
direction.

However, Commodore Sinclair was informed by a letter
from the navy department, dated on the 1st of June, that
the expedition to Lake Huron, agreeable to the original
design, must proceed without delay; and that the war office

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 457

would direct Colonel Crogban to accompany him, with as
many troops as he could accommodate on board his squad
ron. The war department addressed Colonel Croghan as
follows :

"Information has been received, that the enemy is mak
ing a new establishment at Mackedash on Lake Huron, and
tli at from 500 to 1,000 seamen, mechanics, and others are
now employed there, in the construction of armed vessels,
etc. This establishment must be broken up. The safety
of Detroit, the command of the lakes, the general security
of that frontier depends upon it. Captain Sinclair will,
accordingly receive orders to pass into Lake Huron, with
part of the flotilla, and to carry such troops as may be
destined to co-operate with the fleet, in the reduction of this
and other places. His means of transportation will prob
ably not accommodate more than 800 ; but the safest rule
will be to embark as many as can be accommodated, taking
yourself the command, and leaving behind you a competent
force, to guard against Indian attacks, which at present are
alone to be feared. If on reaching and reducing the place,
it be found to be important, as I believe it will, it ought to
be fortified and garrisoned, and become the left of a new
line of operations, extending by the way of Lake Simcoe
from Gloucester bay on Lake Huron, to York on Lake On
tario. In this last view of the subject, supplies of cannon,
ammunition, and provisions ought to be carried with yon.
— Armstrong."

While on the subject of plans for the operations of the
campaign in the present year, it will, perhaps be interesting
to some readers, to see the following full exhibition of the
present views of the government, by the pen of Mr. Secre
tary Armstrong, in a letter to General Izard.

"War Department, June 10th, 1814.

"Sir — I avail myself of the return of Colonel Snelling,
to communicate to you the general objects of the campaign.

"Captain Sinclair will repair to Detroit with a part of
the fleet under his command. He will there embark Col-

458 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

onel Croghan and as large a number of troops, with the
necessary supplies of ammunition and provisions, as his
vessels will accommodate. He will then enter Lake Huron,
and proceed to Gloucester bay, where the troops will de
bark, attack and carry the enemy's new establishment at
Mackedash, fortify and garrison that place, and open a
communication with General Brown, if another part of the
plan, to be next detailed, shall have succeeded. This
effected, the fleet will go on to the mouth of St. Josephs and
to Mackinaw, etc.

"What remains of the fleet at Buffalo, will be put under
orders to transport General Brown's division to the Can
ada shore. The place of landing will be selected by the
discretion of the general, under the best information of
which he may be possessed. Burlington Heights will be
his first object. There he will fortify, and as soon as Com
modore Chauncey will be in a condition to co-operate with
him, say the first of July, he will proceed to attack the
enemy's posts on the peninsula in succession, etc.

"A number of armed gallies, such as those employed on
Lake Champlain, will be immediately constructed at Sack-
ett's Harbor, and while we have the ascendency on Lake
Ontario, these will be pushed into the St. Lawrence, with
orders to occupy the rapids of that river, and thus inter
cept the water communication between Montreal and
Kingston. The better to effect this object, a post will be
established on the south bank of the St. Lawrence, strongly
fortified and garrisoned by a competent force, say 1,500
men, and sustained by the 1st division of the right. The
moment for beginning this establishment will be that which
opens to us the command of Lake Ontario. An engineer
will be employed by the war department to select the site.

"Another post on Lake Champlain, adapted to the pur
poses of co-operating with and covering our fleet on that
lake, and of excluding the enemy's flotilla therefrom, will
be immediately selected, established, and garrisoned. This
post you will please to select. "Armstrong."

That portion only of these various plans, which was to
be executed by Sinclair and Croghan on the upper lakes.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 459

is embraced within the limits prescribed for this history.
As soon as Commodore Sinclair received his instructions
on the 9th of June, he dispatched a messenger after Lieu
tenant Woodhonse to arrest his progress with the detach
ment under his command, and immediately prepared to sail
with his whole squadron. He was soon able to proceed,
and arrived at Detroit after the 20th of that month. Col
onel Crogban had been making the most vigorous prepara
tions on his part, and was ready to embark about the first
of July. The expedition, however, was disapproved by
him, and still more the manner in which the secretary had
ordered it, having passed by General M' Arthur, on whom
the command of the district had devolved since the resig
nation of General Harrison. The following is an extract
from his letter to General M' Arthur on this subject, dated
on the 3rd of July :

"You will have heard, that an expedition commanded
by myself, against the enemy's posts on the upper lakes, is
on the eve of sailing. The order for this expedition was
issued by the secretary of war on the 2nd ultimo, most
probably without advising you of the step. I could wish
for many reasons, that this order had passed through the
regular channel. This manner of interfering with the in
ternal police of officers commanding districts, will sooner
or later prove as destructive as it now appears unmilitary.
To enable me to meet the wishes of the secretary of war,
I was forced to take upon myself the responsibility of doing
many things, to be justified only on the score of necessity.
I ordered on from Lower Sandusky, a point without my
limits, Captain Sanders and Lieutenant Scott of the 17th
infantry, with their respective commands. I have also or
ganized a company of Canadians, 120 in number, to act
until the return of the expedition, pledging myself to have
them paid at the rate of one dollar per day each. I hope
you will approve this step. I am enabled 'by acting thus,
to embark 500 regulars and 250 militia. My troops are
all on board, and part of the fleet is now under way. I

460 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

disapprove the expedition against Mackinaw, because if it
be taken, we are not at all benefitted. — Croghan."

The fleet advanced but slowly through Lake St. Clair,
which is so shallow, that there was some difficulty in find
ing a channel deep enough for the largest vessels. It was
the 12th, before they had passed Fort Gratiot, on the west
side of the river St. Clair, at the entrance into Lake Huron.
That fort had recently been built by Captain Gratiot, who
had been sent up by Colonel Croghan on that service, with
a few regulars early in May, and had afterwards been
joined by Colonel Cotgrove with a small regiment of Ohio
militia, on whom the completion and maintenance of the
post had devolved. Colonel Cotgrove now embarked with a
few of his men in the expedition under Croghan.

Having entered Lake Huron, the fleet agreeably to the
instructions of the government, steered directly for Macke-
dash or Gloucester bay, which communicates through Lake
Simcoe, with York the capital of Upper Canada. The en
trance of the bay is closed by a chain of islands, through
which our commodore had no pilot to conduct him, and the
navigation is extremely difficult and dangerous. A whole
week was spent in searching for a channel, through which
the fleet could safely reach the establishment of the enemy,
the destruction of which was the principle object of the ex
pedition ; but no such channel could be found, and the com
mander was at last compelled to proceed without visiting
the place against which the government had principally
sent him. This failure, however, was in reality unimport
ant, for the enemy had no such establishment at Macke-
dash, as the expedition was intended to destroy.

The fleet now sailed to St. Josephs, where they arrived
on the 20th of July. That post had been evacuated by the
enemy, apparently several months ago. A detachment was
sent on shore to burn the fort. Major Holmes was then

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 461

detached with two small vessels under Lieutenant Turner
of the navy, and a small force of regulars and artillery, to
visit the strait of St. Marys which forms the communica
tion between Lakes Huron and Superior, for the purpose
of destroying a trading establishment belonging to the
enemy at that place. The balance of the fleet steered for
Mackinaw. Major Holmes reached his destination in two
days, and immediately attacked the trading house of the
northwest company. It was easily taken, for the agent and
the Indians immediately fled into the wilderness. They
had previously carried a great quantity of their goods into
the woods, as soon as they had been apprised of our ap
proach ; those goods, however, were soon found by our men.
They were deposited within the limits of our territory, and
were claimed as American property, by a fellow who had
been a citizen and magistrate of the. Michigan territory, but
was now in the service of the company, for whom he was
thus endeavoring by false pretexts to save their property.
Major Holmes, however, was not to be gulled in this man
ner. A schooner was also found above the fort, which the
enemy had abandoned and set on fire. She was saved from
the flames by Lieutenant Turner, but in bringing her
through the rapids, she bilged and was then voluntarily
destroyed.

The fleet arrived off Mackinaw on the 26th of July, and
some prisoners being taken, from whom information was
obtained, that the schooner Nancy, a vessel which the
enemy had kept on the upper lakes, was daily expected
from the Natawasauga river, Commodore Sinclair immed
iately stationed his vessels in a manner to intercept her.
On the next day Colonel Croghan made a demonstration
towards a landing on Round Island, about three-quarters
of a mile from Mackinaw. This being observed by the
enemy, two batteaux of British regulars, and twenty or

4(52 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

thirty canoes filled with Indians were immediately sent
to the island; and a number of other boats were held in
readiness at the beach to reinforce this detachment, should
it become necessary. As Commodore Sinclair did not
think it prudent to station his vessels, so as to cut off the
communication between the islands, on account of the
difficult anchorage which he would have to occupy, the
attempt to land was abandoned. From every appearance
in these manoeuvres, and from the best information that
could be obtained, it was believed, that the force of the
enemy was at least 1,000 including Indians, and that he
had determined on making an obstinate resistance. It
was ascertained that the garrison had lately been rein
forced by Colonel R. M'Dowell, who had strengthened the
fort and occupied the heights which command it, with a
strong fortification. Colonel Croghan hence determined
to postpone any further operations, until Major Holmes
should arrive with the detachment under his command,
which happened on the next day after the attempt to land.
Colonel Croghan now resolved to effect a landing on
the island of Mackinaw, and to seize some strong position
and fortify it, from which he could annoy the fort. He
was in hopes, that the enemy would be tempted to meet
him and risk a battle in the open plain; or provoked by
the annoyance, and anxious to terminate the seige, that he
would be induced at last to make a sortie and attack our
entrenchments. Without some fortunate occurrence of
this kind, our commanders had but little hope of succeed
ing against a superior force strongly fortified. A landing
on the east end of the island would have been preferred, as
being near the position of the enemy ; but the height of the
bank was there so great, the batteries of the enemy being
upwards of 100 feet above the water, that no material ad
vantage could be derived from the guns of the fleet at that

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 463

place. It was, therefore, determined to sail round the
island and land on the west side, where the ground was so
low that the debarkation could be effectually covered by
the fleet. Having ascertained, that a strong position could
be had for a camp in that quarter, the commodore sailed
round the island in the night, and on the morning of the
4th of August, a landing was effected without opposition.
The troops were formed in two lines with a corps of re
serve. The front was composed of the militia, 250 strong,
formed in open order under Colonel Cotgrove. A battal
ion of regulars 420 in number formed the second line un
der Major Holmes. The reserve consisted of eighty regu
lars and marines posted on the rear of the flanks. In this
order our troops advanced towards a small field, about
three-quarters of a mile from the place of landing; but be
fore they had proceeded far, Colonel Croghan ascertained,
that the enemy were waiting for us in order of battle, at
the opposite side of the field, in the edge of the woods. A
fire was soon afterwards opened upon us from a battery,
covered by a temporary breastwork, in front of their line,
which extended the whole length of the field. Colonel
Cotgrove returned their fire with a 4-pounder, which was
attached to his line, as soon as he could uncover it in the
edge of the field; and Colonel Croghan now determined to
push forward the battalion of regulars on the right under
cover of the woods, and while Cotgrove amused the enemy
in front, to turn their left flank with the regulars, or by a
sudden charge break through it, and thus gain their rear.
Major Holmes was gallantly advancing in the execution of
this plan, when a fire from an advanced party of the enemy
unfortunately killed him, and at the same moment wounded
Captain Desha, the second in command. This unlucky
occurrence produced a halt, and caused some confusion in
the line; but Captain Desha, not being disabled by his

464 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

wound, soon had his men again in motion ; and finding the
woods impenetrably thick on the left of the enemy, he
immediately charged them in front with great bravery,
and drove them from their position. Being exposed to the
fire of the enemy for some time in advancing upon them
while they lay secure behind their breastwork, we neces
sarily sustained some loss, which we had not an oppor
tunity to retaliate. Though driven from their position,
they still kept up a warm fire for some time in the woods,
and particularly on our left, till they were driven in that
quarter by a piece of artillery under Lieutenant Morgan.
Being in complete possession of the ground, Colonel
Croghan immediately examined the advantages of the
position, and found it so weak, that he deemed it impru
dent to attempt to occupy it for any length of time. The
heights which he first intended to occupy, were yet two
miles in advance, and were only to be reached by march
ing through a thick wood, over ground with which he was
entirely unacquainted. In performing such a march, the
enemy would annoy him excessively, and perhaps, be able
to defeat him, and even capture his whole force. He,
therefore, prudently determined to retire to the fleet, and
abandon an enterprise in which there was so little pros
pect of final success. Preparatory for the retreat, the
militia were formed on the route towards the shipping;
and the battalion of regulars under Captain Sanders, the
severity of his wound having forced Captain Desha to
retire, was then ordered to fall back through the field in
line, and as it reached the woods to file off to the rear
through the militia by the heads of divisions, the intervals
between which were to be covered on the rear by the militia,
who retreated in line. In this order Colonel Croghan safe
ly withdrew his forces, in the face of an enemy superior in
numbers, and embarked them again without molestation.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 465

Two of our wounded, and the body of Major Holmes, were
unfortunately left on the ground. Our total loss wa»
twelve killed and thirty-eight wounded. The loss of the
enemy was much less.

On the next morning after the battle, Colonel Croghan
sent Captain Gratiot with a flag to the garrison, to ascer
tain the situation of the wounded, who had been left on the
island, and to request the body of Major Holmes. The
following is an extract from the answer of Colonel
M'Dowell:

"The wounded of the United States troops, left upon
the field of battle yesterday, have been brought into the
garrison, where they have received the required medical
assistance, and every possible attention and comfort, which
their respective cases required. I had flattered myself that
you had been enabled to carry off the body of Major
Holmes, and regret exceedingly to add, that in consequence
of his being stripped by the Indians (a circumstance,
however unpleasant to my feelings, it was out of my power
to prevent) his rank was not discovered, which unfortu
nately prevented his being interred with those military
honors, which were so peculiarly due to his rank and
character. I personally superintended the decent inter
ment of the dead previous to my quitting the field.

"I beg leave to send you some of our latest papers. I
should have been happy to have accompanied them with
such little luxuries as might have been acceptable in your
situation ; but fruit and vegetables being the principal we
have to offer, Captain Gratiot informs me you are already
supplied with them."

Such conduct and complaisance, as are indicated in
this letter, would have been a great novelty in the British
northwestern service, and would have signally illustrated
the name of Colonel M'Dowell, amid the host of British
barbarians who served in that quarter, had not the letter
been a piece of gross hypocrisy and misrepresentation. It

30

466 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

was afterwards ascertained, that the Indians in this case,
were permitted in the presence of the British officers, to
eat the hearts of the Americans who fell in the battle, and
that one of the prisoners was actually murdered by a mili
tiaman, who was screened from punishment by the author
ity of M'Dowell.

In his letter to the war department, Colonel Croghan
bears the following testimony to the merits of his officers
and men on this occasion.

"This affair has cost us many valuable lives, and leaves
us to lament the fall of that gallant officer, Major Holmes,
whose character is so well known to the war department.
Captain Vanhorne of the 19th, and Lieutenant Jackson
of the 4th, both brave intrepid young officers, fell mortally
wounded at the head of their respective commands. The
conduct of all my officers merits my approbation. Cap
tain Desha of the 24th, though severely wounded, continued
with his command, till forced to retire, by faint-ness from
loss of blood. Captains Sanders, Hawkins, and Sturgis,
with every officer of that battalion, acted in the most exem
plary manner. Ensign Bryan, acting adjutant of the
battalion, actively forwarded the orders of the command
ing officer. Lieutenants Hickman of the 28th, and Hyde
of the marines, who commanded the reserve, merit my par
ticular thanks for keeping their commands in readiness to
meet any exigency. Lieutenant Morgan was active, and
his two assistants, Lieutenant Pickett and Mr. Peters, de
serve the name of good officers. The militia were wanting
in no part of their duty. Colonel Cotgrove, his officers
and soldiers, deserve the warmest approbation. My acting
assistant adjutant-general, Captain N. H. Moore, of the
28th, with volunteer adjutant M'Comb, were prompt in
delivering my orders. Captain Gratiot of the engineers,
who volunteered as adjutant on the occasion gave me valu
able assistance. — Croghan."

Every idea of continuing the operations against Macki
naw was now abandoned ; and the commandants of the ex-

IK TETE WESTERN COUNTRY 467

pedition determined, to discharge the militia and send
them home in some of the vessels, together with a portion
of the regulars, who were to proceed down Lake Erie to
join the army under General Brown. The Lawrence and
Caledonia were dispatched on this business under Lieuten
ant Dexter, and Colonel Croghan with Commodore Sinclair
and the remainder of the fleet and regulars, proceeded
towards the mouth of the Natawasauga river, in search of
the schooner Nancy, which was freighted with supplies for
Mackinaw. Immediately after the arrival of our flotilla off
Mackinaw, Colonel M'Dowell had sent an express, a single
individual in a canoe, who made his escape in the night,
to meet the Nancy and apprise her of the blockade, which
induced her to return within the mouth of the Natawa
sauga river. On the 13th, Commodore Sinclair anchored
off its mouth, and the troops were immediately landed on
the peninsula between the river and the lake, for the pur
pose of forming an encampment. On reconnoitering up
the river, a blockhouse was discovered with the schooner
Nancy under its guns. As it was late in the evening and
none but 4-pounders had yet been landed from the fleet,
Colonel Croghan determined to wait till morning before
he would commence an attack.

Early in the morning Commodore Sinclair opened the
fire of the fleet on the blockhouse; but a few hours ex
perience proved, that the object was too distant, and too
much covered by the timber on shore, to be much affected
in this way. Two large howitzers were then landed, and
placed in a position selected by Captain Gratiot. They
were fired but a few times before a shell was thrown into
the magazine of the blockhouse, which immediately blew
it up, and set the schooner on fire. The enemy then fled
precipitately, and Commodore Sinclair dispatched several
boats to extinguish the flames of the vessel; but several

468 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

explosions took place on board, which prevented the sailors
from approaching her. A supply of flour with various
other stores, sufficient to subsist the garrison of Mackinaw
for six months was thus consumed. Before the explosion
of the magazine, Lieutenant Worsley who commanded the
enemy, resisted the attack with great spirit; and the In
dians occasionally fired at our men from the opposite side
of the river, wrhich was a narrow stream, with a forest al
most impenetrable on its banks. Several articles of prop
erty were found on the premises, and among them the desk
of Lieutenant Worsley with all his papers, from the con
tents of which it appeared, that the garrison at Mackinaw
were so scarce of provisions, that the supplies on board the
Nancy were deemed of the utmost importance. Two 24-
pounders were taken in the blockhouse, together with a
6-pounder, and a new boat large enough to carry a 24-
pound carronade wras found in the river.

The communication from York into Lake Huron, lies
through Lake Simcoe and the Natawasauga river, the
mouth of which is immediately below Mackedash, or
Gloucester bay, on which Colonel Croghan had received
discretionary instructions to establish a post, with a view
to form a new line of operations from that place to York,
as soon as the enemy could be driven from all the penin
sula above such a line. The colonel was not of the opinion,
however, that it would be advisable at this time to establish
such a post; for the distance to York was too short, and
the communication so easy, that while the latter remained
in the possession of the enemy, they would be able to seize
a favorable moment and capture any garrison he could
establish without much difficulty. He determined, how
ever, to leave a part of the squadron at the mouth of the
river, to cut off the communication between York and
Mackinaw during the present season. As the garrison of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 469

Mackinaw were already short of provisions, and their ex
pected supply in the Nancy was now destroyed, it was
not doubted but that a blockade of the pass through which
their supplies must be brought, until its navigation was
closed by the winter season, would certainly produce the
evacuation or surrender of Mackinaw. Lieutenant Turner
was therefore left at this place with two of the smaller
vessels, and with instructions to keep up a rigid blockade
of the river, not suffering a boat nor canoe to pass, until
the inclemency of the season should render it unsafe to
remain any longer. Trees were felled into the river to
interrupt its navigation ; and the lieutenant was cautioned
to watch the coast for some distance on both sides, and to
guard particularly against a surprise.

The troops being again embarked, the fleet sailed down
the lake for Fort Gratiot; but it was overtaken by a
heavy, gale, by which it was greatly endangered. All the
boats, including the commodore's launch, and the new
gun boat lately taken from the enemy, were entirely lost;
and the Niagara with 450 men on board was for several
hours in the most imminent danger. The commodore was
compelled to throw some of his guns overboard, and at
last was saved by a sudden change of the wind.

"There is nothing," says Commodore Sinclair, "like an
chorage in Lake Huron, except in the mouths of rivers,
the whole coast being a steep perpendicular rock. In this
extremely dangerous navigation, entirely unknown to our
pilots except direct to Mackinaw I have several times been
in danger of total loss, by suddenly falling from no sound
ing into three fathom water, and twice into less over a
craggy rock. Those dangers might be avoided from the
transparency of the water, were it not for the continued
thick fogs, which prevail almost as constantly as on the
Grand Bank.''

470 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

On the 21st of August they reached Fort Gratiot, and
in two days more arrived at Detroit. Without any un
necessary delay at that place, Commodore Sinclair pro
ceeded to Erie, and thence sent several of his vessels to
Buffalo, to render any assistance which might be practic
able to the army of General Brown at that time besieging
Fort Erie.

Lieutenant Turner continued to blockade the mouth
of the river agreeably to his instructions, for a week or
more after the departure of the fleet and then made several
excursions in one of his vessels, as he had been authoiized
to do, among the islands along the northwest coast of the
lake. Lieutenant W7orsley and the crew of the Nancy,
about twenty in number, after their escape from the block
house, had fortunately found a boat on the lake shore,
probably one of ours which had been lost in the storm,
in which they crossed the lake in safety to Mackinaw.
Colonel M'Dowell in the mean time had closely watched
the movements of the fleet under Commodore Sinclair, and
Avas well apprised of the situation and objects of the de
tachment under Turner. On the arrival of Worsley at
Mackinaw, an expedition was therefore immediately plan
ned, and the execution entrusted to him, for the capture
of that detachment. To open the communication with
York immediately, was an object of so much importance,
that the most intrepid and hazardous exertions would be
made to effect it. Lieutenant Worsley with his marines
and sixty or seventy men from the Newfoundland regiment,
accordingly embarked at Mackinaw on the first of Septem
ber, in four batteaux each commanded by a lieutenant.
Having received information, that one of our vessels, the
Tigress, was then lying off St. Josephs, near a place
called the Detour, he steered directly for that place and
arrived near it on the evening of the third. A reconnoiter-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 471

ing party was sent in advance, by which the precise situa
tion of the Tigress was ascertained. The night came on
cloudy and dark, and about nine o'clock Lieutenant Wors-
ley brought up his batteaux against her with the utmost
silence. Her commander, sailing master, Champlain, did
not discover them until they had arrived within a few yards
of his vessel. He then called all his men to their quarters,
and for a considerable time repelled the attempts of the
enemy to board, until himself and all his officers being
wounded, and his men greatly overpowered by numbers, he
was compelled to give up the contest. The Tigress carried
a twenty-four-pounder, and had thirty men on board. Three
of her men were killed and several more wounded — the
enemy had two killed and seven or eight wounded. Dick-
son, the celebrated emissary of the British among the
Indians, was a volunteer under Worsley in this affair.

Next day Lieutenant Worsley sailed down the lake in
the Tigress to look for the Scorpion, the vessel in which
Lieutenant Turner was embarked. The latter carried a
long twelve in addition to her twenty-four-pounder; yet
Worsley determined to risk an attack upon her in the Tig
ress alone. Having described her on the evening of the
fifth he came to anchor at a considerable distance from her
without passing signals, it being then too late to make an
attack before night, in which he did not wish to engage
her. Early in the morning he got under way, and ran down
along side of the Scorpion, when there were but four or
five men on deck. As he came up close, he fired into her,
and immediately boarded her, before the crew could get
to their quarters, so as to make an efficient resistance.
And thus Lieutenant Turner and his two gunboats fell an
easy prey into the hands of the enemy, both being captured
by surprise and without much fighting. In a few days
Lieutenant Worsley arrived in triumph at Mackinaw, to

472 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

the great joy of the allied forces of that place. To them it
was an important victory, for it opened at once their com
munication with York, and furnished them vessels for the
safe transportation of supplies across the lake. The Brit
ish also made it a very great affair on paper — when offi
cially announced by Adjutant-General Baynes he stated
that the captured vessels "had crews of three hundred men
each." He only exaggerated 570 in stating the forces of
two gunboats — such is the royal contempt for truth, which
is constantly observed in the British officials. In this in
stance, however, the exaggeration was excusable ; for John
Bull was in great need of something to raise his spirits,
after the severe drubbings he had recently received on the
Niagara frontier and at Plattsburg.

And thus terminated the operations on the upper lakes
with the results decidedly in favor of the enemy. Colonel
Croghan and Commodore Sinclair, however, conducted the
expedition, as far as it depended on them, with great pru
dence, skill, and bravery, effecting every thing which it was
possible to effect with the forces under their command ; and
had Lieutenant Turner managed the business on which he
was left, with equal prudence and good fortune, the result
of the whole would have been greatly in our favor ; for the
communication with Mackinaw being cut off, that post
must have fallen in the winter, or early in the spring, for
the want of adequate supplies.

It is now time we should notice a treaty with the In
dians, which was negotiated about the time Colonel Crog
han sailed on his expedition from Detroit.

Some time in June, the President constituted a com
mission to treat with the northwestern Indians at Green
ville; it consisted of General Harrison, Governor Shelby,
and Colonel Johnson. The two latter declined the appoint
ment and Generals Cass and Adair were nominated to sue-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 473

ceed them, but at a period too late for the latter to attend.
The treaty was expected to commence on the twentieth of
June ; and at that time the Indians began to assemble and
continued to arrive until the first of July. The greater
part of those tribes who had been engaged in the war.
made their appearance at the council, or were amply rep
resented by their deputies. A large portion of the Potawat-
amies, Winebagoes, and Chippewas, however, preferred to
adhere to the British and continued hostile. The whole
number present, men, women, and children, was about
4,000 — of whom not more than a fourth were warriors.
The negotiation was opened early in July, and eventuated
about the middle of that month, in a renewal of the treaty
of Greenville, a treaty concluded at the same place with
General Wayne in 1895; and an engagement on the part
of the Indians, to take up the tomahawk against the Brit
ish. To the latter condition two of the Miami chiefs ob
jected. They were then reminded that at the commence
ment of the war the American government had used its
best endeavors to prevail upon them to remain neutral ; and
as they had then refused to do so, and had joined the Brit
ish, they could not now be indulged in an equivocal course.
They at last agreed to engage on our side ; and the treaty
being signed, the assemblage broke up in a war dance. A
considerable portion of the warriors were detained, till the
pleasure of the war department was known, in relation to
their employment in our service. Some of them were then
carried to Detroit by Governor Cass, with a view to em
ploy them against the enemy, should a suitable opportunity
occur.

The pacification thus confirmed at Greenville did not,
however, entirely relieve us from Indian hostility, as we
have already seen in detailing the occurrences of the ex
pedition under Croghan. The savages residing to the

474 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

northwest beyond Lakes Huron and Michigan, and those
still more westwardly beyond the Illinois River who had
not felt the force of our arms, and who were still accessible
to the intrigues of the British from their posts on Lake
Huron, continued to oppose us wherever they had an op
portunity to strike. Even many of those residing within
the Michigan territory, on the borders of Lakes Huron and
Michigan, also continued hostile.

After their defeat on the Thames, a number of their
chiefs had visited Quebec, where they received the most con
ciliating treatment, and in return gave assurance in their
speeches to the governor-general that the British might
still rely on their friendship. Dickson was soon after
wards sent up, loaded with presents for them, and in
structed to carry his intrigues to the westward. He went
to Mackinaw in the winter and thence among the western
Indians about Prairie du Chien, from which place he
brought reinforcements for the defense of Mackinaw in the
spring. Governor Edwards being appraised that he was
among the Indians in that quarter, was again exceedingly
alarmed for the safety of his territory; but the British
emissary once more disappointed him, and conducted his
recruits to a more northern theatre.

Early in the spring Governor Clarke, of the Missouri
territory, was instructed by the War Department, to as
cend the Mississippi to Prairie du Chien and establish a
garrison at that place. He left St. Louis about the first
of May, and proceeded up the river in several armed boats
with 200 men under Captains Yeiser and Sullivan and
Lieutenant Perkins. He reached his destination without
difficulty, all the Indians he met being friendly, or at least
not disposed to engage him. Captain Drace, of the Brit
ish service, had been posted at the village of Prairie clu
Chien with an inconsiderable corps, with which he fled on

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 475

the approach of Governor Clarke. The Indians, most dis
posed to fight, had gone about a month before with Dick-
son to Mackinaw, and those who remained would not agree
to fight for Draco. The inhabitants of the village, mostly
French people, also fled from their homes, but were soon
induced to return. Lieutenant Perkins with sixty regulars
took possession of the house formerly occupied by the Brit
ish Mackinaw company, and immediately began to build
a fort, about 200 yards from the bank of the river, which
was called Fort Shelby. As soon as the post was toler
ably strengthened, Governor Clarke returned to St. Louis,
leaving Captains Yeiser and Sullivan with a gunboat and
armed barge and a crew of 100 men to co-operate with
Lieutenant Perkins in maintaining the post. Captain Sul
livan's company in the barge, and a part of the crew be
longing to the gunboat, were militia wrho had engaged
only for sixty days. When their time expired they re
turned home in the barge, leaving about 100 men at the
Prairie. No indications of hostility had yet appeared ; but
early in July, Lieutenant Perkins was informed that prep
arations for an attack were in progress among the In
dians.

As soon as the British at Mackinaw received intelli
gence, that Governor Clarke had occupied the post of
Prairie du Chien, Colonel M'Dowell determined to send an
expedition against it. He was uncertain at that time,
whether an attack would be made on his own post, and ven
tured to detach Colonel M'Kay with twelve men, and some
light pieces of artillery on this enterprise. They proceeded
in boats by the way of Green Bay, and having dragged their
watercraft and artillery across the portage to the Ouiscon-
sin River, they embarked again and continued their voy
age down that river for Fort Shelby. On their way they
were able to engage upwards "of a thousand Indians in the

476 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

enterprise. With this force the colonel made his appear
ance before the fort about the middle of July. Lieutenant
Perkins had made every practicable arrangement for for
midable resistance. Captain Yeiser had anchored the gun
boat in the river opposite to the fort. As soon as Colonel
M'Kay's forces had surrounded the fort, and he had planted
his artillery in a situation to play upon the gunboat, he
sent in a flag to demand a surrender. This was promptly
refused by Lieutenant Perkins, who assured his adversary
that he was prepared to defend himself to the last ex
tremity.

A general attack now commenced with the artillery and
small arms, the former being directed at the gunboat, but
at so great a distance that no execution was done. Having
changed their position, they compelled Captain Yeiser to
change his also, by going higher up the river, opposite the
upper end of the village. From a contiguous island which
was thickly covered with timber, and from the houses of
the village, the Indians now annoyed his crew in safety.
Hence he was induced to retreat down the river, which he
effected under a heavy fire on both sides for several miles.
His loss, however, was very inconsiderable.

Lieutenant Perkins was now left with sixty regulars to
oppose the combined forces of the enemy, amounting at
least to 1,200 men. A brisk fire was kept up on both sides,
but with very little effect, as the garrisons were protected
by their walls, and the enemy by the houses in the village.
The British began to approach the fort by regular en
trenchments, and in two or three days had made very con
siderable progress, having reached within 150 yards of the
pickets. Ammunition by this time had also become very
scarce in the garrison. Lieutenant Perkins was hence in
duced to call a council of his officers to consult on their
critical situation. Satisfied that it would be impossible to

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 477

maintain the post much longer, a capitulation was advised
under a belief that the chance to escape a massacre was
better if they surrendered than it would be if they were
captured. A flag was accordingly sent to Colonel M'Kay,
with whom the terms of capitulation were soon settled. He
agreed that private property should be respected, that the
Americans should be protected against the Indians, and
that they should be sent down the river to the nearest
American post, not to serve till regularly exchanged. How
ever incredible it may appear to our readers, we can as
sure them that these terms were honorably fulfilled on the
part of Colonel M'Kay. Though a British officer, and acting
in concert as usual with a great body of Indians, yet he
would not suffer them, however anxious they might be to
murder a single prisoner, nor to maltreat them in any man
ner. With a degree of firmness and humanity, which would
have been honorable to a Kentuckian, he restrained the
savages and fulfilled his engagements. With pleasure we
record the solitary instance.

After Governor Clarke had arrived at home, General
Howard, who had just returned to St. Louis from a visit to
Kentucky, thought it advisable to send up a reinforcement
with supplies to the garrison at Fort Shelby. Lieutenant
Campbell with forty-three regulars and sixty-six rangers
under the command of two other subaltern officers, were
accordingly embarked in three boats, with a fourth in com
pany belonging to the contractor's department, and includ
ing in the whole upwards of one hundred and thirty souls.
When they had reached near the head of the rapids, and
not expecting any hostility, were at a considerable distance
apart, a furious attack was made by the Indians on the near-
boat under Lieutenant Campbell, which was then grounded
on a lee shore. As soon as the others were appraised of
the attack, they came down to her assistance and gallantly

478 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

defended themselves for several hours. But by this time
five or six hundred savages had collected on the banks and
concealed themselves behind trees and other objects from
which they could fire at the boats in safety. The boat
first attacked had also taken fire and was abandoned by her
crew. Under these circumstances a retreat was com
menced, after sustaining a loss in the whole of twelve
killed and twenty or thirty wounded.

At the time of the battle, Captain Yeiser in the gunboat
from Fort Shelby, had arrived at the head of the rapids
where he met the contractor's boat still in advance, and was
fired on by the Indians while lying at anchor near the shore
in consequence of an unfavorable wind. The attack of the
Indians induced him to haul off and anchor beyond the
reach of their small arms, where he lay till the next morn
ing. Having in the meantime ascertained the defeat of the
other boats, he now proceeded down the river also, and ar
rived soon after them at St. Louis. And thus terminated
in defeat the expedition to Prairie du Chien, which was
commenced with flattering prospects of success. It failed
through the inadequacy of our resources and chiefly for
the want of men — the great cause of all our failures in the
war. Wherever the American forces had an equal chance,
in point of numbers and equipment, the victory was al
most invariably on their side. In a few instances, the for
tune of the way was turned against us by the base coward
ice or gross stupidity of an unworthy commander; but in
general when the difficulty of bringing an adequate num
ber of men into the field had been surmounted, heaven
crowned the invincible bravery of the freeborn American
and the justice of his cause with success.

After the expedition of Prairie du Chien had failed, the
Indians continued to commit depredations on the frontiers
of our territories. Success encouraged and rendered them

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 479

insolent and daring. To keep them in check, several small
expeditions were sent out against them, on the Missouri
and Mississippi rivers, and several skirmishes were fought
with them, in which a good many lives were lost on both
sides. It would be too tedious to enter into details — we,
therefore, hasten to the mounted expedition, led into Upper
Canada by General M' Arthur in the fall of this year, with
which the operations of the war in the northwest were fin
ally closed.

It being conclusively ascertained by the treaty of
Greenville that the Potawatamies residing on the borders
of Lake Michigan had determined to adhere to the British,
our government immediately resolved to send an expedition
to chastise them into peace. The following order was there
fore issued to General M? Arthur from the War Department
on the second of August :

"Sir: — The President has determined to carry an ex
pedition of mounted men and friendly Indians against the
Potawatamie tribe inhabiting the country on both sides
of Lake Michigan. It is his wish also, that you should
take command of the expedition. With these views, you
are authorized to raise a body of 1,000 mounted men,
within the district now under your command. The auxili
ary Indian force will be seen in the enclosed extract of a
letter from Generals Harrison and Cass. Besides destroy
ing the town and crops of this hostile tribe, it is desirable
to establish a post and raise one or more blockhouses at
such places near the mouth of St. Josephs as may be best
calculated for covering during the winter, the whole or
a part of the fleet under the command of Commodore Sin-
cl air . — Armst r on g. • '

The latter part of the order was penned in the expecta
tion that Colonel Croghan would succeed completely in his
expedition on Lake Huron. As soon as General M? Arthur
received the order, he called on the governors of Ohio and

480 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

Kentucky to furnish 500 mounted men each to rendezvous
at Urbana on the twentieth of September. It was the
twentieth of August before the requisition was received by
the governor of Kentucky, but such was the patriotism
and zeal of that State that seven volunteer companies were
raised and marched to the place of rendezvous in due time.
Similar exertions were attended with equal success in the
State of Ohio. Their destination was still left to conjec
ture. In the meantime the failure of the expedition under
Croghan was ascertained; and General M? Arthur then de
termined to abandon that, which he was directed to lead
against the Indians. An order for disbanding the volun
teer militia was accordingly issued on the seventeenth of
August. Those from Kentucky, however, forming a bat
talion under the command of Major Peter Dudley, contin
ued their march and reached Urbana on the twentieth,
without having received the order; and on the same day
General M' Arthur received a dispatch from Governor Cass,
at Detroit, informing him that the Indians had committed
several murders in the vicinity of that place, and request
ing assistance to chastise them. The general was induced
by these occurrences to countermand his order for disband
ing the volunteers, and sent expresses in different direc
tions to recall the Ohio companies which had returned
home. Many of them had dispersed, and having given up
the idea of going, could not be induced to come forward
again. A small battalion of three companies, and some
fragments of companies, were all that appeared; so that
the whole force collected did not exceed 640 men, of whom
about two-thirds were Kentuckians. In a few days the
whole was properly organized and prepared to march.
Major Charles S. Todd, assistant inspector general of the
United States Army, accompanied the detachment as ad
jutant general, and Captain William Bradford, of the 17th,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 481

as brigade major — both gallant young officers, zealously
devoted to the cause of their country.

On the 28th they arrived in the open plains above
Upper Sandusky, where a portion of the day was spent by
Major Todd and Adjutants Berry and Wood in training
the troops. On the next day the detachment was left under
Major Todd with orf^rs to move down slowly below San-
dusky, occasionally Alining the men, while General M'Ar-
thur, Captain Bradford, and Doctor Turner visited old
Tahe, the Wyandot sachem, to procure some of his war
riors for the expedition. That venerable chief agreed that
as many of his young men as could be mounted might join
our standard, and seventy-four Shawanese, Delawares,
Wyandots, etc., were accordingly equipped under their
chiefs Lewis, Wolf, and Civil John.

Some delay having taken place about Lower Sandusky
for the purpose of resting the horses, etc., it was on the
fifth of October before the detachment arrived at the river
Raisin. In the meantime, General W Arthur had twice re
ceived dispatches from Governor Cass informing him that
the Indians continued to commit depredations and murders
in the vicinity of Detroit. At the river Raisin the general
was informed by some of the inhabitants that a body of
300 or 400 Potawatamies were assembled at an old trading
house on the river Huron, about forty-five miles distant,
near which it was said there was a village of that tribe.
With a view to attack them and destroy the village the de
tachment was marched up the river Raisin some distance
and then conducted across the country to the place where
the enemy was expected ; but there was no appearance at
the old trading house, of any large number of Indians in
that quarter ; and on searching up the river no village could
be found. Some prisoners were captured, consisting chiefly
of squaws, who contradicted the statements received at the

482 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

river Raisin. The general then marched his men directly
towards Detroit, at which place he arrived on the ninth of
October.

The critical situation of the army under General Brown
at Fort Erie now induced General M' Arthur to change his
destination and march towards Burlington Heights at the
head of Lake Ontario, with a vieW;;to form a junction in
his favor, by destroying the mills >£i the neighborhood of
Grand River, from which General Drummond drew the
principal support of his troops. To accomplish such an
enterprise, secrecy and despatch were required ; but before
it could be commenced, it was necessary to refresh the
horses by a few days rest. In the meantime, to prevent in
telligence of the intended movement from being conveyed
to the British by traitorous citizens of Detroit, and to pre
vent even the apprehension of such an enterprise from be
ing excited in the enemy, the real object was concealed and
a report was circulated as a secret, that an expedition was
to be carried against an Indian village on the Saganaw
River, which empties into Lake Huron on the southward
side, about 120 miles above Detroit. In a general order
the troops were entreated "to take special care of their
horses, and to prepare for a short, rapid, and it is believed
a brilliant expedition — one which may be attended with
some danger, and may require all their fortitude to produce
a successful issue."

On the twenty-second, the preparations for the enter
prise were deemed sufficient, and on that day five pieces
of artillery were sent up the river in boats, under the pre
tense that they were intended to batter a fortification
which the Indians had erected on the Saganaw River.
The Kentucky battalion also marched up the west side
of the river Detroit, and on the next day was followed by
the other, under the command of Captain M'Cormick of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 483

the rangers, who had joined the expedition with his com
pany and a few Michigan volunteers. The whole force
was now estimated at 720 men. On the twenty-sixth,
after encountering many difficulties in crossing swamps,
rivers, and arms of Lake St. Clair, the whole detachment
arrived about six miles up the river St. Clair, where the
general intended ' <* cross into Canada and proceed direct
on his enterprise l The object of the expedition was now
explained to the troops, together with the necessity of
taking this route, to prevent intelligence of their march
from being sent to the enemy by their friends in Detroit
and Sandwich. The boats with the artillery having ar
rived, the troops proceeded to cross the strait, which was
completed next morning; and on the same day they
marched up to the Belldoon settlement, on the north side
of Bear Creek. This settlement is a little colony of sev
enty-five Scotch families, which was planted here in 1806
by Lord Selkirk. They were supplied with horses and a
stock of merino sheep which rapidly increased, while the
people and horses were gradually diminishing. The boats
having ascended Bear Creek, and set the troops across it
at this place were now dismissed and returned home with
the artillery, one only being retained to carry the am
munition up the creek; and that one was unfortunately
lost on the following day.

The detachment now marched rapidly on their way
towards the Moravian town, Delaware, etc., through
which they intended to pass. Above the Moravian town
the front guard fortunately captured a British sergeant,
who was proceeding with intelligence of the expedition
directly to Burlington Heights. A detachment of the
rangers was then sent forward under Lieutenant Ray-
burn, to get in the rear of Delaware and guard every
pass to prevent intelligence from being sent forward from

484 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

that place; which he effectually accomplished. When the
troops reached the lower end of the Delaware settlement,
where it became necessary to cross the Thames to the
north side, they were detained a considerable portion of
two days in effecting its passage, which they accom
plished with great difficulty in consequence of its being
raised by late rains.

On the fourth of November, the^detachment entered
the village of Oxford, very much to the astonishment of
the inhabitants, who had received no credible information
of its approach. The general promised the inhabitants
protection, and paroled the militia of the place after hav
ing disarmed them. He threatened destruction, however,
to the property of any person who should send forward
intelligence of his advance. But two militia men, who
had been paroled, were not to be deterred in this way
from carrying the news to Burford, Avliere a body of the
militia had collected and were constructing a breastwork.
The escape of those fellows from Oxford being ascer
tained, their property was instantly destroyed agreeably
to promise. On the fifth the troops proceeded to Bur-
ford, from which the militia fled precipitately a few hours
before their arrival, spreading consternation through the
country. The inhabitants believed that General M'Ar-
thur had a force of 2,000 men, at least; for they could not
conceive that he would dare to venture so far into their
country with less than that number.

The general had information that a body of militia
were collecting to oppose him at Malcolm's Mill, about
twelve miles from Burford; but he determined to push
on for Burlington without paying any attention to them.
When he arrived near the crossing of Grand River with
these views, he was informed that a force of some Indians,
militia, and dragoons, were posted on the opposite heights

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 485

to contest the passage of the river; and as soon as the
advance of the rangers entered the open ground on the
bank of that stream, the enemy began to fire upon them
from the opposite side. Some of our men crept up be
hind the ferry house and returned the fire with so much
effect that the Indians were compelled to fall back. Dur
ing the skirmish General M'Arthur was consulting what
course should be taken, when a prisoner was fortunately
captured from whom he ascertained that Major Muir had
crossed the river that morning on his way from Kentucky
to join the British army, having recently been exchanged
and sent home after his capture on the Thames ; and that
a large body of Indians with some regulars and three
pieces of artillery were stationed at a very dangerous de
file on the road to Burlington, and but a few miles from
the river. The distance to Burlington was twenty-five
miles. This information combined with the difficulty of
crossing the river, determined the general to turn down
the Long Point road for the purpose of attacking the
militia at Malcolm's Mill. The project of joining Gen
eral Brown was now obviously visionary, and was left
entirely out of his calculations. A plan was conceived
to mask his design from the enemy at Grand River. Only
a few of his troops had come up so close to the river as to
be seen from the opposite side; the balance remained con
cealed by the woods in the rear. Captain Wickliffe was
therefore directed to remain on the ground with 100 men,
and to make as great a show of encamping as possible,
while the main body was secretly marched off towards
Malcolm's mill, in which direction he was to pursue them,
after remaining two hours at Grand River. This manoeu
vre had the desired effect. A party of the men left on
the ground kept up a galling and efficient fire on the In
dians from the ferry house, while the other pretended to

486 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

be forming an encampment, by which means the enemy
were kept from pursuing and liarrassing the main body.
General W Arthur arrived in sight of the enemy near
Malcolm's Mill about four o'clock in the evening. They
were about 550 strong; under the command of Colonels
Ryason and Bostwick; and were well posted in a forti
fied camp on a hill, before which there was a deep and
rapid creek about 120 yards from their breastwork. The
mill pond effectually secured their left, and in front the
only chance to cross was on the frame of a narrow bridge
from which the planks had been torn. From two prison
ers, who had been taken, the force of the enemy was ascer
tained, together with the practicability of fording the
creek some distance below. The detachment was now
dismounted, and their horses placed in the rear under
the protection of a guard. The general determined to
cross the creek below with the Ohio battalion, surround
the camp of the enemy, and attack it in the rear; while
Major Dudley crossed with the Kentuckians on the bridge
and attacked it in front at the same moment. The Ohio
battalion was accordingly marched off by the rear, un
discovered by the enemy, and taking a circuit through the
woods arrived at the creek, where it still appeared too
deep to be forded. General M' Arthur being at the head
of the line on foot, immediately plunged into the water,
which in a few steps came up to his shoulders, and con
vinced him that his men could not cross there and keep
their ammunition dry. Further down a pile of driftwood
was discovered, which reached quite across the stream,
and on that the battalion soon crossed in safety. In a
few minutes more the rear of the enemy was gained,
where he had but slightly fortified his camp. Our In
dians had crossed with the general and as soon as they
came in sight of the enemy they raised their usual hideous

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 487

yell which produced such a panic in the Canadians that
the whole of them fled in confusion at the first fire. On
hearing the approach of our troops in the rear, the Ken-
tuckians crossed the bridge with the utmost expedition to
attack the enemy in front; but before this could be ef
fected and the breastwork gained, there was no enemy to
be seen. General M? Arthur pursued them, and captured
a considerable number, but their escape was favored by
the approach of the night. Their total loss was one cap
tain and seventeen privates killed and nine privates
wounded who were taken — three captains, five subalterns,
and 123 privates taken prisoners. General M? Arthur lost
one killed and six wounded.

The detachment recrossed the creek and encamped
near it for the night, taking care to place out strong pick
ets. The wounded of the enemy were brought to camp
and well attended by our surgeons. In the morning Cap
tain Murray was sent two miles back to burn a mill which
he promptly accomplished; and Malcolm's Mill being set
on fire the march was commenced at eight o'clock in pur
suit of the enemy towards Dover. At Savareen's Mill,
sixty-five of the militia, who had again collected after
their dispersion last night, surrendered themselves and
were paroled. All their arms were destroyed and the mill
burnt. In the evening the detachment encamped in the
neighborhood of Dover, having captured and paroled
thirty more of the militia, and burnt two other merchant
mills, which wrere employed in manufacturing flour for
the army under Druinmond. The detachment had drawn
no flour until this day since they left Beldoon.

Authentic information was now received that General
Izard had abandoned Fort Erie and retired to Buffalo.
The situation of the detachment had become extremely
critical. It was now 225 miles within the enemv's coun-

488 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

try, and was entirely destitute of provisions for the men
and forage for the horses. It might also be expected that
the enemy would make the most vigorous exertions to ef
fect its destruction. Such circumstances were calculated
to dampen the ardor of the most undaunted spirits ; but the
volunteers under M' Arthur were possessed of too much
firmness and enterprise to be discouraged by common
difficulties and dangers. A retrogade movement was now
made, leaving Dover a short distance on the left, and
keeping parallel with the shore of Lake Erie. The coun
try was barren and destitute of resources. A few sheep
furnished a scanty subsistence for the troops. A journey
of eighteen miles was performed this day from the en
campment near Dover. In the meantime the enemy was
in pursuit, and this night a regiment of 1,100 regulars
encamped on the ground which was occupied last night
by the mounted volunteers. The pursuit, however, was
continued no further.

On the twelfth, the troops arrived, after a fatiguing
march through the settlements of the enemy and a por
tion of wilderness at the river Thames opposite an old
Indian village called Muncey town, where rafts were con
structed and the sick placed upon them in the care of the
Indians. The march was again resumed, and on the seven
teenth, the troops reached Sandwich, where they were
honorably discharged on the eighteenth and returned
home. And thus terminated an expedition which was not
surpassed during the war in the boldness of its design,
and the address with which it was conducted. It was at
tended with the loss of one man only on our part, while
that of the enemy was considerable in men, as well as in
the injury done to its resources. It was with great diffi-
cultv that General Drummond could subsist his troops

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 489

with the aid of all the mills in his vicinity; and without
them, his difficulties must have been greatly increased.

General M' Arthur who conceived and conducted the
expedition, displayed great bravery and military skill.
No one could have managed his resources with more pru
dence and effect. His officers and men were also entitled
to the praises and gratitude of the country, for their
firmness in danger and the cheerfulness and fortitude
with which they obeyed his orders and endured the great
est hardships. Major Todd was particularly distinguished.

"I have the support of all the troops", says General
M' Arthur, "in assuring you that to the military talents,
activity, and intelligence of Major Todd, who acted as my
adjutant general, much of the fortunate progress and is
sue of the expedition is attributable; and I cheerfully
embrace this occasion to acknowledge the important serv
ices which he has at all times rendered me whilst in com
mand of the district. His various merits justly entitle
him to the notice of the government. — M' Arthur."

Major Dudley and Captain Bradford were also highly
commended by the general for their zeal, activity, and intel
ligence; together with most of the other officers who
served on the expedition.

CHAPTER XI.

THE WAR WITH THE CREEK INDIANS IN THE SOUTH.

Having brought our detail of the operations in the
northwest to a conclusion, we propose in the last place to
give some account of those transactions in the southwest,
in which the militia from the States of Tennessee and
Kentucky were chiefly concerned.

We have seen in the early part of this history, that
the intrigues of the British before the war were not con
fined to the northwestern Indians alone, but were also
extended to those residing south of Tennessee and west of
Georgia in the Mississippi territory and the Floridas.
When the battle of Tippecanoe was fought, Tecumseh was
absent from his own country on a journey of intrigue
among the southern Indians, for the purpose of engaging
them in the British interest. It is probable that but few
of the British agents in Canada were so enterprising as
to traverse our extensive frontier from the northern lakes
to the Mexican gulf in person; but they did not fail for
many years before the war, and during its whole continu
ance, to keep up a constant intercourse from the north
west with the Creeks and other nations in the south,
through the medium of the most active and influential
chiefs in their employment. These intrigues, however,
were attended with but very partial success. The Chicka-
saws, Cherokees, and Choctaws remained friendly through
the whole war; and only a few individuals the most
abandoned and vicious of the Creek nation could be in-

491

492 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

duced at ail early period to take up the tomahawk against
us.

In the spring of 1812, a party of five Creeks attacked
and massacred two families in the frontier settlements
near the Tennessee River, and made their escape un
molested. Several other depredations were also com
mitted in all the southern country during the same sea
son by other lawless renegadoes of the same nation; and
much apprehension wras felt by our people, lest these mur
ders and barbarities by scattering and inconsiderable par
ties, should be the prelude to general hostilities ; and prep
arations to meet such an event and avenge our wrongs
were anxiously desired. The continuance of the evil at
last excited the utmost indignation in the people of Ten
nessee, and their legislature in the month of October
had under consideration a preamble and resolutions on
this subject, from which the following are extracted:

"Resolved, That the governor of this State be directed
to order into service on the frontiers, 10,000 of the militia
of this State, that is, 5,000 on the frontier of West, and
5,000 on the frontier of East Tennessee, for the purpose
of preventing a repetition of those horrid scenes of sav
age barbarity; and to punish with death the savage foe
who dare make the attempt.

"Resolved, That the governor be directed to send a
messenger to the Creek nation forthwith, and demand a
prompt surrender of all the murderers of the citizens of
Tennessee; and if not delivered within twenty days after
the return of said messenger, to order out a sufficient
force to exterminate the Creek nation."

It was not deemed necessary, however, to carry these
exterminating resolutions into effect. About the time
they were under consideration a grand national council
was held bv the Creeks in which nearly all their tribes

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 493

were amply represented. It terminated in a resolution to
punish those who had committed hostilities upon us, to
gether with an address of the most pacific character to
Colonel Hawkins, the agent for the United States in the
Creek nation. A considerable number of the murderers
accordingly suffered for their crimes, some of them being
executed and others punished in different ways. About
the same time also an expedition upon a small scale was
conducted by Colonel Newman, of Georgia, against some
of the Seminole Indians residing further to the south,
who were not considered by the Creeks as an intimate part
of their nation. The colonel was successful in his enter
prise, having beaten the enemy in several skirmishes in
which they lost about fifty of their warriors. It was the
opinion of Colonel Hawkins, and also of General Hamp
ton, who passed through the Creek country during these
transactions, that we might now safely rely on the peace
ful conduct and friendship of all the Creeks with the ex
ception of the Seminoles.

Late in the fall, a detachment of 1,500 militia in
fantry and 600 mounted volunteers were marched from
West Tennessee, by order of the War Department, for
the defense of the lower country. The foot troops de
scended the river in boats under the immediate command
of Major-General Andrew Jackson, of the Tennessee mili
tia, whilst the mounted men under Colonel Coffee marched
by and to Natchez, where both parties arrived and formed
a junction early in February, 1813. In the latter part of
the following month, they commenced their march home
again, no occasion for their services having occurred in
that quarter. Another small detachment of Tennessee
volunteers in the meantime had marched under Colonel
Williams, of East Tennessee, in search of adventures on
the frontiers of Georgia. This party was 200 strong, and

494 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

inarched early in December from Knoxville. Having
reached St. Marys and formed a junction with a corps of
200 mounted men in that place under Colonel Smith, the
whole marched in February against the nearest towns
of the Seminole Indians, who still continued hostile.
Their expedition was completely successful. In three suc
cessive battles the enemy were defeated with the loss of
thirty-eight warriors killed and a considerable number in
wounded and prisoners. The houses of their towns were
burnt, all their corn was destroyed, and about 400 horses
with an equal number of cattle were brought away; nor
did the detachment leave their country as long as an
enemy could be found or any property remained which
could be useful to reinstate their shattered fortunes.

The Spanish provinces of East and West Florida hav
ing for some years past been in a revolutionary insurrec
tional state; and the government of Spain being unable
from its embarrassments in Europe to maintain its au
thority over them; the American government now deter
mined to occupy the town of Mobile, to which it had ac
quired a title by the purchase of Louisiana, but which
still remained in the possession of the Spanish authori
ties. On the same grounds, that part of West Florida
which lies on the Mississippi River and Lake Pontchar-
train had already been taken, and incorporated with the
State of Louisiana. To seize upon the balance of our
rightful property by force had now become a necessary
measure of precaution, lest that important place should
fall into the hands of the British. Accordingly General
Wilkinson, who still commanded at New Orleans, was
ordered about the first of March, 1813, to wrest Mobile
from the Spanish garrison at that place, unless its com
mandant should voluntarily surrender it to us. Prepara
tions were immediately made for an expedition against

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 495

it, which was carried into execution with so much ad
dress that the fort was invested about the middle of
April, before the Spanish commandant had received any
intimation of our approach. The general had taken with
him a detachment of troops from New Orleans in our
flotilla under Commodore Shaw and on the Bay of Mobile
had formed a junction with another detachment under
Lieutenant Colonel Bowyer from Fort Stoddart. With
these he intended to take measures for reducing the fort,
while Commodore Shaw was to prevent with his gun boats
the approach of reinforcements by water from Pensacola.
A summons to evacuate the place was immediately sent to
the Spanish commandant with which he thought it most
prudent to comply. About the same time a small Span
ish garrison was driven from the Perdido by Colonel Car
son which placed the most eastern extremity of the pur
chased territory in our possession.

It would doubtless have been good policy on the part
of the American government, and it would certainly have
been a justifiable course, to have seized and occupied the
whole of the Floridas during the war; for as the Britsh
were closely allied with the Spaniards, for whom they
were then fighting against the French on the Spanish
peninsula, the officers of Spain in the Floridas very ami
cably afforded every assistance in their power to our
enemies. In many instances they departed in the most
flagrant manner from the character of a friendly neutral,
even going so far as to embody their militia to fight with
the enemy against us. But that of which we had most to
complain was their instrumentality in exciting the Creek
Indians to hostility. Although the British agents in Up
per Canada were unable, through the medium of the
northwestern Indians to excite those of the south to take
up the tomahawk; yet the Spaniards in the Floridas, co-

496 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

operating with the British agents in that quarter, were
able at last to bring nearly the whole of the powerful
Creek nation into the field against us. Whenever the
British and Spaniards began to enforce their intrigues,
by presents of arms and ammunition, and such articles
of merchandise as either pleased the fancy, or gratified
the wants of the savage, they soon became successful.
Finding from their experience in the early part of the
war that this would be the only effectual course with the
southern Indians, they did not hesitate long in resorting
to it. Had there been no other inducement, the mere
gratification of that savage ferocity, which is such a con
spicuous feature in the character of the modern British,
would have impelled them to adopt it. The gold of that
degenerate people is now always lavished freely, as the
price of innocent blood. But by employing the Creek In
dians, they doubtless expected also to derive much bene
fit from drawing our troops and resources into the wilder
ness, and producing a diversion in favor of any expedi
tion, which might be attempted against the southern sec
tion of the Union.

At the very time of Wilkinson's expedition to occupy
Mobile, the Spanish governor was intriguing with the In
dians and proffering them supplies for engaging in the
war with the British. A considerable number of Semi-
noles and chiefs of the Creek nation were collected at
Pensacola in April for the avowed purpose of receiving
arms from the Spanish authority ; but the governor being
anxious to extend his influence over a greater number and
to effect a more formidable combination, informed them
that he had been instructed to arm the whole nation, and
could not therefore supply those who were present until
a majority of the nation could be induced to join them.
The chiefs were then immediately despatched to the dif-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 497

ferent towns with the instructions to hold councils with
the other chiefs and warriors on this subject, and to in
duce them if possible to accept the proffered bribe, which
was at once the price and the means of committing bar
barities on the American people. The emissaries were
but too successful. A large proportion of the Creeks
agreed to accept the tempting boon, and were accordingly
supplied as speedily as practicable with arms and am
munition from the British stores at Pensacola. A very
powerful minority, however, still continued friendly to
the United States and refused to have any participation
with the British and their partizans. This led, in the
present season, to a civil war in the Creek nation, and no
doubt delayed the perpetration of barbarities on the
American frontiers, for which they were now effectually
excited by the British and Spaniards.

Having witnessed the powerful effects of fanaticism
on the northwestern Indians under the management of
that miserable vagabond, the Wabash Prophet, the Brit
ish agents from Canada had already been careful to in
spire some of the Creek worthies with prophetic and mira
culous powers. These prophets were now the leaders of
the war party, being the most active and influential par
tizans of the British; while those chiefs who had been the
most active in procuring the punishment of the renega-
does, who had murdered the American citizens were at
the head of the party which was for peace in the nation
and friendship with the United States. Colonel Hawkins,
our agent, in conjunction with these chiefs, made every
effort in their power for the preservation of peace; but
it was all in vain; the most ferocious of the nation had
accepted the British price and the implements for shed
ding the blood of their best friends ; and nothing but the
carnage of a bloody war could now satiate their fury. Skir-

32

498 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

mishes and murders ensued among themselves; and the
friendly party, which was much the weakest, implored the
aid of the American arms to protect them and subdue
their opponents. "If we are destroyed," said their chiefs
to Colonel Hawkins, "before you aid us, you will then
have the work to do yourselves, which will be bloody and
attended with difficulties, as you do not know as well as
we do the swamps and hiding places of those hatchers of
mischief."

The information given and the requests made by the
friendly chiefs were not disregarded by the American peo
ple. As soon as the proper authorities in the neighbor
ing states and territories, and the government of the
Union were apprised of the advancing hostility, prepara
tions were made to meet the storm, and if possible to al
lay it before it had burst on our defenseless frontiers.
But sufficient time was not left to perfect our arrange
ments and march to their towns before the dreadful havoc
had commenced in the settlements of the Mobile country.
The settlers in that quarter, well apprised of the Brit
ish and Spanish intrigues, and of the supplies which the
Indians had received from Pensacola, as well as of the
progress of public sentiments and of hostile movements
in the Creek nation had prepared themselves for the
storm by collecting together and establishing temporary
forts for their protection, according to the long estab
lished custom of our people on every frontier exposed to
savage incursions. Not less than twenty of those forts
had been erected in the settlements above Fort Staddart,
on the Tombigby and Alabama rivers. But from their
number, many of them were necessarily weak; and the
people in the latter part of the summer had so long ex
pected an incursion into their settlements, that they began
to be less apprehensive and vigilant; nor were they to be

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 499

roused from this apathy by the most definite intelligence
of approaching danger.

About the twentieth of August, 1813, the Choctaw In
dians brought information to the forts that within ten
days, attacks would be made by three separate parties
of Creek Indians on Fort Minis in the Tensaw settle
ment which lies on the east side of the Alabama, nearly
opposite to Fort Stoddart; on the forts situated in the
forks between the Tombigby and Alabama rivers; and on
the forts situated more immediately on the Tombigby.
Fort Minis, however, in which there was a great number
of people, and a large amount of property collected, ap
pears to have been the primary object of attack. It con
tained about twenty-four families and upwards of 130
volunteer militia of the Mississippi territory under the
command of Major Beasley — making altogether about 400
souls, including nearly 100 negroes and some half-breed
Indians. Notwithstanding the intelligence communicated
by the Choctaws, and the frequent discovery of Indians,
in the neighborhood of the fort a few days before the at
tack by negroes who were sent out on business; yet an
unpardonable and most unaccountable degree of negli
gence prevailed in the garrison. The commanding officer
disbelieved the reports of the negroes and probably had
but little faith in the information given by the Choctaws.
To his incredulity and supiueness must the success of the
enemy be chiefly attributed.

On Monday morning about eleven o'clock, the enemy
had approached in a body through an open field within
thirty paces of the gate, which was standing wide open
before they were discovered by the garrison. A sentry
then gave the alarm and the Indians raising their hideous
warwhoop rushed in at the gate without opposition.
Major .Beasley was near the place of entrance and was im-

500 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

mediately shot through the body. He was still able, how
ever, to give orders to his men to retire into the houses
and secure their ammunition and then retired himself
and either died of his wound or was destroyed in the de
vastation, which ultimately closed the scene. By enter
ing the gate the enemy had not completely gained the in
terior of the fort. Its limits had lately been extended by
erecting a new line of pickets on one side about fifty feet
in advance of the old one which was still standing with
the former gate-way through it unclosed. By entering
the gate the Indians got possession only of the outer court,
enclosed by the new pickets, and then fired through the
gateway and port holes of the old pickets on our people
who held possession of the interior. On the other sides
of the fort the volunteers held the port holes and fired on
the Indians who still remained on the outside. In this
manner a fierce and bloody contest was maintained for
several hours. The enemy in the meantime gained the
summit of a blockhouse at one corner, but our troops suc
ceeded in dislodging them before they could effect any
thing important. At last, however, they succeeded in fir
ing a house which stood near the pickets, and from that
the flames were successively communicated to the other
buildings in the fort. Despair now seized on the stout
est hearts; destruction by the tomahawk or the flames
seemed inevitable ; the only possible escape lay in the pro
ject of cutting an opening through the pickets, rushing
through the ranks of the enemy and securing safety by
celerity of flight. This hopeless project was accordingly
undertaken by the remains of the garrison and was exe
cuted with so much gallantry and vigor that upwards of
twenty succeeded in saving their lives. The rest of the
people in the fort all perished by the flames and the toma
hawk, except a few of the negroes and half-breed Indians.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 501

Most of the women and children had taken refuge in the
upper story of the principle dwelling house where they
were consumed in the conflagration to the great joy of
the savage spectators. The whole number of persons de
stroyed was considerably upwards of 300.

The force of the enemy was not less than five, and was
probably as high as 700. It has rarely happened, how
ever, in the annals of savage warfare, that a force of that
superiority has succeeded in capturing any fort, where
the works and the garrison had only a tolerable degree of
strength and perseverance. The advantages, gained by
the surprise at the onset no doubt contributed essentially
to their success; yet with all those advantages in their
favor it required a degree of bravery and perseverance to
succeed, which have rarely been displayed by savages in
any similar attack. They fought closely and desperately
for about four hours and sustained a loss it is believed
of nearly 200 warriors. Such conduct could proceed only
from their inordinate thirst for British presents, a fur
ious fanaticism excited by their prophets, and a sanguine
hope of success inspired by the surprise they effected at
the commencement of the attack. After the fall of the
fort, they roamed through the settlement, destroying the
houses and farms and carrying off all the movable prop
erty of the inhabitants to which their means of transpor
tation were competent.

In the meantime the preparations for marching into
the Creek country were actively progressing in the states
of Georgia and Tennessee. From the former the confines
of the enemy were entered, about the middle of September,
by an army upwards of 3,000 strong consisting chiefly of
militia infantry under the command of General Floyd;
from the latter an army still stronger, and chiefly com
posed of volunteers, soon afterwards entered their conn-

502 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

try in two divisions, one from West Tennessee under
Major General Jackson, and the other from East Ten
nessee under Major-General John Oocke. The legislature
of Tennessee was in session when the news of the mas
sacre at Fort Minis reached that State; and a law was
immediately passed authorizing the governor to detach
a corps of 3,500 men for the Creek campaign in addition
to those Avho had been detached under the authority of
the general government. It Avas thus that so large a force
was sent into the field from that patriotic State. Meas
ures Avere also taken in the Mississippi territory after the
massacre at Fort Minis to assemble a more formidable
force in the Mobile country; and about 1,500 men were
accordingly collected at Fort Stoddart as speedily as prac
ticable, consisting chiefly of the local militia and two
regiments of volunteers from other parts of the territory
— all under the command of Brigadier General Flournoy
of the U. S. army. The Choctaw Indians also declared
Avar against the Creeks and tendered their services to
co-operate Avith us in the commencing campaign.

Early in November General Jackson had arrived and
encamped with his army at a place called the Ten Is
lands, on the Coosa River. Here he despatched General
Coffee AA7ith 900 men from his brigade of cavalry and
mounted riflemen to destroy the Tallushatche toAvns about
eight miles distant at which place he had ascertained
there Avas a collection of hostile Creeks. On the morning
of the third of November, General Coffee arrived within
a mile and a half of the principal toAvn where the enemy
Avere posted and divided his command into two columns,
the right being cavalry under Colonel Allcorn, and the
left mounted riflemen under Colonel Cannon. The for
mer was ordered to cross a creek which ran before them
and to march up on the right of the town so as to en-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 503

circle it on that side; while the latter was to perform a
similar movement on the left until the heads of the col
umns had joined on the opposite side of the town which
would thus be completely enclosed within our lines. This
plan was executed correctly, each column keeping at such
a distance from the town, which was situated in the
woods, as not to be immediately discovered by the enemy.
However, the Indians soon ascertained that our troops
were approaching, and with drums beating and the war-
whoop resounding prepared themselves for action; which
was brought on in a few minutes by Captain Hammond,
who had been sent within the circle of alignment to draw
them from their houses. As soon as the Captain had
shown his detachment near the town and had given the
savages a distant fire, they rushed out against him in a
furious manner. Retiring agreeably to the plan of battle
adopted by the general, he soon led them out to the right
column which gave them a general fire, charged upon
them, and drove them back into their town. They now
found themselves completely overpowered and cut off
from the possibility of retreat; yet they still bravely
maintained the contest with desperate valor.

"They made all the resistance that an overpowered
soldier could do — they fought as long as one existed —
but their destruction was very soon completed. Our men
rushed up to the doors of their houses and in a few min
utes killed the last warrior." They "met death with all its
horrors, without shrinking — not one asked to be spared,
but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In conse
quence of their flying to their houses and mixing with
their families, our men in killing the males without in
tention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and
children, which was regretted by every officer and soldier
of the detachment, but which could not be avoided. —
Coffee."

504 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

It was believed that not one who was in the town es
caped to carry the news of their signal defeat to their
friends in other places. The whole number killed and
counted was 186 — but there was probably as many more
killed and not found in the weeds as would make up the
number of 200. The squaws and children captured
amounted to eighty-four, many of whom were wounded.
The loss in General Coffee's detachment was five killed
and forty-one wounded, none of them mortally. The In
dians fought a considerable part of the battle with the
bow and arrow, each warrior being provided with arms
of that description which he used after discharging his
gun till a favorable opportunity for reloading occurred.

This destruction at the Tallushatche town was con
sidered, and not without reason, as a retaliation for the
massacre at Fort Mims. The result in this instance was
more complete, however, and accompanied with much less
barbarity in the execution than in the former case where
the enemy triumphed. There is also this striking differ
ence between them, that at the Tallushatche the enemy
compelled us to the unsparing carnage by the obstinacy
and the manner of his resistance. No warrior was saved
because none would accept life at our hands; but all the
women and children were spared as far as it was practic
able. Not so at Fort Mims — indiscriminate massacre
and conflagration was there the universal doom.

In five days after the affair of Tallushatche, the enemy
received another signal chastisement from the hands of
General Jackson. On the evening of the seventh, the
general was informed by a friendly Indian, who was sent
express from Talladega, a fortified establishment of our
friends, about thirty miles below the camp at Ten Is
lands, that a large collection of hostile Creeks were en
camped near that place, and were momently expected to

IN THE WE8TEBN COUNTRY 505

attack and destroy it. The general immediately deter
mined to march that night with all his disposable force
and give them battle as quick as possible. Leaving every
thing in his camp which could retard the rapidity of his
march, he crossed the Coosa at Ten Islands and moved
with such celerity that he was able to encamp in the
night and give his men some rest and refreshment within
six miles of the fort which he was marching to relieve.
Before day the march was again resumed, and about sun
rise the army was within half a mile of the hostile en
campment. The order of battle was now formed; the in
fantry were disposed in three lines, the militia on the left,
and the volunteers on the right; the cavalry formed the
extreme wings, thrown forward in a curve, with instruc
tions to keep the rear of their columns, or interior end
of their lines, connected with the flanks of the infantry,
with a view to encircle and destroy the whole force of the
enemy. A corps of cavalry was also held in reserve under
Lieutenant Colonel Dyer. In this order the troops pro
ceeded leisurely toAvards the enemy, while the advanced
guard was pushed forward to engage them, and by re
tiring to draw them within the wings of our army. The
advance performed its duties in an excellent manner, en
gaging the enemy very bravely, and giving them four or
five destructive rounds before it began to retreat. This
had the desired effect; the Indians no doubt believed,
from the intrepidity of the attack, that the main part of
our force was before them, and they pursued it with
alacrity and vigor. The front line was now ordered to
advance briskly and meet them; but a few companies of
the militia in that line preferred the backward movement
and began to retreat. The general to supply the vacancy
immediately ordered the reserve to dismount and form in
that line which was executed with much promptitude and

506 HISTORY OP THE LATE AVAR

effect. The retiring companies, finding the progress o£
the enemy thus arrested, were emboldened to rally and
return to the onset. The fire soon became general, along
the whole of the front line, and the contiguous portions
of the wings. Our force, however, was too strong, and our
fire too effectual for the contest to be long maintained by
the savages; they soon began to retreat, though they
found but little safety in such a measure. In their flight
they were met at every turn and pursued in every direc
tion. The right wing chased them with a most destruc
tive fire to the mountains at the distance of three miles;
and it was the opinion of the general that if he had not
been compelled to dismount his reserve, scarcely one of
the enemy could have escaped destruction. The victory,
however, was very decisive; 290 bodies were counted,
and no doubt many more were killed who were not dis
covered. Our loss was fifteen killed and about the same
number wounded.

General Jackson now marched back without delay to
his camp at Ten Islands, lest the enemy should discover
its weakness in his absence and destroy his baggage, which
he had left entirely unprotected. At the time of march
ing from that place, he had momently expected the arrival
of a detachment under General White, from the division
of East Tennessee commanded by Major-General Cocke.
It was originally intended, that the two divisions from
Tennessee should form a junction in the Creek country,
and act together under the immediate direction of Gen
eral Jackson ; and a detachment from the eastern division
had arrived near the camp at Ten Islands with this view,
and had apprised General Jackson of its approach. On
the evening of the 7th, relying on its advance, the gen
eral sent an express to inform its commandant, General
White, of the intended movement, and to order him to

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 507

coine on by a forced march for the protection of the bag
gage. This order was received; but soon after it another
arrived from General Cocke, ordering the detachment
back to his headquarters. General White thought proper
to obey the latter, and immediately sent an express to
inform General Jackson of this determination.

The object of General Cocke in recalling White was
to send a detachment under that officer against the Hill-
abee towns of the hostile Creeks. On the llth of No
vember, General White was accordingly detached on this
enterprise, with a regiment of mounted infantry under
the command of Colonel Burch, a battalion of cavalry un
der Major Porter, and 300 Cherokee Indians commanded by
Colonel Morgan. He had to march upwards of 100 miles
through a rough country, to reach the object of his des
tination. On the way he passed three towns belonging to
the hostile Creeks, which were now evacuated — two of them
he burnt, and preserved the other in the expectation that
it might be useful in the further operations of the army.
Having arrived on the 17th, within six miles of the Hilla-
bee town, where there was an assemblage of the enemy,
the detachment was halted and arrangement made for the
attack. Colonel Burch, with a considerable portion of the
troops dismounted, and accompanied by Colonel Morgan
with the Cherokee Indians, was sent forward in the night,
with instructions to surround the town before day, and as
soon as the light appeared, to commence the attack upon
it. The night, however, was so extremely dark, that this
detachment did not reach the town before daylight; yet
they succeeded so completely in surprising and surround
ing it, that the whole assemblage it contained was killed
and captured by the troops on foot alone, without losing
a drop of blood on their part. About sixty warriors were
killed; and 250 warriors, squaws, and children were cap-

508 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

tured. General White arrived with the mounted reserve,
in time to have decided or improved the victory, had the
resistance or flight of the enemy rendered his co-operation
necessary. The troops subsisted themselves and their
horses, on the supplies procured in the country of the en
emy, during the greater part of this expedition, which
lasted about two weeks.

In the latter part of this month, a fourth Mctory was
obtained over the Creeks, by the army of Georgia under
the command of General Floyd. Having obtained infor
mation, that a considerable force of the hostile Creeks
were assembled at the town of Au-tos-see, on the south
bank of the Talapoosa river, about twenty miles above its
junction with the Coosa, General Floyd proceeded against
them in the latter part of September, with a corps of 950
militia, and about 400 friendly Indians. He arrived on
the 28th near the town, and the dawn of the 29th, found
his army arrayed in order of battle before the town, which
was situated at the mouth of Caulebee creek. His plan
had been, to surround the town completely, by extending
his right to the creek above it, and his left to the river
below it, while the friendly Indians occupied the opposite
bank of the Talapoosa. For this purpose, the corps of
Indians had been detached with instructions to cross the
river above, and fall down so as to occupy the bank op
posite the town, when the attack was made at daylight.
But owing to the difficulty of crossing, and the coldness
of the season, this part of the plan was not executed ; and
when the day dawned, another town was discovered about
500 yards below that which the army was prepared to at
tack, which still further disconcerted the arrangements
originally made. A portion of the troops were now de
tached against the lower town, and the friendly Indians
were sent over the creek, to prevent a retreat up the river.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 509

A vigorous attack was then made on the upper town, which
was resisted with desperate bravery by its inhabitants. The
deluded fanatics had been taught by their prophets to be
lieve, that Au-tos-see was a sacred spot, on which no white
man could assail them without inevitable destruction. They
were now soon convinced, however, by the fire of our
artillery and the points of our bayonets, that their sacred
houses, with the utmost bravery they could display in
their defence, would be wholly unavailing. They accord
ingly began to fly in every direction, where there was any
prospect of escape. By nine o'clack they were completely
driven from the plain, and both of their towns enveloped
in flames. The exact amount of their killed was not as
certained, but it was believed to be about 200. On our
part there were eleven killed, and fifty-four wounded —
among the latter, General Floyd severely and his Adjutant-
General Newman, slightly. As there were many other
populous towns in this vicinity, which could send into the
field a large number of warriors, General Floyd thought
it most advisable to retire again to the Chatahoochee.

After these signal defeats of the enemy in the month
of September, the operations against the hostile Creeks
experienced a temporary suspension. This was owing in
a great measure, to the reduction of the Tennessee troops,
by the citizens of that State returning home as their terms
of service expired. The intrepid Jackson endeavored
in vain to keep up a formidable force in the hostile country
— his fellow citizens who were with him in the field, would
not volunteer the second time and join him in a winter
campaign. He still, however, kept a sufficient force to
gether to maintain his position and hold the barbarians
in check, and exertions were soon made with success by
the patriots of Tennessee, to reinforce him with new
levies of volunteers. Before the middle of January, he was

510 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

joined by a brigade of 800 mounted infantry, which en
abled him again to commence active operations. But in
the meantime an affair occurred in the Mobile country,
and another with the army under Floyd, which it will be
proper to notice in this place.

About the middle of December, General Claibovne of
the Mississippi volunteers, marched up the Alabama from
Fort Claiborne, on an expedition against a neAV town,
which had lately been built upwards of 100 miles above
him on that river by Witherford, a chief who commanded
at the massacre of Fort Mims. The force of General
Claiborne was composed of regulars, volunteers, militia,
and some Choctow Indians. Having arrived near the
town, he prepared to attack it on the morning of the 23rd,
with his troops divided into three columns. The enemy
were apprised of his approach, and had chosen a position
in advance of their town to give him battle. As our troops
came in sight of their houses, they made a vigorous at
tack on the right column, consisting of volunteers under
the command of Colonel Carson. The centre was ordered
to support the right, but before it could reach the point of
action, the volunteers had gallantly driven the enemy from
their position. Flying in every direction through the
swamps and deep ravines, by which the town was en
vironed, they soon completely eluded their pursuers, and
gained the opposite side of the Alabama, where they had
secreted their women and children on the first intelligence
of our approach. They had left all their property however
in the town, which contained about 200 houses — the whole
was now committed to the flames. In the house of Wither
ford, a letter was found, from the Spanish governor at
Pensacola to the heroes of Fort Mims, in which they were
congratulated on their success in destroying the fort, and
assured that he had used his best endeavors to procure

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 511

more arms and ammunition for them from the Havanna.
The enemy left thirty killed. Our loss was one killed and
six wounded.

The Creeks in the eastern section of the Nation at last
conceived themselves sufficiently strong to commence of
fensive operations against the troops under General Floyd.
On the 27th of January, a formidable attack was made
before day on his camp, about fifty miles west of the
Chatahoochee, by a large assemblage of warriors, they stole
up near the sentinels, fired upon them, and then rushed
furiously against the lines of the camp. In a few minutes
the action became general on the front and flanks, which
were closely pressed by the savages, who boldly approached
within thirty paces of the artillery. They were unable,
however, to make any serious impression, and were soon
compelled, by the well directed fire of the artillery and
riflemen, followed at daylight by a charge of the bayonet,
to fly in every direction for safety. The cavalry pursued
them, and destroyed many in their flight. Thirty-seven
dead bodies were found, and a great number of wounded
made their escape. General Floyd lost seventeen killed,
and one hundred and thirty-two wounded.

When General Jackson was joined by the new brigade
of volunteers from Tennessee, he immediately prepared
himself for an excursion against the enemy. The volun
teers combined with the force which had remained in the
field, the most efficient part of which was an artillery
company, with a six pounder, and a company of officers
commanded by General Coffee, who had remained in serv
ice after their men had left them, amounted in the whole to
930 exclusive of Indians. The general had received intel
ligence, that the hostile towns on the Tallapoosa, were col
lecting their forces into one body, to make an attack on
Fort Armstrong, where the remains of the eastern divi-

512 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

sion were stationed; and he now determined to anticipate
them by marching into their country, and giving them bat
tle on their own ground. Having previously crossed the
Coosa, he marched from the vicinity of Ten Islands on the
17th of January, 1814, and on the next day reached his
old battle ground at Talladega, where he was joined by a
reinforcement of 300 Indians, chiefly of the friendly
Creeks. Understanding that the enemy were concentrated,
to the amount of 900, in a bend of the Tallapoosa, near a
creek called Emucfau, he directed his march without de
lay for that place. On the evening of the 21st, he arrived
in the vicinity of Emucfau, and having discovered several
Indian paths, that had lately been much travelled, from
which he knew there must be a large force of the enemy
in his neighborhood, he determined to encamp and recon
noitre the country in the night. A strong position was
selected, and an encampment formed in a hollow square,
with every necessary arrangement to receive a night at
tack. Spies were sent out, who returned about eleven
o'clock in the night with information, that they had dis
covered a large encampment of the enemy at the distance
of three miles ; and that from their whooping and dancing
they seemed to be apprised of our approach ; and that in
the opinion of an Indian spy, who saw them conveying
;nvay their women and children, they intended either to
attack our camp or make their escape before day. Pre
pared either to receive an attack, or to commence an
early pursuit if the enemy retreated, our men had noth
ing to do but wait the result of their determination. Of
this they were apprised about six o'clock in the morning,
by a vigorous attack on the left flank. Our troops main
tained their ground with much firmness, and effectually
repelled the onset of the savages. General Coffee, the Ad
jutant-General Colonel Sittler, and the Inspector-General

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 513

Colonel Carroll, were particularly active in encouraging
the men to the performance of their duties. The battle
raged on the left flank and left of the rear for half an
hour, when the dawn of day enabled the general to prepare
for a charge, which was gallantly led by General Coffee,
and Colonels Carroll and Higgins. The enemy were com
pletely routed at every point, and the friendly Indians
having joined in pursuit, they were chased about two miles
with great slaughter.

The pursuit being over, General Coffee was detached
with 400 men and the friendly Indians, to destroy the en
campment of the enemy, unless he should find it so strong
ly fortified, as to render it necessary to carry the six
pounder against it. On examining its strength, he con
cluded that the latter would be the most prudent course,
and accordingly returned for that purpose. But he had
been in camp a short time, when the enemy appeared in
some force on the right flank, and began to fire on a party,
who were looking for dead bodies, where some Indians had
engaged them on guard in the night. General Coffee was
immediately authorized at his request, to take 200 men
and turn their left flank ; he was followed, however, by no
more than fifty-four, chiefly officers of the dis banded
volunteers. With these he bravely attacked the left of the
enemy; and 200 of the friendly Indians were ordered, at
the same time to assail them on their right. It was now
discovered, however, that this attack was a feint on the
part of the enemy, by which they designed to draw our
attention and troops to the right, while their main force
attacked the camp on the left, where they expected of
course to find nothing but weakness and confusion; but
General Jackson anticipating their scheme, had ordered
the left flank to remain prepared in its place, and as soon
as the alarm was given, he repaired to that quarter himself

514 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

with a reinforcement. The whole line received the enemy
with astonishing firmness, and after giving them a few
fires were ordered to the charge, which was gallantly exe
cuted under the direction of Colonels Carroll and Higgins.
The Indians now fled precipitately, and were pursued to
a considerable distance with a close and destructive fire.

The friendly Indians who had been ordered to co-op
erate with General Coffee on the right, had returned to the
left when the attack commenced in that quarter; and the
general was still contending with his fifty men, against a
very superior force of the enemy, after the main contest
had terminated. A hundred of our Indians were then sent
to reinforce him, with \vhich he was able to charge the foe,
and rout them completely with very considerable destruc
tion. General Coffee was wounded, and his aide with
three others was killed.

The balance of this day was spent in burying the dead,
taking care of the wounded, and fortifying the camp, lest
another and more formidable night attack should be made :
and General Jackson now determined to return the next
day towards his former position on the Coosa river.

"Many causes concurred," says the general, "to make
such a measure necessary. As I had not set out prepared,
or with a view, to make a permanent establishment, I con
sidered it worse than useless to advance and destroy an
empty encampment. I had indeed hoped to meet the enemy
there, but having met and beaten them a little sooner, I
did not think it necessary, or prudent, to proceed any
further — not necessary, because I had accomplished all I
could expect to effect by marching to their encampments ;
and bcause if it was proper to contend with, and weaken
their forces still further, this object would be more cer
tainly attained by commencing a return, which having
to them the appearance of a retreat, would inspire them
to pursue me — not prudent, because of the number of my
wounded; of the reinforcements from below, which the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 515

enemy might be expected to receive; of the starving con
dition of my horses, they having had neither corn nor
cane for two days and nights; of the scarcity of supplies
for my men, the Indians who joined me at Talladega hav
ing drawn none, and being wholly destitute; and because,
if the enemy pursued me, as it was likely they would,
the diversion in favor of General Floyd would be the more
complete and effectual."

The return was accordingly commenced the next day,
and at night the camp was again fortified. On the morn
ing of the 24th, an attack was expected, not only from the
occurrences of the night, but because there was a danger
ous defile not far from the camp, at the Enotachopco creek
on the route on which the army was marching. The gen
eral hence determined to cross the creek at a different
place, where it was clear of reeds except immediately on
its margin. Having issued a general order, prescribing the
manner in which the men should be formed, in the event
of an attack on the front, rear, or flanks; and having
formed the front and rear guards, as well as the right
and left columns; the general moved off his troops in
regular order from the encampment. The creek was
reached; the front guard with part of the flanks columns
had crossed, the wounded in the center were over, and the
artillery was entering the water, wrhen the alarm gun was
heard in the rear. Confidently relying on the firmness of
his troops, the general heard it with pleasure. Colonel
Carroll was at the head of the center column of the rear
guard; its right column was commanded by Colonel Per
kins, and its left by Colonel Stump. Having selected the
ground on which he was attacked, the general expected he
would be able to cut off the assailants completely by wheel
ing the flank columns on their pivots, recrossing the creek
above and below, and falling upon the flanks and rear of
the enemy. But when the order was given by Colonel

516 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Carroll, for the rear guard to halt and form, and the en
emy began to fire upon it, instead of forming, it fled
precipitately into the center of the army, carrying con
sternation and confusion into the flank columns, and
leaving but twenty-five men with Colonel Carroll to ar
rest the progress of the pursuers. The militia appeared,
as well as the enemy, to have considered the return of the
army as a retreat from a superior conquering foe, with
whom it was dangerous to contend. The confusion was
not easily restored to order ; but in the mean time Colonel
Carroll with his handful of men bravely maintained their
post, as long as it was possible to resist such superior
numbers ; and being then joined by Lieutenant Armstrong
with the artillery, and Captain Russell with a company of
spies, the contest was still continued with success. They
now advanced to the top of the hill, in the rear creek,
amidst a most galling fire from their numerous enemies,
and maintained that commanding position, till the six
pounder was dragged up, and discharged a few rounds of
grape shot on the opposing host. The impression thus
made, was followed by a charge, which put the enemy to
flight; and by this time the frightened militia, having
regained their spirits, had recrossed the creek in consid
erable numbers, and were ready to join in the pursuit,
which was vigorously pressed for the distance of two miles.
The Indians appeared in their turn to have experienced
a panic, for they fled in great precipitation, throwing
away whatever might retard their flight . Too much praise
cannot be bestowed on the brave little band of heroes, who
arrested their progress and actually defeated them, after
the main body had fled over the creek in confusion. Lieu
tenant Armstrong fell mortally wounded immediately
after the first fire from the six pounder.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 517

"My brave fellows," he exclaimed as he lav, "some of
you may fall, but you must save the cannon." Several
of them did fall at the same spot, covered with glory like
their brave commander.

The rest of the return march of the army, was effected
without molestation. Although the signal success which
attended every prior descent upon the enemy, was not ex
perienced in this instance, yet the general had the satis
faction to know, that he had accomplished in substance
the principal objects of the expedition. The attack on
Fort Armstrong was averted, a diversion was produced in
favor of the Georgia troops, the numbers of the enemy were
reduced, and they were taught that the ardor and perse
verance of Jackson, would give them no respite from
the toils of war, not even in the dead of winter, until they
were totally subdued to peace and tranquillity. On the
whole expedition, Jackson lost twenty-four men killed,
and seventy-one wounded. The loss of the enemy was not
exactly known, but it was ascertained that 189 warriors
at least were killed.

This excursion in January, was in fact but the pre
cursor of another, and more decisive expedition to the
same place, which was executed in the latter part of
March. After the return of the general to the Coosa river,
he was joined by large reinforcements from Tennessee,
consisting of two brigades of volunteer militia under the
command of Generals Dougherty and Johnson, and the reg
iment of regulars under the command of Colonel Williams,
besides several other smaller corps of different descrip
tions. With these, combined with his former forces, Gen
eral Jackson found himself in a condition to advance
against his enemy about the 20th of March. Having
changed his position since the former expedition, he now
proceeded by a new route, and of course had a new road

518 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

to open, upwards of fifty miles over the hills between the
two rivers.

On the morning of the 27th, he reached the bend of
the Tallapoosa where the enemy was stationed, and which
had before been the object of his destination. It is but three
miles from the ground on which the battle was fought
on the 22nd of January. The bend is in the form of a
horse shoe, and has received that appellation from our
people. The situation is remarkably strong by nature,
and the savages had fortified it with a degree of skill and
industry, which were not to be expected from the untu
tored sons of the forest. Across the neck of the bend,
where it opens towards the north, they had erected a
breastwork of logs from five to eight feet high, possessing
great compactness and strength, and extending to the
river on both sides. Through this they had cut two ranges
of port holes, suitable for the small arms with which they
had to defend themselves. The direction of this wall had
also been so contrived that an army could not approach it,
without being exposed to a cross fire from the enemy ly
ing in safety behind it. The enclosure contained about
eighty acres of ground, and in the farthest extremity
of the bend, there was a village of a moderate size. From
the breastwork on the neck, a ridge of high land extended
about half way to the village, the summit of which was
comparatively open ground : but on its sides, and on the
flat ground along the margin of the river, there had been
a heavy forest, the large trees of which were now felled
in such a manner, that every one formed a breastwork,
from which the Indians could in safety assail their enemies
in crossing the river, which was upwards of 100 yards wide
and very deep, so that on every side, the position strong
by nature, was rendered still stronger by art.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 519

Within this fortification the enemy had collected all
their warriors from six towns on the Tallapoosa river,
amounting in the whole to 1,000 men. Among them were
several of the greatest prophets and chiefs in the nation,
who had been the principal instigators of the war. Re
lying on the strength of their position, their strength in
numbers, and the prophetic assurances of success, which
their fanatic leaders had liberally given them, they enter
tained no doubt of repulsing our army with the utmost
ease. The large force with General Jackson, and the spirit
which animated his men, inspired him with an equal and
better founded confidence, that he would be able to give
them a signal defeat.

Before the army reached the consecrated spot, General
Coffee, was detached with 700 mounted men and 600 In
dians, mostly Cherokees, under the command o* Colonel
Morgan, with instructions to cross the river at a ford about
three miles below, and coming up on the opposite side, to
surround the bend in such a manner, as to prevent any of
the enemy from escaping over the river. General Jackson
with the balance of the army, then advanced slowly down
the declining ground which led to the breastwork, and at
half past 10 o'clock, was ready to commence the attack.
Two small pieces of cannon, a six and a three-pounder,
under the direction of Captain Bradford, who had already
distinguished himself in the northwest, were planted on a
small eminence, within eighty yards of the breastwork at
the nearest point, and 250 at the most distant, The in
fantry were also formed for action, and a brisk fire com
menced which was continued for two hours with but little
intermission and not much effect. The artillery was
directed at the breastwork, and the infantry fired upon
the Indians, wherever they ventured to expose themselves
to view; but the artillery was too light to batter down the

520 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

works, and the insidious foe was too prudent to expose
himself to unnecessary destruction.

General Coffee had nearly completed the circuit, which
he had been directed to take, when the firing commenced
at the breastwork. He had already sent forward his In
dians under Colonel Morgan to occupy the bank of the
river, and now halted his mounted men about a quarter of
a mile of the bend, with a view to intercept a reinforcement,
which he expected would be sent up from the Oakfuskee
village, about eight miles down the river. This precau
tion, however, was unnecessary, for all the warriors of
Oakfuskee were already in the bend. The Indians under
Colonel Morgan occupied the whole extent of the exterior
bank, in a few minutes after the first gun was fired, so as
to render it impossible for an enemy to cross the river in
safety. All the cowardly fugitives who attempted it at
this stage of the battle, met with certain destruction.

In the village which was situated in the remotest part
of the bend from the breastwork, about 100 warriors were
stationed, apparently to protect the women and children,
and to prevent the passage of the river at that exposed
point, Our Cherokees who occupied the opposite bank in
view of them, at last became so impatient to engage them,
and to participate in the thundering combat, that some
of them plunged into the water, swam over, and returned
with the canoes of the village, while their companions
covered the enterprise, by firing over the river so as to
keep off the enemy. The first who crossed in the canoes,
remained under cover of the bank, till others had joined
them to the amount of 200, Colonel Morgan and Captain
Russell with the spies being of the number. They marched
up then to the high ground in the middle of the fortifica
tion, where they were assailed on every quarter but their
rear, and that was kept open only by hard fighting, ami

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 521

the constant approach of reinforcements, which were still
crossing the river at the village. By this lodgment of the
Cherokees, in the camp of the enemy, a considerable por
tion of the river being left unguarded, General Coffee
ordered up a sufficient number of his men, to preserve the
chain unbroken round the bend. Captain Hammond with
a company of rangers occupied the upper side, while
Lieutenant Bean with forty men took possession of an
island on the lower side, when their hopes of success had
fled.

The battle having raged about two hours, without much
execution being done at the breastwork by the artillery
and infantry; and the river being effectually guarded by
the Cherokees and mounted men, General Jackson at last
determined to carry the breastwork by storm. This de
termination was received with acclaim by the troops, by
whom it was to be executed. They had entreated to be
led to the charge with the most pressing importunity, and
received the order which was now given with the strongest
demonstrations of joy. The result was such as this temper
of mind foretold. The regular troops led on by their intrep
id and skillful commander Colonel Williams, and the gal
lant Major Montgomery, were soon in possession of the out
side of the breastwork; to which they were accompanied
by the militia, with an intrepidity and firmness which
could not have been excelled, and which has seldom been
equalled by troops of any description. An obstinate con
test was now maintained for a few minutes through the
port holes with muzzle to muzzle in which many balls of
the enemy were welded to the bayonets of our muskets.
Our troops at last bravely mounted over the breastwork,
and took possession of the opposite side. The event was no
longer doubtful. A dreadful carnage and slaughter of the
enemy ensued in every direction. Though many of them

522 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

defended themselves with that bravery which desperation
inspires, vet they were all at last entirely routed and cut to
pieces. The whole margin of the river which surrounds
the peninsula was strewed with the dead bodies of those
who fled there in hopes they could effect their escape. But
all who attempted to cross met inevitable destruction —
"not one escaped/7 says General Coffee; "very few ever
reached the bank, and those few were killed the instant
they landed." It was believed by those who had the best
opportunities of knowing the fact, that not more than
twenty escaped during the whole battle. Five hundred
and fifty-seven dead bodies were counted — and General
Coffee estimated the number killed in the water to be at
least 250 and probably nearly 300. These calculations, how
ever, do not account for the number 1,000, which was de
clared by the prisoners to have been the number of war
riors on the peninsula. It appears to be certain that up
wards of 800 were killed ; and it is probable that the whole
number present was less than 1,000 and that more than
twenty of them escaped. The slaughter continued till
dark, for many concealed themselves in hiding places and
were not immediately found by our men — even on the fol
lowing morning, sixteen were hunted up and destroyed —
from which it is extremely probable that a considerable
number made their escape in the night. Three of their
prophets, and one of them the most revered in the nation,
were among the slain; and about 300 women and children
with a few warriors were made prisoners. Such was the
signal destruction which the British had bribed and in
stigated these deluded fanatics to bring upon themselves
from the Americans, who had for many years endeavored,
with much labor, expense, and trouble to promote civiliza
tion among them. We cannot forbear to compassionate
their misfortunes, while we execrate with indignation the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 523

brutal barbarism of the British, whose cold-blooded policy
could doom this nation to inevitable ruin, merely in the
hope that it would produce some temporary and incon
siderable benefit to the unhallowed cause in which they
were engaged.

Our loss in the battle of the Horse Shoe was twenty-six
white men killed and 107 wounded — of whom seventeen of
the killed and forty-five of the wounded were regulars, Ma
jor Montgomery being among the former. Our Cherokee
friends lost eighteen killed and thirty-six wounded — and
the friendly Creeks, five killed and eleven wounded — total,
forty-nine killed and 154 wounded.

This decisive battle effectually broke the power of the
hostile Creeks and convinced them that it was in vain to
persist any longer in the war. Many of their chiefs soon
afterwards came in voluntarily and surrendered them
selves to General Jackson, supplicating peace on any
terms, which the United States might please to grant them.
Among those who surrendered \vas the celebrated Wither -
ford, whose name has already been mentioned. In an in
terview with General Jackson, he bodly addressed him in
the following terms :

"I fought at Fort Minis; I fought the Georgia army;
I did you all the injury I could. Had I been supported as
I was promised, I would have done you much more; but
my warriors are all killed; I can fight you no longer. I
look back with sorrow that I have brought destruction on
my nation. I am in your power, do with me as you please
— I am a soldier.'7

While the chiefs were thus supplicating peace, the
greater part of the remaining warriors fled to their friends
in the Floridas, where they were soon afterwards met by
an arrival of some British troops, the number not known,
with a fresh supply of arms and ammunition which were

524 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

distributed among them. Every artifice and means of ex
citation were then used by the British and Spanish agents
to reanimate the fugitives and induce them to continue the
war; but all their diabolical labors and expenditures were
in vain; they could do nothing more than to preserve a
spirit of hostility in those who remained there and excite
them occasionally to trivial depredations on the nearest
of our settlements. The hostile party indeed felt them
selves too weak to continue formally at war as a nation
unless a more powerful co-operating British force had
joined them. It is believed that all the hostile towns were
now unable to raise 1,000 fighting men.

After the battle General Jackson returned with his
army to the Coosa River, and soon afterwards went down
to the junction of the Coosa with the Talapoosa and was
joined by Major General Pinkney of the United States
Army, the commandant of the southern district, who had
exercised a general superintendence of the Creek wars.
As it was now evident, from the shattered condition of the
enemy, and the number of their principal chiefs who had
surrendered and been captured, that no effective hostility
could be continued on their part, General Jackson was
permitted to return home with his troops, merely leaving
a few to garrison the forts he had built on the Coosa and to
preserve a line of safe communication with the nearest
settlements of Tennessee. Corps of militia had lately been
marched into the Creek country from the Carolinas, and
on them alone General Pinkney now relied to keep the
country in subjection during the period of their service.
Through Colonel Hawkins, the Creek agent, General Pink
ney soon communicated to the Indians the terms on which
the United States would grant them peace. Those terms
were, that our government would retain as much of the
conquered territory as would be a just indemnity for the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 525

expenses of the war and for the injuries and losses ex
perienced by our citizens and the friendly Creeks; that it
would reserve the right of establishing such military posts,
trading houses, and roads in their country as might be
deemed necessary, together with the right of navigating
all their waters; and that on their part they must sur
render their prophets and other instigators of the war, and
submit to such restrictions on their trade with foreign
nations as our government might dictate.

The hostile chiefs without much difficulty agreed to
meet the commissioners on the part of the United States
in a grand council, to embody these conditions in a treaty
of peace. In the meantime a corps of 1,000 militia was
raised in West Tennessee and sent into the Creek country
to relieve those who had been left in the garrisons and
more effectually to overawe the hostile feelings of the en
emy; and General Jackson was sent back by the govern
ment as a commissioner to dictate the intended treaty. It
was ultimately concluded on such terms as he thought
proper to prescribe, nearly all the country through which
our troops had marched being retained to the United
States.

Within seven months from the massacre of Fort Minis,
which may be considered as the commencement of the war,
the Creek nation was thus completely subdued and their
power broken forever in their final battle with General
Jackson at the Horse Shoe. Many causes contributed to
the rapid progress and decisive termination of the con
test. In the first place the enemy was completely over
powered by numbers. In almost every engagement it is
obvious that the American arms had an overwhelming su
periority in this respect. The only instance, in which the
Indians had any thing like an equal chance, was in the
battle fought on the 22nd of January in the neighborhood

526 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

of the Horse Shoe. The force under Jackson in that case
was about 1,200; and as the enemy soon afterwards mus
tered 1,000 warriors near the same place, it is not to be
doubted but that their force on that occasion was nearly
equal to ours. We had also as great a superiority, in the
aggregate of our troops in every quarter over the whole
number of the enemy, as we had in any single engagement.
Immediately after the commencement of hostilities we had
probably not less than 10,000 men in arms, including the
troops from Tennessee, Georgia, and the Mississippi terri
tory, together with the Cherokees, Choctaws, and Creeks
who joined our standard; whilst the whole number of hos
tile warriors according to the best accounts did not ex
ceed three thousand. It was believed that not less than
one-fourth of the Creek nation continued friendly.

In the Indian wars of the northwest we had to oppose
a much more formidable foe. In the south, 1,000 warriors
was the largest force ever collected in one place; in the
northwest it was believed by General Harrison from the
best information he could collect, that Proctor had as
sembled nearly 5,000 warriors for the siege of Fort Meigs ;
and before that renowned barbarian ran away from Mai
den he was issuing 14,000 rations daily to his savage as
sociates. Among the American people, who double their
numbers every twenty years by natural propagation, the
proportion of men able to bear arms appears to be about
one-sixth of the whole population. Among the Indians,
who instead of increasing are rapidly diminishing in num
ber, the proportion of fighting men to the women and chil
dren must be much greater — at least one-fourth to the
whole. Hence the assemblage at Maiden afforded prob
ably about 4,000 warriors. In the northwest also, when
the nearest tribes were destroyed or thinned, the British
had a boundless range of tribes more remote, from which

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 527

they could bring fresh recruits. The Creek Indians on
the contrary were surrounded on all sides of the interior
by enemies, and had no outlet of unmolested country to
furnish them allies and recruit their wasted strength.

A second circumstance which contributed to their
speedy subjugation was the neglect of their British insti
gators to furnish them with adequate supplies and effi
cient co-operation. They had to fight all the battles by
themselves, without the aid of artillery, and in many in
stances with the bow and arrow as a part of their armour.
The northwestern Indians had constantly with them, a
strong co-operating force of British regulars and Canadian
militia, well supplied with artillery and all the necessary
munitions of war; and they were themselves not only sup
plied with arms of the best quality, but they also regularly
drew rations for their whole families from the British
stores.

A third disadvantage on the part of the Creeks was
their imprudent manner of conducting the war. They suf
fered themselves to be repeatedly surprised, surrounded,
and cut to pieces in small parties at their towns ; and their
rule neither to give nor receive quarter produced the anni
hilation of every corps, which came within the grasp of
our army. They should have concentrated their forces in
larger bodies, have carefully guarded against surprise, and
have thus never suffered a defeat to be the annihilation of
the corps. Knowing their inferiority of numbers, and
their determination never to surrender, it was madness and
folly to expose themselves to the possibility of having their
retreat cut off. Their proper course would have been to
harrass our troops on their march and by attacks in the
night so as to worry out the patience of our militia and
protract the war till the British were ready to give them

528 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

more efficient assistance. Tecuinseh knew better how to
manage his affairs in the northwest.

A fourth cause which hastened the termination of the
war is to be found in the character of the principal gen
eral, who was employed in conducting it. The combining
skill, the persevering energy, and the intrepid bravery of
General Jackson, probably contributed more than any
other circumstance to the speedy success of our arms in
that quarter. The reader must already have remarked and
admired the clear and comprehensive views and skillful
plans which guided every movement to the most success
ful result; but what has been detailed displays not half the
merits of the man. His military skill and intrepidity in
the field were less important and honorable to the gen
eral than the unrelenting perseverance and irresistible
energy with which he struggled against difficulties, in
superable to any other person, in keeping and supplying
an imposing force in the country of the enemy from the
moment the war commenced to the period of its termina
tion. The want of an accurate knowledge of details pre
vents us from doing justice to General Jackson in this
respect.

CHAPTER XII.

MILITARY OPERATIONS AT MOBILE AND NEW
ORLEANS.

While the treaty with the Creeks was on hand, General
Jackson dispatched a messenger to the Spanish governor
at Pensacola to demand two of the hostile chiefs, Francis
and M'Queen, who had taken refuge in the Spanish terri
tory; and to know why the governor, who was the func
tionary of a neutral power, had presumed to aid and abet
the Indians, and to afford them a sanctuary in his domin
ions. The governor seemed to be highly exasperated at the
demand, affected to know nothing of the hostile chiefs, and
returned a verbal answer of an ambiguous but rather men
acing character. The treaty being at last concluded, and
General Jackson in the meantime having been appointed a
major-general in the army of the United States and in
vested with the command of the 7th military district,
he determined early in August to fix his headquarters im
mediately at Mobile and concentrate at that place all the
disposable force of his district, where he would be con
venient to the remaining enemies of the United States,
and ready to meet any irruption which the British might
attempt from the Gulf of Mexico. He had not been long
at Mobile, where he had concentrated nearly 2,000 men,
chiefly regulars, when he received information by a citizen
of Pensacola that on the 25th of August, three large Brit
ish armed vessels had arrived at that place with a large
quantity of arms, ammunition, etc., that they had been per-

529

34

530 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

mitted to take possession of the Spanish fort in which they
had placed 200 or 300 men under the command of Colonel
Nichols, and that thirteen sail of the line with a large
number of transports and 10,000 troops were expected
soon to arrive. A number of other reports of an alarming
character, but not so well authenticated, were also re
ceived from all which it appeared evident that the enemy
had determined to make a formidable invasion with a view
to conquest of Louisiana.

This information was immediately communicated by
the General-Governor Blount, of Tennessee, with a re
quest that he would without delay cause to be brought into
the field, all the militia of that State which the govern
ment had authorized to be detached for actual service.
Corresponding intelligence of the intended expedition of
the enemy was about the same time received in the United
States from a variety of other sources, and the government
itself was advised on the subject by its commissioners, who
had been sent to Europe to negotiate a treaty of peace with
Great Britain. The governor of Tennessee immediately
complied with the request of General Jackson, and an ad
ditional body of 2,000 mounted volunteers were also raised
in that patriotic State and marched for Mobile under the
command of General Coffee. The war department, taking
the formidable preparations of the enemy into considera
tion, also ordered for the defence of the lower countries,
2,500 of the detached militia of Kentucky, an equal num
ber from the State of Georgia, and an additional draft of
500 men from the State of Tennessee. The whole number
thus ordered and volunteering for the service in Tennessee,
Kentucky, and Georgia, amounted to more than 12,000
men, which constituted with the regulars now under Jack
son, and the militia resources of Louisiana and the Miss
issippi territory, the whole force with which he had to

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 531

meet the approaching storm and repel the haughty, plun
dering, and barbarous invader.

The force of the enemy Avhich had already arrived at
Pensacola appears to have been a corps of observation,
sent forward to take possession of certain important points
on the coast and islands of the gulf, to foster the hostility of
the Creeks and Spaniards in the Floridas, and to feel the
public sentiments in the State of Louisiana. Colonel Nich
ols, after taking possession of the fortress with the appro
bation of the Spanish governor, immediately commenced
his intrigues with the Indians and supplied them with mu
nitions of war and a variety of other presents. He met with
but poor success, however, in enlisting them in his service.
The remnant of the Creeks remembered too well the dread
ful exterminating chastisement which they had so recently
received from General Jackson, as well as the base perfidy
with which the British had left them to their fate after
exciting them to war and promising them an effectual
support.

On the day after his landing, this renowned and brave
colonel issued a general order to his troops, intended, how
ever, less for them than for the world, in which he spoke
in as pompous swaggering terms of the duties and pros
pects of the expedition as if he had been at the head of an
invincible army, with which he was just going to overrun
the whole Union. Yet this, like his diminutive force of
two or three hundred British and about as many Indians,
was but the vanguard, the mere precursor of an act of more
consummate extravagance and folly. On the 29th of Au
gust he issued a proclamation to the people of Louisiana
and Kentucky calling upon them to join his standard. To
the former he said :

"Natives of Louisiana ! on you the first call is made to
assist in liberating from a faithless and imbecile govern-

532 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

inent your paternal soil. The American usurpation in
this country must be abolished and the lawful owners put
in possession. I am at the head of a large body of In
dians well armed, disciplined, and commanded by British
officers; and a good train of artillery with every requisite,
seconded by the powerful aid of a numerous British and
Spanish squadron of ship and vessels of war," etc.

His appeal to the Kentuckians was consumately ridic
ulous.

''Inhabitants of Kentucky! You have too long borne
with grievous impositions. The whole brunt of the war
has fallen on your brave sons; be imposed on no longer;
but either range yourselves under the standard of your
forefathers, or observe a strict neutrality. If you comply
with either of these offers, whatever provision you send
down the river will be paid for in dollars, and the safety
of the persons bringing it, as well as the free navigation of
the Mississippi guaranteed to you. Men of Kentucky ! let
me call to your view, and I trust to your abhorrence, the
conduct of those factions which hurried you into this cruel,
unjust, and unnatural war, at a time when Great Britain
was straining every nerve in defence of her own, and the
liberties of the world; when the bravest of her sons were
fighting and bleeding in so sacred a cause; when she was
spending millions of her treasure in endeavoring to pull
down one of the most formidable and dangerous tyrants

that ever disgraced the form of man, etc After

the experience of twenty-one years, can you any longer sup
port those brawlers for liberty, who call it freedom and
know not when themselves are free? Be no longer their
dupes; accept my offer; every thing I have promised in
this paper, I guarantee to you on the sacred honor of a
British officer (a thing well understood in Kentucky)."

That any man of common sense and information should
have addressed such nonsense to Kentuckians, is truly

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 533

astonishing. He had some ground, however, for making
his call to the people of Louisiana — for there Avere British
spies, partisans, and traitors in New Orleans who did not
fail to communicate every possible information to the
enemy, and to assure them that the people of Louisiana
were dissatisfied with the government and ready at a
moment's warning to come under the British yoke. How
much they were deceived in the great majority of that peo
ple, and how glorious for them the contrast between the
northeast and southwest was visibly displayed in the
sequel.

But the armed negotiators at Pensacola, who were sent
in advance of the expedition to seduce the people of Louis
iana from their allegiance, and to fan the embers of the
Creek war and if possible procure a few more scalps of
women and children, had still another and more degrad
ing task to perform for their master — to solicit an alliance
with a nest of pirates on the island of Barrataria, situ
ated to the west of New Orleans. The British being them
selves nothing more than a great nest of pirates on a large
island, found no difficulty nor felt the lest degradation in
stooping to this measure. On the last day of August, Cap
tain Lockyer, of the navy, and Captain M'Williams, of the
army, were dispatched on this embassy in the brig Sophia
with letters from both Colonel Nichols and Sir William
H. Percy, the naval commander, to Lafite the captain of
the pirates, in which they solicited him to join the British
cause with his armed vessels and troops, and tendered him
the rank of captain in the British service, together with a
bounty in land to all his followers on the return of peace.
They had the mortification, however, to meet with a re
fusal. Lafite disdained to associate himself with the Brit
ish marauders against his adopted country, although he

534 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

had raised his rebellious hands to rob and murder her
citizens.

The assemblage at Barrataria was composed of rene
gades from all nations, who had established themselves
on that island, and robbed the commerce of the gulf for
several years past, smuggling their plundered goods into
New Orleans where they had many friends and associates.
Their commander, Lafite, was originally a captain in "the
French service, and their whole force at this time was
about 800 men and twenty pieces of cannon mounted in
eight or ten small vessels. Immediately after the British
overture, the whole establishment was broken up by an
expedition sent against it from New Orleans under Com
modore Patterson and Colonel Ross, which sailed from the
Balize about the middle of September in the schooner
Carolina and eight gun vessels and succeeded in capturing
the greater part of the pirates with their armed and un
armed vessels, dispersing the balance and destroying their
little village on the island, without the loss of a man on
our part.

The capture and possession of Mobile appears from the
instructions of Commodore Percy to his plenipotentiary at
the court of Barrataria, to have been one of the primary
objects of the Britsh van at Pensacola. They deferred the
attack, however, until the result of the mission to Barra
taria was known, as they expected to derive from the alli
ance of the pirates very important assistance in the en
terprise. Disappointed in this expectation, and appraised
that General Jackson was at Mobile with a considerable
force, their prospect of success was very much darkened.
They determined, however, to make an attack on Fort
Bowyer at Mobile point, a fortress well calculated for the
defence of the town and country of Mobile against invas
ion by a maval force. It was built when General Wilkin-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 535

son took possession of the country in 1813 by Lieutenant-
Colonel Bowyer on the neck of land which bounds the en
trance of the bay on the east side and commands the only
channel through which large vessels can pass into the bay.
The town of Mobile is situated near the head of the bay,
thirty miles from its entrance. When General Flournoy
was in command on that frontier he had ordered Fort Bow
yer to be evacuated, but on the arrival of General Jackson
it was immediately reoccupied and repaired by Major
Lawrence.

On the evening of the 15th of September, a combined
attack was made on the fort by the land and naval forces
of the allies. The naval armament consisted of two ships,
carrying each from twenty-four to twenty-eight thirty-two
pound carronades, and three tenders — all under the com
mand of Commodore Sir William Henry Percy. The land
forces consisted of 100 marines, 200 or 300 Indians under
the British Captain Woodbine and a small corps of artil
lerists with a twelve-pounder and howitzer. The force of
the garrison was but 16,0 men. As soon as the foremost
ship, the Hermes, witj^ Commodore Percy on board, had
arrived within the vange of our guns, the fire of our bat
teries was oper^ ^pon her which was returned by the
whole of the ^nadron as fast as they could come into ac
tion. At b^tt^agt-four o'clock the action became general,
not only with the squadron but also with the land forces in
the re" *r of the fort where the twelve-pounder and howitzer
wer * brought into play. The allies under Woodbine, how-
e'W7 were soon put to flight, and their battery silenced by
fe few discharges of grape and cannister from the fort.
rme Hermes anchored nearest to the fort and was soon so
much disabed that her cable being cut by our shot sfce
•drifted on -shore within 600 yards of our battery. About
.•sunset the* others were compelled to cut their cables and

536 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

make off under a very destructive fire from our guns. The
Hermes being now the only object in view, our fire was
concentrated upon her and at ten o'clock her magazine was
inflamed and blew her up.

The loss of the enemy in this attack was very great.
The Hermes with the whole of her crew, 170 in number,
were totally destroyed, excepting only the commodore and
twenty men, who made a timely escape in the boats of the
other vessels which were sent to their relief. On board the
other ship called the Charon there was eighty-five killed
and wounded. The loss in the smaller vessels was not as
certained, but it was also very considerable. The brig
Sophia, Captain Lockyer, was particularly observed to be
very much damaged. Our loss was four killed and five
wounded. Every officer and soldier in the garrison per
formed his duty well and acted with the most determined
courage, coolness, and intrepidity. For his admirable and
gallant defence, Major Lawrence was promoted to the rank
of lieutenant-colonel by the president of the United States.

The expedition against Fort Bowyer having sailed di
rectly from Pensacola and returned again immediately to
that place; and the conduct of the Spanish governor hav
ing at last become intolerable, in harboring and aiding the
British with their red allies, and encouraging their dep
redations on the nearest American settlements, General
Jackson at length determined to return the compliment of
their visit at Mobile, by giving them a call at Pensacola as
soon as the advance of reinforcements would authorize him
to move. He accordingly marched for that place in the
latter part of October with all his disposable force, con
sisting of the 3rd and detachments of the 39th and 44th
United States regiments, about 500 Tennessee militia,
Major Hind's squadron of Mississippi dragoons and a few
Choctaws, and was joined on his march by General Coffee,

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 537

with a part of the new brigade of mounted volunteers from
Tennessee, which rendered his effective force about 3,500
strong. On the evening of the 6th of November, he arrived
at Pensacola and sent Major Peire with a flag to communi
cate the object of his visit to the Spanish governor. As
the flag approached the fort it was fired on by the guns of
the fort and obliged to return. The British no doubt
dreaded the consequences of a communication being opened
between Jackson and the governor and warmly promoted
this wanton act of hostility with a view to involve us in an
unrelenting war with the Spaniards. It appeared by the
issue, however, that the combustible materials of the gov
ernor were consumed by a flash, and that he wanted firm
ness to persist in the decisive part lie now had taken.
General Jackson immediately reconnoitered the fort in per
son, and finding it defended by British and Spanish troops
he retired with a determination to storm the town in the
morning, for which every necessary arrangement was made
during the night. In approaching Pensacola, Captain
Kempt with his troop of Mississippi dragoons had cap
tured a small Spanish guard about ten miles from the
town. General Jackson being anxious, notwithstanding
the perfidy of the Spaniard to prevent bloodshed, liberated
one of the prisoners with a letter to the governor reproach
ing him for having violated the rules of war in refusing a
.flag and requesting that negotiation might be opened. A
Spanish officer arrived in the American camp about mid
night with a communication from the governor. Major
Peire was then admitted into the town and to a confer
ence with the commandant, who refused to capitulate on
the terms proposed.

Being encamped on the west of the town, the general
supposed that the enemy would expect the assault in that
direction, and he prepared to rake his advancing columns

538 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

from the fort and British armed vessels in the bay. To
encourage such an expectation, he ordered a portion of the
mounted men to show themselves on the west, while he
marched with his main force undiscovered round the rear
of the fort to the east side of the town. At the distance of
a mile on that side his troops came in full view of the des
tined theatre as they supposed of a bloody conflict. They
advanced, however, with the most undaunted firmness and
bravery. On the right three Avas a strong fort ready to
assail them ; on the left, seven British armed vessels ; and
in front before the town, strong blockhouses and batteries
of cannon. Though possessed of these commanding ad
vantages, the allies did not think proper to interrupt the
firm and steady pace of our advancing columns until the
town was entered. The center column, composed of the
regulars, was then assailed by a battery mounting two
pieces of cannon and a shower of musketry from the houses
and gardens. The battery was immediately carried by
Captain LevalFs company assisted by the column of regu
lars, and the musketry soon silenced by their steady and
well directed fire. The Spanish governor now resorted
himself to a flag, the sanctity of which he had so recently
violated, and approached Colonels Williamson and Smith
at the head of the dismounted volunteers, begging for
mercy and tendering an unconditional surrender of the
town and fort. Mercy was granted by the general, and
the citizens protected in their persons and property; yet
the treacherous Spaniard withheld the possession of the
fort till midnight. It had been evacuated on the night be
fore by Colonel Nichols, who fled with Captain Woodbine
and their red allies to the shipping and to the south side
of the bay for safety, after our army had appeared before
the town in the evening.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 539

At the mouth of the bay, there was a fortress called the
Barancas, which commanded the entrance to the harbor of
Pensacola. On the morning of the 8th, General Jackson
prepared to march against it with a view to carry it by
storm; but his march was prevented by tremendous ex
plosions, which announced the destruction of that place.
The British had obtained possession of that, as well as of
the fortress at the town, and now blew it up to prevent its
being turned upon them. Had General Jackson obtained
possession while their ships remained in the harbor, he
would have been able greatly to injure, if not to destroy
them entirely in attempting to escape; but the Barancas
being destroyed they proceeded to the sea unmolested. The
loss of their fortress was not the only injury which the
Spaniards sustained from their retiring friends. The Brit
ish very honestly and honorably carried off a number of
negroes, with a variety of other property, and behaved to
the inhabitants in a very insolent manner. While Jackson
occupied the town, the exemplary conduct of his troops,
and his liberal and generous treatment of its inhabitants,
formed a perfect contrast to the British and drew from the
deluded Spaniards an acknowledgment that even his Choc-
taws were more civilized than the British. After remain
ing a few days in the town, the British and Indians being
driven off, and the Spaniards very favorably impressed
with our friendly intentions and honorable deportment,
the general delivered up every thing again into the hands
of the lawful Spanish authority, except the cannon of the
battery that opposed the entrance of the regulars, and then
evacuated the place. Having returned to Mobile, he im
mediately made arrangements for marching to New Or
leans, the destined theatre of the approaching contest.

Before we detail the immediate operations of the con
tending armies, in the attempt of the enemy to get posses-

540 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

sion of New Orleans and subdue the State of Louisiana, it
will be proper to take a preliminary view of the preceding
situation of our affairs in that quarter, and of the prepara
tions on foot both to make and to meet the invasion.

The late pacification in Europe had placed at the dis
posal of the British government a large body of their choic
est troops. Animated by their extraordinary success in
subjugating France and in capturing Washington City,
where with Gothic barbarism they burnt and destroyed our
capital, our national library, and every other monument of
the civic arts; and having not only prepared a powerful
land and naval armament for the expedition, but also placed
it under their most able and experienced commanders; they
expected to give new tone to the war in America, and cal
culated with the utmost confidence on the conquest of
Louisiana. According to the advices from our commission
ers in Europe, a large armament was to sail from Great
Britain in September, carrying out from 12,000 to 15,000
troops for the intended conquest. The armament which
had captured Washington City was also now directing its
course to the south, where its rapacious commanders were
allured by the spoil of a rich and luxurious city, and fav
ored in their designs by the climate, the season, and situa
tion of our affairs. We had no army of veterans led by
long experienced generals to oppose them in that quarter.
The indispensible munitions of war, and the militia men
destined to use them, were still in the arsenals and at their
houses, more than a thousand miles distant, on the route
they had to traverse to the scene of action.

It hence became the duty of our government and its
military functionaries to make the most active prepara
tions for a vigorous defence ; nor was the pressure of this
duty in the least alleviated by adverting to the internal
condition of Louisiana, both in regard of its population

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 541

and the facility with which it could be invaded from the
ocean. Its situation in the union was remote in the ex
treme ; its coasts were intersected by numerous bays, lakes,
rivers, and bayous, through which the enemy could pene
trate to the interior in his small vessels ; the banks of those
avenues being marshy and uninhabited, they could not with
any facility be guarded by our militia ; and the population
in general was composed of Frenchmen and Spaniards, who
had, whether foreigners or natives, been bred under the
most despotic forms of government, and had not yet be
come familiar with our institutions and completely assim
ilated in their sentiments and views to the American peo
ple. The militia of the country had on a late occasion, re
fused to comply with the requisitions of the governor ; and
a great many European Frenchmen had entered their ad
hesions to Louis XVIII, and through the medium of the
French consul, claimed exemption from military service.
Local jealousies, national prejudices, and political fac
tions, dividing and distracting the people, prevented that
union and zeal in the common cause, which the safety of
the country demanded. Hence there was a general de
spondency and want of preparation for the approaching
crisis. The disaffected and traitorous, however, were on
the alert, and carefully communicating the earliest intelli
gence and every species of useful information respecting
the country to the British. The legislature was protract
ing its session to an unusual length, without adopting such
measures as the alarming situation of the State required.
It was represented as being politically rotten ; and partic
ularly that in the house of representatives, the idea had
been advanced, advocated, and favorably heard, that a con
siderable portion of the State belonged of right to the
Spanish government — and that too, at a time when the co-

542 HISTOKY OF THE LATE WAR

operation of the Spaniards with the British in the ex
pected invasion was the prevailing opinion.

Such was the character of the population, and the sit
uation of our affairs at New Orleans., as represented by
the highest authority to the government and the com
mander of the district. A vast majority of the people,
however, consisting of the natives of that country, and
emigrants to it from other parts of the union, were well
disposed to our cause, and willing to acquiesce and co
operate in the necessary measures of defence. By these
General Jackson was hailed, on his arrival at New Orleans,
with acclamations of unbounded joy as a deliverer sent by
heaven to save their country from approaching ruin.

In the meantime the militia from Tennessee, Kentucky,
and Georgia were in motion. The orders of the war de
partment were received by the respective governors about
the 20th of October, and about one month afterwards the
militia of Kentucky and Tennessee were embarked in
flats and ready to descend to New Orleans. The Ken
tucky detachment of 2,500 men was commanded by Major
General John Thomas, who was accompanied by General
John Adair as adjutant-general to the division, an officer
of tried valor and known military talents. Three thousand
of the Tennessee militia were sent down the river under
the command of Major-General William Carroll and Briga
dier Byrd Smith, the former having recently been elected
to succeed General Jackson in the militia when he was
translated into the regular service. The other 2,000 of the
Tennessee draft were sent toward Mobile under the com
mand of General Taylor, and the Georgia detachment
were ordered for the same place under the command of
Major-General John M'Intosh and Brigadier-General
Blackshear. Artillery, musketry, and ammunition were
also embarked at Pittsburgh and other points on the Ohio

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 543

for the use of these troops and the fortifications at New
Orleans, the greater portion of which did not arrive until
the contest terminated.

Before General Jackson left Mobile he made arrange
ments for transferring nearly the whole of his troops in
that quarter to New Orleans. The corps of the army
brought from that quarter were the mounted brigade of
Tennessee volunteers, two companies of the 44th United
States regiment and Hinds' squadron of dragoons. About
the first of December, General Jackson arrived with his
infantry at the city and immediately commenced the most
active preparations for defence. His lofty character as an
energetic, intrepid, and skillful general had gone before
him, and having secured him the unbounded confidence of
the people, enabled him to exercise an unlimited influence
over them. The governor had ordered the militia of his
State en masse to hold themselves in readiness to march at
a moment's warning, and several corps were already in
actual service.

To guard the different avenues through which the
enemy could approach the city, so as to prevent a surprise
and be ready at every point to meet them, was an object
of primary importance. The general hence immediately
reconnoitered the country in person to ascertain the places
at which it was most necessary that guards should be
posted. He accordingly stationed a detachment of regu
lars on the bayou Vienvenue, which led from Lake Borgne
into the plantation of General Villere, on the bank of the
Mississippi about six miles below the city. A guard was
also posted on the Chef Mentiere, a bayou which leads
from Lake Borgne into Lake Pontchartrain. The enemy
would be able to come up these natural canals in their
boats and on foot along their banks which would greatly
facilitate their approach to all the country around New Or-

544 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

leans except where there is a pass of this description, being
an impenetrable morass. Strong batteries and a garrison
were at the mouth of the bayou St. John, which forms the
chief communication, and common highway from the city
into Lake Poiitchartram. Between the latter and Lake
Borgne, which lies below it, there is a communication
called the Rigolets, through which vessels of some burden
can pass ; on which was a fortification on an island called
the Petit Coquille. The general also visited and strength
ened the old fortress on the Mississippi below New Orleans,
called Fort Plaquernine or St. Philip. A flotilla com
manded by Lieutenant Jones, and consisting of five gun
boats, a schooner, and a sloop, was stationed at the bay
of St. Louis, about fifty or sixty miles east of New Orleans.
On the 12th of December, intelligence was received at
the city that the hostile fleet had made its appearance in
the gulf between the Balize and Mobile point, to the num
ber of thirty-five or forty sail. Having selected Ship Island
off the bay of St. Louis as a place of rendezvous, they began
to concentrate at that place, and on the 12th they had ar
rived in such force that Lieutenant Jones thought it most
prudent to retire from their vicinity to the Malhereux Is
lands at the entrance of Lake Borgne, from which he could
again retire if necessary to the Petit Coquille and dispute
the passage into Lake Pontchartrain. On the morning of
the 13th he discovered a large flotilla of barges leaving the
fleet and steering westward, obviously with the intention
of attacking his gun vessels. He had that morning sent
the schooner into the bay of St. Louis to bring away the
public stores from the position he had evacuated. The
enemy having discovered her sent three barges against her,
which were driven back by a few discharges of grape shot
until they were joined by four others ; a sharp contest was
then maintained for half an hour, when they were again

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 545

forced to withdraw with a considerable loss. But the com
mander of the schooner, Mr. Johnson, finding it impos
sible to escape with his vessel, now blew her up, set fire
to the store-house on shore, and escaped with his crew by
land.

Lieutenant Jones, in the meantime, had gotten under
sail with the intention of retiring to the Petit Coquille, but
the water being unusually low in those shallow bays, lakes,
and passes, and the wind and tide being unfavorable,
neither the pursuers nor the pursued could make much
progress. At midnight the gunboats came to anchor at
the west end of the Malhereux pass, and in the morning
of the 14th the enemy's barges were discovered within a
few miles of them. A calm with a strong current against
him, now obliged Lieutenant Jones to prepare for action,
though the force of the enemy was vastly superior. They
had forty-two launches and barges, with three gigs, carry
ing forty-two carronades, 12, 18, and 24-pounders, and
1,200 men, all commanded by Captain Lockyer, the ex-
minister at the court of Barrataria. Our five-gun vessels
carried 23 guns and 182 men — the sloop carried only one
4-pounder and 8 men.

The enemy came up in line of battle, and at 11 o'clock
the action had become general, warm, and destructive on
both sides. Three barges presently made an attempt to
carry the nearest gunboat by boarding, and were repulsed
with dreadful slaughter, two of them being sunk. The
attempt was renewed by four others with nearly the same
result. The enemy, however, persevered, and finally suc
ceeded in capturing the whole, having carried most of them
by boarding. The action lasted about two hours and was
uncommonly severe and bloody. The loss of the enemy
was estimated at 300 killed and wounded, and several
barges sunk. Our loss in killed and wounded was com-

35

546 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

paratively very small, being only five killed and thirty
wounded. Both Jones and Lockyer were wounded severe
ly. A resistance so obstinate, and destructive to the enemy
against a force so superior, reflects the highest honor on
the American officers and seamen. They had formerly
been under the command of Captain Porter, who immor
talized Valparaiso by the obstinate and desperate resist
ance which he made at that place against a superior force
of the enemy, and they now proved themselves worthy
pupils of that invincible naval hero.

On the day after the battle, intelligence of the result
was brought to New Orleans by the commander of the
schooner, who had escaped by land from the bay of St.
Louis. The city already alarmed, distracted, and de
spairing, was thrown into consternation and confusion by
the event. A powerful, well disciplined, and well ap
pointed army was on the coast, and the only feeble barrier
which prevented its approach through the lakes, within a
few miles of the city, was now entirely swept away. The
whole force under Jackson, on which the salvation of the
State depended, did not exceed 4,000, of which only 1,000
were regulars. The greater part of this force was kept at
the city, that it might be ready to meet the invaders in any
pass, which they might select for their approach. The
mounted volunteers under Coffee had not yet arrived from
Mobile.

At such a crisis and in such circumstances, the utmost
exertions of every patriot, and the most rigorous and effi
cient measures for the public security became indispensible.
The general had not forgotten the representations which
he had previously received from the highest authority,
concerning the general character of the population, the
number of disaffected persons in the city, and particularly
the want of confidence in the legislative representatives of

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 547

the people, which their conduct in the present session had
inspired. With a view, therefore, to supercede such civil
powers, as in their operation might interfere with those,
which he would be obliged to exercise, in pursuing the best
measures for the safety of the country ; and under a solemn
conviction, after consulting with the best patriots in the
place, that the measure was proper and required by the
situation of our affairs, he determined to place, and on
the 16th did proclaim, "the city and environs of New
Orleans under strict martial law." This decisive measure
received the approbation and cordial acquiescence of every
friend to the safety of the country. It was accompanied
by suitable regulations, which required every person enter
ing the city, to report himself at the office of the adjutant-
general, and every person or vessel leaving it, to procure
a passport from the general, one of his staff, or the com
manding naval officer. The street lamps were to be ex
tinguished at 9 in the night, and every person afterwards
found abroad without permission in writing, was to be
apprehended as a spy. The whole of the citizens, sojourn-
ers, passengers, and persons of every description, who were
capable of bearing arms, were pressed into the land and
naval service.

The general, at the same time, published the following
address to the people:

"The major-general commanding his learned, with
astonishment and regret, that great consternation and
alarm pervade your city. It is true the enemy is on our
coast, and threatens an invasion of our territory ; but it is
equally true, that with union, energy, and the approba
tion of heaven, we will beat him at every point, where his
temerity may induce him to set foot on our soil.

"The general with still greater astonishment has
heard, that British emissaries have been permitted to
propagate a seditious report amongst you, that the threat-

548 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ened invasion is with a view of restoring the country to
Spain, from a supposition that some of you would be will
ing to return to your ancient government — believe no such
incredible tales — your government is at peace with Spain.
It is the vital enemy of your country, the common enemy
of mankind, the highway robber of the world, who threat
ens you, and has sent his hirelings amongst you with this
false report, to put you off your guard, that you may fall
an easy prey to his rapacity. Then look to your liberties,
your property, and the chastity of your wives and daugh
ters. Take a retrospect of the conduct of the British army
at Hampton, and other places where it entered our coun
try — and every bosom which glows with patriotism and
virtue, will be inspired with indignation, and pant for the
arrival of the hour, when we shall meet the enemy and
revenge these outrages against the laws of civilization and
humanity.

"The general calls upon the inhabitants of the city, to
trace this unfounded report to its source, and bring the
propagator to condign punishment. The rules and arti
cles of war annex the punishment of death, to the crime of
holding secret correspondence with the enemy, supplying
him with provisions, or creating false alarms ; and the gen
eral announces his unalterable determination, rigidly to
execute the martial law, in all cases which may come
within his province.

"The safety of the district entrusted to the protection
of the general must and will be maintained with the best
blood of the country; and he is confident that all good
citizens will be found at their posts with arms in their
hands, determined to dispute every inch of ground with
the enemy, and that unanimity will pervade the whole
country. But should the general be disappointed in this
expectation, he will separate our enemies from our friends.
Those who are not for us are against us, and will be dealt
with accordingly.

"Th. L. Butler, A.D.C."

The traitors well knew, from the character of General
Jackson, that the threatening parts of this proclamation

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 549

were not mere sound and fury, but that they would be
carried into execution with the utmost rigor and prompti
tude. Disaffection was thus awed into silence, and the
friends of the country were inspired with unbounded con
fidence, harmony and enthusiasm. The militia of the city
and all its environs were arrned, accoutred, and drilled
twice every day. On the 18th an address from the general
Avas read to those of the city, by his volunteer aide, Mr.
Livngston, the following extract form which will exhibit
the spirit of the times.

"The general commanding in chief, would not do justice
to the noble ardor that has animated you, in the hour of
danger — he would not do justice to his own feelings — if he
suffered the example you have shown to pass without pub
lic notice. Inhabitants of an opulent and commercial
town, you have by a spontaneous effort, shaken off the
habits which are created by wealth, and shown that you
are resolved to deserve the blessings of fortune by bravely
defending them. Long strangers to the perils of war, you
have embodied yourselves to face them with the cool coun
tenance of veterans — and with motives to disunion, that
might operate on weak minds, you have forgotten the dif
ference of language, and the prejudices of national pride,
and united with a cordiality that does honor to your un
derstandings, as well as to your patriotism."

Information was now received that the enemy, after
the capture of our brave flotilla, was pressing to the west
ward, through the islands and passes of Lake Borgne, in
his boats and light vessels, but the point at which he would
attempt to debark, or the pass through which he would
endeavor to reach the city, was still unknown. With a
view to great security, in guarding the numerous bayous
and canals, which lead from the lake through the swampy
district, to the high land on the margin of the river, the
superintendence of that service was entrusted to Major

550 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

General Villere, who commanded the militia between the
river and the lake, and who, being a native of the country,
was presumed to be best acquainted with its topography.
He kept a picket guard stationed at the mouth of the bayou
Bienvenue, which led into his own plantation on the bank
of the river; but contrary to the orders of General Jackson,
he left the navigation of the bayou unobstructed. On the
23rd of December, the enemy having selected this pass
for their approach, succeeded in surprising the guard at
the mouth of the bayou, and in capturing a company of
militia, stationed on the plantation of General Villere.
Their troops were then conveyed up the bayou to the
amount of 3,000, and an encampment formed between the
river and the marsh, on the premises of Major Lacoste.
The intelligence of their approach was brought to head
quarters at the city about 1 o'clock on that day, and Gen
eral Jackson immediately determined to attack them with
out delay in their first position.

In the meantime, General Coffee had arrived with his
brigade of mounted men from Mobile; and also General
Carroll with part of his division of militia infantry from
West Tennessee. The latter had descended the rivers with
a degree of celerity unparalleled in the history of military
movements. His troops had embarked on the 24th ultimo
at Nashville, and on the evening of the 22nd instant, it
being the 29th day of their voyage, they arrived very op
portunely near the city of New Orleans. They were now
encamped with the mounted men, who had also recently
arrived, about four miles above the city, and were all
immediately ordered down by General Jackson, to super
induce the dangers of the battle on the toils of the march.
The general expected that the troops which the enemy were
debarking by the pass of Bienvenue, did not constitute
their principal, or at least their only force, but that a

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 551

simultaneous attack would be made by the way of Chef
Mentire. He, therefore, posted the division of General
Carroll, with the city militia, on the Gentilly road leading
to Chef Mentire, to meet such an event; and at 5 o'clock
he was ready to march down against the enemy, with the
rest of his troops, consisting of General Coffee's brigade,
a corps of dragoons under Major Hinds, a battalion of
uniformed volunteers under Major Blanche, 200 men of
color under Major Daquin, a detachment of artillery with
two 6-pounders under the direction of Colonel M'Rea, and
parts of the seventh and forty-fourth regiments of regulars
under Major Peire and Captain Baker. The whole force
was very much inferior to that of the enemy, which was
commanded by Major General Keane.

About seven O'clock, General Jackson arrived near the
British encampment, where all was quiet, his advance upon
them being concealed under cover of the night, while their
fires in the camp fully exposed them to his view. Their
right extended to the swamp, and their left which was the
strongest part of their lines, rested on the bank of the
river. Arrangements were immediately made for the
attack; General Coffee was ordered to turn their right,
whilst Jackson with the regulars attacked their strongest
position on the left. Commodore Patterson had been or
dered to drop down the river in the schooner Carolina, and
commence a fire on their camp, which was to be the signal
for a general charge.

At half-past eight the commodore opened his fire, and
General Coffee's troops then rushed upon the right of the
enemy, with great impetuosity, and entered their camp,
while Jackson engaged their left with equal ardor, sup
ported by the fire of the schooner and the two field pieces.
The action soon became general, and was obstinately con
tested on both sides, the hostile troops being frequently

552 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAK

intermixed with each other in the conflict. About 10
o'clock, after the battle had raged more than an hour, a
thick fog came over them, which caused some confusion
among our troops, and rendered it necessary in the opinion
of our general, to desist from the contest. Had it not been
for this unfortunate occurrence, he would no doubt have
gained a decisive victory, and have blasted at once the pre
sumptuous hopes of the rapacious invader. He lay on the
field of battle in the face of the enemy, till four o'clock in
the morning, and then withdrew his army with so much
address, as to elude their vigilence, and conceal the weak
ness of the force by which they had been so boldly attacked.
Having retired up the river about two miles, he encamped
his troops, on the firm, open ground between the river and
the swamp, at a narrow point between the enemy and the
city, where their progress could be arrested with less labor
and fewer troops, than at any other position he could have
selected.

When General Keane first reached the banks of the
Mississippi, he felt supinely confident, that the conquest
of the city would be an easy achievement for his Welling
ton invincibles; but the uncivil greeting, which he received
the first evening on our shores, convinced him of his error,
taught him to respect our prowess and enterprise, and
made him contented with maintaining his first position,
till the Commander-in-chief of the expedition, the Lieut. -
Gen. Sir Edward Packenham, could arrive with the balance
of the forces. The most important advantages were thus
derived to our cause, by this bold, decisive, and judicious
movement of our general. The progress of the enemy was
arrested, which gave us time to fortify and entrench our
lines, in the most eligible position for defense; and our
success in th battle inspired our troops with the confidence
of veterans. The loss of the enemy was computed at 100

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 553

killed, 230 wounded, and 70 prisoners captured, including
among them one major and several other officers of less
rank. Our loss was 24 killed, 115 wounded, and 74 miss
ing. Among the dead were Lieutenant-Colonel Lauderdale,
of the Tennessee mounted men, and Lieutenant M'Clelland
of the 7th infantry, and several other officers were wound
ed.

General Jackson now determined to fortify his posi
tion, act on the defensive, and wait the arrival of the Ken
tucky detachment. The interests committed to his care
were too important, to be exposed to any unnecessary
hazard by offensive and premature operations against the
enemy. The care of Chef Mentire pass being entrusted
to Colonel Morgan of the city militia, the division of Gen
eral Carroll was brought down to the lines, and the forti
fications commenced with the utmost vigor and dispatch.
They consisted of a straight line of works extending from
the river on the right of our troops to the swamp on their
left. A breastwork was thrown up, from four to five feet
high, with a wet ditch close in front, about four feet deep
and eight feet wide. Several heavy pieces of artillery
were mounted on the works, with thier embrasures lined
with bales of cotton. On the right the works terminated
in a bastion, with a battery calculated for raking the ditch.
Such were the fortifications now completed with the utmost
expedition in the power of our troops, aided by the labor
of a number of negroes from the plantations. The open
ing of the ditch was also facilitated by the presence of an
old canal, which had been dug to convey the water to the
river, down to a mill at the edge of the swamp.

On the 26th the ship Louisiana, Commodore Patterson,
and the schooner Carolina, Captain Henley, dropped down
the river, took a position near the enemy's camp, and
opened a brisk, destructive fire upon them, from the sever-

554 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ity of which they were glad to shelter themselves by retir
ing into the swamp. In the night, however, they erected
a furnace and battery at a convenient distance on shore,
and were ready at daylight on the 27th, to commence a fire
of red-hot shot on the assailing vessels. The ship was
out of their reach, but the schooner being becalmed within
the range of their guns, and prevented from ascending by
the strength of the current, Captain Henley was compelled
to abandon her, and she soon afterwards took fire and was
blown up.

Sir Edward Packenham, lieutenant-general and Com
mander-in-chief, having now arrived and brought up large
reinforcements to the British camp, they resolved on mak
ing a demonstration against our works, with a view to
effect something important and decisive. On the 28th
they advanced with their whole force, and commenced a
tremendous cannonade and bombardment on our lines.
Balls, shells, and congreve rockets were thrown in showers
on the breastwork, and over the heads of our troops, and
their columns were formed and brought up, apparently
with the intention of storming our works on the left. But
their fire was returned with great spirit and vivacity by
our batteries, which compelled them after three hours of
incessant cannonading, and fruitless exposure of their
lives, to retire with disappointment and mortification to
their camp. Their expectations appeared to be, that their
tremendous cannonade, and great quantity of combustibles
thrown on our works, would frighten away the militia, or
throw them into confusion, and thus afford a favorable
opportunity for making an assault. But the firmness and
cool intrepidity of our troops, combined with the destruc
tive fire of our batteries, kept them at a respectful distance
and at last compelled them to abandon the enterprise.
Their loss on this occasion was considerable — not less than

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 555

120 killed, whilst ours was but seven killed and eight
wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, of the Tennessee
militia was among the slain. For several days after this af
fair, nothing important occurred. Skirmishes occasionally
took place between the picket guards, and the enemy's
camp was sometimes annoyed by the ship Louisiana.

Though disappointed in their expectations on the 28th,
they did not abandon the project of forcing our lines, but
prepared for a more formidable attack on Sunday morning
the 1st of January. Admiral Cochrane, the naval com
mander, had sent us word on his arrival off the coast, that
he would eat his Christmas dinner in New Orleans, and
General Packenham now resolved at least to spend his
New Year in the city. Under cover of night, and a heavy
fog, which continued till 8 o'clock in the morning, the
enemy advanced within 600 yards of our works, being con
siderably nearer than they had come before, and there
erected three different batteries, mounting in all fifteen
guns, from six to thirty-two pounders; and as soon as the
fog had cleared away in the morning, they commenced a
heavy and incessant fire, throwing shot, bombs, and
rockets in showers at our works. They also essayed again
to advance to the assault in column, but the steady and
skillful fire of our batteries, soon arrested their progress
and put them to flight. An incessant cannonading, how
ever, was continued through the day, till late in the even
ing, when our balls had dismounted and silenced nearly
all of their guns ; and under cover of the night, they again
withdrew from the unprofitable contest. Our loss on this
day was eleven killed and twenty-three wounded, whilst
that of the enemy, from their very exposed situation, must
have been extremely great.

The opposite side of the river, or the right bank, now
became an object of attention with both armies. Commo-

556 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

dore Patterson had landed some of the guns of the Louis
iana, and erected a battery on the bank, opposite our main
works on the left side, for the purpose of co-operating with
the right of our lines, and flanking the enemy in his ad
vance up the river to attack them. After the affair on the
1st of January, the battery was enlarged by landing and
mounting more guns, and a furnace was prepared to heat
shot, with a view to fire the houses between the two armies,
which were occupied by the British. The Louisiana mili
tia, and New Orleans contingent, were also stationed at
that place under General D. B. Morgan, for the purpose
of repelling any attack on the battery, or any attempt to
move up, on that side, and annoy the city across the river,
which the enemy might make. On the 4th, General Mor
gan began to throw up a breastwork, and mounted three
32-pounders, for the defense of his troops. On the 4th,
also, the Kentucky detachment, under General Thomas
arrived at the city. Being nearly destitute of arms, for
they had brought but few with them from home, and those
which had been shipped in trading boats at Pittsburgh had
not yet arrived, they were ordered to encamp at the canal
of Madam Piernass, one mile above the American lines,
till they could be equipped for service. The city was now
ransacked for arms to supply the Kentuckians, and by the
7th a sufficient number was collected and repaired, together
with a loan obtained by General Adair from a corps of
exempts, to arm the regiment commanded by Colonel
Slaughter, and the battalion under Major Harrison.
These corps, 1,000 strong, were then marched down to the
lines under the command of General Adair, Major-General
Thomas being unwell ; and were posted immediately in the
rear of General Carroll's division, to support the centre
of our works.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 557

The enemy in the meantime were engaged, on the sug
gestion of Admiral Cochrane, in enlarging a canal which
connected the Mississippi with the bayou Bienvenue, to
enable them to draw their boats through it into the river,
and make an attack on our establishment under Patterson
and Morgan. On the Tth their operations were reconnoi-
tered across the river by the commodore, who ascertained
in the evening, that they had nearly completed the under
taking, and immediately communicated this information
to Jackson, with a request that reinforcements might be
sent over, to assist in the defense of his position. The
general accordingly ordered 400 of the unarmed Kentuck-
ians, to go up to the city where they would be supplied
with arms, and then come down on the opposite side to
Morgan. It was in the night when they marched, and a
supply of indifferent arms could be procured for no more
than 200, who proceeded to their place of destination while
the balance returned to camp. About 1 o'clock in the
morning of the 8th, the commodore discovered that the
enemy had gotten their barges into the river, and that an
uncommon stir was prevailing in their camp, of which the
commanding general was duly notified.

No doubt now existed in the American camp, but that
another formidable attack was on the point of being car
ried into execution on both sides of the river; and as the
enemy had already been twice repulsed, it was reasonable
to expect that his third attempt would be desperate and
bloody. Our main army, however, was well prepared to
receive him, and anxious for an assault to be made. J£h£
whole extent of our works, about 1800 yards from the river
to the swamp, nvas~ we.ll finished, well manned with brave
soldiers, and well-defended with artillery. The regulars
with a part of the militia from Louisiana, occupied 600
yards on the right next the river; General Carroll's di-

558 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

vision occupied 800 yards in the centre; and General Cof
fee defended the balance of the works on the left. The
Kentuckians formed in two lines, occupied 400 yards in
the centre, close in the rear of General CarrolPs command.

As soon as the dawn of day enabled us to see some
distance in front of our lines, the enemy were discovered
advancing in great force, formed in two powerful columns
on the right and left, and prepared with fascines and scal
ing ladders to storm our works. Their left column which
was the least, was led up the bank of the river by Major-
General Keane, whilst their main column was conducted
against the center of our works by Major-General Gibbs. A
third column was held in reserve under the command of
Major-General Lambert. The ground over which they had
to inarch to the assault was a perfect level, beautifully over
grown with clover, and without any intervening obstruc
tion whatever. The signal for the onset was the discharge
of a rocket from the head of their column next the river,
when their whole force rent the air with a shout and
advanced briskly to the charge. A tremendous cannonade
was at the same time opened on our works from their mor
tars and field artillery, and from a battery of six 18-
pounders, which they had erected within 500 yards of our
lines.

Their attack was received by our troops with the utmost
firmness and bravery, and their fire immediately returned
by the artillery on our works, under the direction of de
liberate and skillful officers, who tore their columns as
they approached, with a frightful carnage; and as soon
as the heads of their columns had arrived within the range
of our small arms, they were assailed in a manner still
more destructive, by the steady, deliberate, well-aimed fire
of our rifles and musketry. Though they advanced under
this havoc with astonishing firmness and intrepidity, yet

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 559

ere they could reach our works they were thrown into con
fusion and repulsed; but the brave officers who led them
soon rallied their flying troops, reformed their shattered
columns, and led them the second time to the charge, with
renewed vigor and fury. In vain was their bravery —
in vain the utmost exertion of their powers — they only
renewed the charge to suffer a new repulse with redoubled
carnage. Their principal column advancing against the
centre of our works, was opposed by the strongest part of
our lines, consisting of Tennessee and Kentucky marks
men, at least six men deep, who literally poured forth a
sheet of fire, which cut down the ranks of the enemy, like
grass by the scythe of a mower. Yet their heavy columns
pressed on with such force and desperation, that many of
their men at last entered the ditch in front of our breast
work, where they were shot down in heaps at the very
muzzle of our guns. Slaughtered, shattered, and disor
dered, they were again forced to retire. Their leaders,
however, apparently resolved on victory or total destruc
tion, again rallied and brought them up a third time to
the charge; but their principal officers being now slain
and disabled, and their strength greatly broken and spent,
this last effort was less successful than the former, and they
were soon forced to fall back in disorder on their column
of reserve, with which they pursued a precipitate and dis
orderly retreat to their camp, under a galling fire from
our batteries, leaving the field literally covered with the
dying and the dead. Lieutenant-General Packenham was
killed, and Major-Generals Keane and Gibbs were both se
verely wounded, the latter "of whom died a few days after
wards. Colonel Rannie was also killed — a brave and in
trepid officer, who in the second charge entered the bastion
on our right, at the head of his men, but was immediately
slain and his followers repulsed by our brave regulars and

560 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

Beale's company of city riflemen. The action lasted about
an hour, and terminated in a decisive and total defeat of
the enemy.

On the other side of the river our arms experienced a
reverse. The battery erected by Commodore Patterson was
constructed for annoying the enemy across the river, and
raking the front of our works on the left side ; and during
the attack this morning it was employed in that way with
considerable effect. But before action ceased on the left,
an attack was also made on the right bank. The 85th regi
ment with some seamen and marines, having crossed the
river opposite the British camp, and led by Colonel Thorn
ton, advanced under cover of some field pieces, and put to
flight a corps commanded by Major Arno, who had been
sent down to oppose their landing. Continuing their march
up the river they next attacked the 200 Kentuckians under
Colonel Davis, who had been sent half a mile in front of
our works to oppose* them. After a sharp skirmish, Colo
nel Davis retreated by order of General Morgan with the
loss of about thirty men in killed, wounded, and missing;
and having reached the entrenchment, he was ordered to
post his men on the right of the Louisiana militia. The
guns in the battery could not be employed against Colonel
Thornton until they were turned in their embrasures,
which was not undertaken till it was too late to accom
plish it before the charge was made. General Morgan had
500 Louisiana militia safely posted behind a finished
breastwork, which extended 200 yards from the battery at
right angles to the river, and was defended by three pieces
of artillery. The 170 remaining Kentuckians on his right
were scattered along a ditch 300 yards in extent ; and still
further on the right there were several hundred yards of
open ground entirely undefended.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 561

In this situation of things, the enemy with steady pace
continued advancing to the charge in two columns under
the cover of a shower of rockets. Their right column ad
vancing to the river was thrown into disorder and driven
back by Morgan's artillery ; the other advancing against the
Kentuckians was resisted by their small arms till a party
of the assailants had turned their right flank and com
menced a fire on their rear. Overpowered by numbers in
front, assailed in their rear, and unsupported by their com
panions in arms, they were at last compelled to retreat
from their untenable position. The Louisiana militia then
retreated also from their breastwork and artillery before
they had felt the pressure of the enemy. Commodore Pat
terson, perceiving how the contest would issue, spiked his
cannon and was ready to join in the retreat with his ma
rines. The enemy pursued them some distance up the
river and then returned to destroy the battery and other
works.

Patterson and Morgan, conscious that they had acted
badly, the former in not turning his guns in time, and the
latter in leaving his right flank weak, uncovered, and un
supported, whilst his main force was uselessly concen
trated behind the breastwork, determined to throw the
whole blame of the defeat on the handful of Kentuckians
who had the misfortune to be present and to do all the
fighting that was done, except a few discharges from the
artillery. They induced General Jackson to tell the war
department that "the Kentucky reinforcements inglori-
ously fled, drawing after them by their example, the re
mainder of the forces'7 — and the commodore in his report
to the navy department stigmatized them in terms still
more offensive. A court of inquiry was demanded by Colo
nel Davis before which the facts were proved as above de
tailed. The court, however, merely pronounced the Ken-

36

562 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

tuckians excusable; which being deemed unsatisfactory,
General Adair again pressed the subject on the commander-
in-chief, and at last obtained a dry, reluctant sentence of
justification. The detachment did all, at least, that could
be expected from brave men, if it was not entitled to the
praise of uncommon gallantry.

Our victory on the left bank of the river was very com
plete and decisive. The inequality of loss in the opposing
armies was probably unparalleled in the annals of warfare
— ours being only six killed and seven wounded in the main
battle, while that of the enemy was estimated at two thous
and^ six hundred in killed, wounded, and prisoners. '" Im
mediately after the action an armistice for a few hours was
craved and obtained by the enemy, for the purpose of bury
ing their dead and taking care of their wounded. A line
was then designated across the field of battle to which they
were allowed to come ; and between that line and the breast
work 482 dead bodies were counted and carried out, while
it was estimated that upwards of 200 lay on the outside of
it; the killed was therefore set down at 700; and suppos
ing as usual, that twice that number were wounded, the
whole killed and wounded would be 2,100; and 500 pris
oners were captured — making a total of 2,600. Lieuten
ant-General Packenham, who was killed, was an officer of
great distinction. He was brother-in-law to the celebrated
Lord Wellington, under whom he had been trained; and
most of the troops he commanded had fought and signal
ized themselves under that commander in Spain. Our ef
fective force engaged at the works, according to the offi
cial returns, was a little upwards of 4,000 — of which about
2,000 were Tennessee militia, 1,000 Kentucky militia, and
upwards of 1,000 regulars and Louisiana militia. The
force engaged on the part of the enemy was not known ; but
his whole force present was believed to be between eight

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 563

and ten thousand — the original force of the expedition hav
ing been much above that number.

Though the enemy succeeded in their enterprise on the
right bank of the river, yet they met with a considerable
loss on that side also — their killed and wounded in that
affair being about ninety-seven, among the latter Colonel
Thornton severely; whilst our loss was comparatively
small, perhaps, not half that number. After setting fire
not only to the platform and carriages of the battery, but
to all the private dwelling houses and destroying all the
private property they could find for several miles along the
river, the detachment retreated over to their main camp,
carrying with them two field pieces and a brass howitzer.
The object of the enterprise was to wrest the battery from
Patterson before the main attack was made, with a view to
employ it in raking Jackson's lines, insj ead of flanking
their own columns; but from some cause the detachment
did not get over the river as soon as they intended, and of
course did not prevent the battery from answering the pur
pose for which it had been erected. Morgan and Patterson
immediately reoccupied their old position when the enemy
retreated ; began to drill the cannon and repair the works ;
and in a few days were again ready for efficient service.

On the day after the great battle, an attack was made
by the enemy on Fort St. Phillip, commanded by Major
Walter H. Overton, with a view to bring their armed ves
sels up the river to co-operate with the land forces in the
capture of the city. Major Overton received intelligence
of their intentions as early as the 1st of January, and was
well prepared to sustain the attack. They doubtless had
intended to carry the fort and get up the river in time for
the main contest, but were prevented by the difficulty of
ascending the river. On the 9th, two bomb vessels, a brig,
a sloop, and a schooner, came to anchor about two miles

564 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

below the fort and commenced an attack with sea mortars
of ten and thirteen inches calibre, which they continued
nine days without intermission, and without molestation,
for their position was beyond the range of the guns in the
fort. In this period they threw upwards of 1,000 large
shells; besides a great many small ones with round and
grape shot from boats under cover of the night, A large
mortar in the meantime was sent down to the fort and in
the evening of the 17th was brought to bear upon their ves
sels, which induced them to withdraw at daylight next
morning. All the loss in the fort was two killed and seven
wounded — so judicious had been the preparations and po
lice of Major Overton to meet the attack.

As soon as intelligence of the attack had been brought
to headquarters, a battery mounting four twenty-four
pounders with a furnace to heat shot had been erected to
burn the shipping of the enemy, should they succeed in
capturing the fort or in pasisng it with their armed vessels.

Preparations were now being made by General Lambert
and Admiral Cochrane for a retreat. An exchange of pris
oners took place on the 18th, by which all our men who
had been captured and not sent to the shipping were recov
ered and restored to their country ; and in the night of that
day, the enemy made good their retreat from the banks of
the Mississippi to their boats and small vessels and com
menced embarking their troops and baggage for their large
vessels still lying off Ship Island in the Gulf of Mexico.
In their camp they left fourteen pieces of heavy artillery,
a quantity of shot, and eighty of their wounded with a
surgeon to attend them, all of whom had been so disabled
in their limbs that a recovery from their wounds would
not render them fit for service. The retreat was not ac
complished without molestation. Such was the situation
of the ground which they abandoned, and through which

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 5G5

they passed, protected by canals, redoubts, entrenchments,
and swamps, that General Jackson did not think proper to
press upon them in the rear with his whole force; but an
enterprise was successfully conducted against their light
vessels on the lake by Mr. Shields, the purser of the navy.
After the battle of the gunboats "Mr. Shields had been
sent down under a flag of truce to ascertain the fate of our
officers and men, with power to negotiate an exchange, es
pecially for the wounded. But the enemy would make no
terms — they treated the flag with contempt, and himself
and the surgeon who was with him as prisoners/' Before
they retreated, however, "they lowered their tone and
begged the exchange that we had offered. Defeat had thus
humbled the arrogance of an enemy, who had promised his
soldiers forty-eight hours of pillage and rapine in the city
of New Orleans." When the intention of the enemy to re
treat was discovered, Mr. Shields was sent out through
Pass Chef Mentire in five armed boats and a gig, manned
with fifty sailors and militia, to annoy their transports on
Lake Morgue, a service which he undertook with great
alacrity, as he was anxious to avenge the personal insults
and injury he had experienced. He succeeded without loss
on his part in capturing and destroying a transport brig
and two boats, and bringing in seventy-eight prisoners, be
sides capturing several other boats and a number of pris
oners whom he was obliged to parole.

And thus the projected conquest of Louisiana, and the
siege of New Orleans, which was vigorously prosecuted for
twenty-seven days by a powerful army, terminated in the
total discomfiture of that army, and a most complete vic
tory for the American arms, which illuminated the closing
scenes of the war with a blaze of American glory. So con
fident had the British government been that the expedition
would be successful — that they would be able to take and

566 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

to hold Louisiana — that Sir Edward Packenham was pro
vided with a special commission as governor of the pro
vince, and was accompanied by all the necessary civil
magistrates, custom-house officers, etc., etc., to make a per
manent governmental establishment in the city of New
Orleans; and that no excitement to the most desperate
exertions might be wanting among the soldiers, to make
them secure such a valuable prize for Sir Edward, he prom
ised them an unrestrained pillage of the city; and as a
memento and confirmation of his promise, gave them
beauty and booty for a watchword on the morning of the
great battle. How mistaken were the calculations of the
government, and how greatly disappointed the hopes of its
vandal army! Instead of enjoying the beauty and booty
of a rich commercial city, they experienced the severest
privations and hardships, and met the most signal and
ignominious defeat. From the time they arrived in that
quarter till they retreated, their loss was not less than
4,000 by the sword and the privations they endured; for
they were sometimes scarce of suitable provisions and the
season was the most cold and inclement which had been
known in that country for ages.

The enemy being entirely driven from our soil, the lines
which had been maintained with such astonishing success
were broken up? and the different corps composing the
army, after receiving the thanks of the general in the most
lively and expressive terms, were distributed and encamped
in such places as were most convenient for the comfort of
the troops and the safety of the country. Strict discipline,
however, was eall preserved, and martial law enforced with
all its vigor; and no exertions were omitted to keep suit
able guards on the different passes to the city, and to watch
every movement of the enemy. The general moved his
headquarters to the town, where he was received with the

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 567

greatest marks of attention, respect, and gratitude by its
inhabitants, by whom he was universally acknowledged as
the saviour of their city. As a testimony of their respect,
and of the high sense they entertained of his great and
distinguished exertions, in defence of their persons and
property, their rights and liberties, their wives and their
daughters, against a rapacious and mercenary soldiery,
whose avowed intention was beauty and booty, they
crowned their adored general with laurels — an honor never
conferred on any chieftain in this country since the similar
coronation of the illustrious Washington at Princeton. The
ceremony was attended by a numerous concourse of people,
and conducted in a very splendid manner.

There were many citizens in New Orleans, however,
and still more in many other parts of the Union who con
demned this regal pomp, as inconsistent with that republi
can simplicity, which ought always to be preserved in our
country, and as tending to corrupt the minds of our citizens
by inspiring them with sentiments of false glory and sinis
ter schemes of ambition.

When our country wras invaded, the pirates of Barrat-
aria, as well as those who had escaped and those who had
been captured, requested to be employed in defence of the
city, against "the common enemy of mankind, the highway
robber of the world" — and were accordingly posted on our
lines, where they acted with great fidelity and courage —
in consideration of which, and at the intercession of the
legislature of Louisiana, they obtained a free and full par
don for their piratical offences from the president of the
United States, who declared in his proclamation, that
"Offenders who had refused to become the associates of the
enemy in the war, upon the most seducing terms of invita
tion ; and who had aided to repel his hostile invasion of the
territory of the United States, could no longer be consid-

568 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

ered as objects of punishment, but as objects of a generous
forgiveness."

During the operations at New Orleans, the British, un
der the famous Cockburn, who was a full match on the
Atlantic frontier for Proctor in the interior, took posses
sion of Cumberland Island off the coast of Georgia near
the Florida line, from wrhence they landed and plundered
the town of St Marys, in Georgia, of every article of value
belonging to that place, which they could carry away, and
destroyed much of that which was immovable. Only a part
of the armament, which had burnt Washington City, and
robbed Alexandria, had joined the expedition under Sir
E. Packenham, and the balance was thus employed in rob
bing every assailable town and farm-house on the south
ern coast. By a parcel of letters found on board the
schooner St. Lawrence, captured by the privateer Chasseur
of Baltimore, on her passage from Cumberland to the Brit
ish fleet off New Orleans, which purported to be a corres
pondence between the officers of Rear Admiral Cockburn's
fleet and those under Vice Admiral Cochrane, their rapa
cious conduct and meanness of spirit was exhibited in
glowing terms, in which they congratulated one another on
their success in plundering and their shares in prize money,
and seemed to be intent on nothing but the dirty gains of
an infamous pillage. The enemy in their retreat from New
Orleans also carried away a number of negroes and a va
riety of other property; and Mr. Edward Livingston, vol
unteer aide to General Jackson, being sent after them with
a flag to demand redress and reparation for such injuries,
inflicted on private persons contrary to the rules of honor
able warfare, he Avas detained in their fleet while they pre
pared and executed an expedition against Mobile.

General Winchester, who had lately been exchanged
and returned home from Canada, was now entrusted with

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 569

the command at Mobile for the protection of which he had
an ample force, consisting of the Georgia militia, the Tenn
essee militia under Taylor, and several other smaller
corps. On the 8th of February, the enemy invested Fort
Bowyer with a formidable armament by land and water
under the immediate command of Cochrane and Lambert.
They made regular approaches by laud and had advanced
within thirty yards of its ditches, when Colonel Lawrence
by the advice of his officers determined to capitulate as
there was no possibility of maintaining the post much
longer. Though he obtained highly honorable terms for his
troops, and was perfectly justifiable in making the sur
render, yet such an event was painful to a gallant soldier
who had been accustomed to victory. General Winchester
was much blamed for the result; for although he had a
sufficiency of soldiers at the town of Mobile, and had been
apprised of the intentions of the enemy previous to their
landing, yet he delayed to send a reinforcement to Law
rence until the siege had commenced. A detachment was
then passed over the bay and sent to his assistance, but it
did not arrive until twenty-four hours after the capitula
tion. Winchester soon afterwards resigned his commis
sion in the army, and the command of Mobile devolved on
General M'Intosh, of Georgia. Our loss in the surrender
was 360 prisoners ; and the loss of the enemy in capturing
the fort was between thirty and forty in killed and
wounded.

Mr. Livingston now returned from the enemy, and ar
rived at New Orleans on the 20th of February, bringing
with him a rumor that a treaty of peace had been signed
by the commissioners at Ghent, the ratification of which
by both governments was expected to follow. This intelli
gence, though not official, had an astonishing effect on the
mjlitia troops at New Orleans. Inspired by their unpar-

570 HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

alleled success with great confidence in the safety of that
country, which was defended by their prowess, and believ
ing that peace was at hand, the discipline of the canap be
came irksome, and they began to murmur at the hardships
of military duty. They began to consider of their rights
as free men, and to complain against rigors of martial law.
General Jackson, however, supposed that this report of
peace might have been invented by the enemy to put us off
our guard, and give them a chance to effect by stratagem
and surprise what they could not effect by force — or al
though the intelligence might be true, yet that such bar
barians, if an opportunity should offer, would probably
make a sudden incursion to the city and burn it through
mere wantonness and revenge — he therefore determined to
continue and strictly enforce all his measures of vigi
lance and precaution until peace should be officially an
nounced, or the British fleet had entirely gone from that
quarter.

The desire of relaxation on the other hand became so
great in some of the corps, as even to excite apprehensions
of mutiny. Two points at which it was necessary that
guards should be stationed, were actually deserted by the
city militia. The spirit of insubordination was most ap
parent and formidable among the European Frenchmen,
who had entered their adhesions to Louis XVIII, in the
consular books of the chevalier De Tousard. General
Jackson hence determined by a rigorous measure in rela
tion to them to put a stop to the progress of discontent,
and ensure that strict discipline and viligance which he
still deemed necessary. All French subjects whose foreign
citizenship had been regularly authenticated, were there
fore ordered to leave the city before the 3rd of March, and
to proceed to the interior at least as far as Baton Rouge.
This order instead of suppressing discontent and silencing

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 571

opposition, had rather a contrary tendency. It was deemed
tyrannical and unnecessarily rigorous. The French troops
and citizens could not see, or would not acknowledge the
necessity of remaining in statu quo, as long as the war
continued and a formidable hostile fleet was hovering on
the coast. Several unpleasant acts ensued, the motives
and propriety of which we shall not stop to discuss as we
briefly mention them.

On the day fixed for the departure of the French aliens
for the interior, a piece was published in a newspaper in
which the course of the general was censured, and the serv
ices of those persons during the siege highly extolled.
Viewing this piece as intended to counteract the execution
of the order, and excite mutiny among the troops, General
Jackson demanded of the printer, the name of the author
who proved to be Mr. Louillier, a member of the house of
representative from Opelousas. He had him arrested and
confined in the barracks. On the petition of Mr. Morel,
attorney-at- law, in behalf of Mr. Louillier, Judge Hall, of
the United States district court, granted a writ of habeas
corpus for the enlargement of the prisoner. On the same
evening Hall was also arrested and carried to the barracks.
Mr. Dick, the attorney of the United States for the district,
then applied to Judge Lewis, of the Louisiana district
court, for a writ in favor of Judge Hall, and was himself
immediately taken into custody by the military. Lewis,
however, issued the writ, and was threatened but not ar
rested for doing it. Another general order was now is
sued in which it was enjoined on all officers and soldiers to
arrest forthwith all persons whatever who had infringed
the former respecting the aliens, or were in any manner
concerned in seditious practices. A general court martial,
of which Major General Gaines was president, was ordered
to try Mr. Louillier, the jurisdiction of which he denied.

572 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

and would not plead before it. The court, however, pro
ceeded to try him as if he had plead not guilty ; and after
examining witnesses, and deliberating on the subject, they
gave a sentence of not guilty, which was disapproved by
General Jackson. Mr. Louillier was, however, liberated.
Judge Hall and the French consul were sent a few leagues
up the coast, and Mr. Dick was permitted to walk the
streets.

In this state of things, the news of peace was officially
announced. A national salute was fired from Fort St.
Charles, followed by a federal salute from the dockyard.
A very splendid illumination of the city took place in the
evening, diversified by the discharge of sky rockets, and
enlivened by the shouts of the populace, proclaiming "peace
on earth, and good will toward men." Martial law was
now annulled and a free pardon of all prisoners pro
claimed. The glorious intelligence, with the measures it
produced came very opportunely to allay all the discon
tents prevailing among the people of the town and the
troops of the army.

Judge Hall having resumed the functions of his office,
cited General Jackson to appear before him for an al
leged contempt in refusing to obey the process of his court
in the case of the writ of habeas corpus in favor of Mr.
Louillier. The general accordingly appeared, attended by
his counsel, and tendered a written defence, in which he
excepted to the proceeding against him as illegal, uncon
stitutional, and informal; relied on the existence of mar
tial law for his justification; and gave the reasons which
had induced him to proclaim it, The judge being apprised
of the nature of the defence, decided that part which re
lated to martial law to be inadmissable, and refused to hear
it read. The general on his part refused to make any
other; and the judge then told him that for the contempt

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 573

he had shown the civil authority, he must pay a fine of
$1,000 ; which was immediately done.

Although there was a strong faction opposed to the
general and the mass of the people had been uneasy under
the restrictions he had imposed, yet on the return of peace,
and more particularly when Judge Hall undertook to pun
ish him for his military measures, it was found that there
was an immense majority of the people who approved his
conduct, and were grateful for his services. No one who
knew the state of the country and the situation of our af
fairs when martial law was proclaimed could doubt the pro
priety of that measure; and as long as the same state of
things continued without much alteration, the general was
certainly not to be blamed for continuing the measure;
and as long as it was necessary to continue it, he was cer
tainly justified in taking care that it should be enforced.
With a little more address and temporizing however, its
rigors might have been rendered more palatable, and many
unpleasant circumstances have been avoided; but such a
course did not suit the temper of General Jackson. In
the case of the prosecution against him in the district
court, his cause was so popular in New Orleans that the
check on the bank with which he paid his fine to the mar
shal was immediately redeemed by the citizens, who limited
the contribution for that purpose to one dollar from each
individual, in order that a greater number might be grati
fied with the honor of being a part in the expense.

The general on the return of peace had the pleasure of
restoring to Tennessee, Kentucky, Louisiana, and the Miss
issippi territory, those brave troops who had acted such a
distinguished part in the close of a war which terminated
so honorably for the American arms. The Tennessee and
Kentucky troops commenced their return to their respec
tive States on the 18th of March. They had a long, pain-

574 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

fill, and fatiguing journey to perform, and were nearly
destitute of the necessary transportation for their baggage
and provisions, of which they had but a scanty supply on
many parts of their journey. The patriotism of the people
of Tennessee was still conspicuous. They met the famished
soldiers far in the wilds of the Indian country with com
fortable provisions for their sustenance and refreshment.
The majority of the troops at last arrived in their respec
tive States in the latter part of April and first of May, after
having suffered incredible hardships from disease and
fatigue. Their sufferings and losses from disease, after
the termination of the Avar, were much greater than those
they experienced from the toils and dangers of the tented
field.

The following extract from the address of General Jack
son to the militia, before they left New Orleans, will show
in what light he viewed and in what manner their country
ought to estimate the services of those patriotic men.

"In parting with those brave men whose destinies have
been so long united with his own, and in whose labors and
glories it is his happiness and his boast to have partici
pated, the commanding general can neither suppress his
feelings, nor give utterance to them as he ought. In what
terms can he bestow suitable praise on merit so extraor
dinary, so unparalleled. Let him in one burst of joy,
gratitude, and exultation, exclaim — These are the saviours
of their country — these the patriot soldiers, who triumphed
over the invincibles of Wellington, and conquered the con
querors of Europe.'

"With what patience did you submit to privations —
with what fortitude did you endure fatigue — what valor
did you display in the field of battle. You have secured
to America a proud name among the nations of the earth —
a glory which will never perish.

"Possessing those dispositions which equally adorn the
citizen and the soldier, the expectations of your country

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 575

will be met in peace, as her wishes have been gratified in
war. Go then my brave companions to your homes; to
those tender connections and those blissful scenes, which
render life so dear, so full of honor and crowned with laur
els which will never fade. With what happiness will you
not, when participating in the bosoms of your families the
enjoyments of peaceful life, look back to the toils you have
borne — to the dangers you have encountered. How will all
your past exposures be converted into sources of inexpress
ible delight. W^ho that never experienced your sufferings,
\vill be able to appreciate your joys? The man who slum
bered ingloriously at home during your painful marches,
your nights of watchfulness and your days of toil, will
envy you the happiness which these recollections will af
ford — still more will he envy the gratitude of that coun
try which you have so eminently contributed to save.

"Continue, fellow-soldiers, on your passage to your sev
eral destinations, to preserve that subordination, that dig
nified and manly deportment, which have so ennobled your
character.

"While the commanding general is thus giving indul
gence to his feelings towards those brave companions, who
accompanied him through difficulties and dangers, he can
not permit the names of Blount, of Shelby, and Holmes to
pass unnoticed. With what a generous ardor of patriotism
have these distinguished governors contributed all their
exertions to provide the means of victory. The memory
of these exertions, and the success with which they were
attended, will be to them a reward more grateful than any
which the pomp of title or the splendor of wealth could
bestow.

"What a happiness it is to the commanding general that
while danger was before us, he was on no occasion com
pelled to use towards his companions in arms either seve
rity or rebuke. If after the enemy had retired, improper
passions began to show their empire in a few unworthy
bosoms, and rendered a resort to energetic measures neces
sary for their suppressions, the commanding general has
not confounded the innocent with the guilty — the seduced

57ti HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

with the seducers. Towards you fellow-soldiers, the most
cheering recollections exist, blended, alas! with regret, that
disease and war should have ravished from us so many
worthy companions. But the memory of the cause in
which they perished, and of the virtues which animated
them while living, must occupy the place where sorrow
would claim to dwell.

"Farewell, fellow-soldiers! The expression of your
general's thanks is feeble; but gratitude of a country of
free men is yours — yours the applause of an admiring
world."

FIELD NOTES.

General Winchester's camp was located on or near
what is known as Presque Isle Hill on the west bank of
the Maumee River just above the old site of Turkey Root
rock and the site of the battle of Fallen Timbers. (See
page 221.)

General Harrison's camp when he retreated from the
"rapids twelve miles to the Portage" was located on the
east bank of the Portage River at Pemberville, Ohio, and
on what is known as the Hoodelbrink farm. (See page
258.)

"The rapids" spoken of in many places in the operations
along the Miami (Maumee now) would begin some dis
tance above the town of Waterville, Lucas County, and the
foot of the rapids is at Perrysburg and Maumee, Ohio.

"Lower Sandusky" is now Fremont. Upper Sandusky
and Sandusky retain their original names.

Hulls7 camp or stockade at the Portage was located on
the south bank of this stream in the southern edge of the
town of Portage, Wood County, Ohio, and just west of the
"Dixie Highway." ( See page 188. )

Fort Stevenson (war 1812) enclosed about one acre
of ground and was at the head of navigation on the San
dusky River. It was on a high piece of ground and almost
in the center of what is now the city of Fremont, Ohio,
(Lower Sandusky). The Burchard City Library stands
on its site, some three blocks west of the river.

577

578 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Fort Winchester was located on the west bank of the
Auglaize River and beginning about eight rods south
of Fort Defiance, extended some 600 feet along the Au
glaize further south.

The mobilization of Perry's fleet, the embarkation of
Harrison's army for his Thames River campaign, was at
the mouth of the Portage River at Port Clinton, and the
fort was just east of the mouth of the Portage River on the
lake or bay there. The brush and log fence built across
the Isthmus by Harrison's troops to infield on the penin
sula the horses of the army while Harrison wras on his
campaign against Proctor and Tecumseh, had its northern
terminus at the mouth of the Portage at Port Clinton. ( See
page 392.)

Maiden referred to in the work in many places was on
the Canadian side of the Detroit River just above Ani-
herstburg and it was at Maiden that a part of Commodore
Barclay's fleet was built and was mobilized for the battle of
Lake Erie.

The battle of the Thames where Proctor was defeated
and Tecumseh killed took place near Thamesville, Canada,
and on the north bank of the Thames River about eighteen
miles from Chatham. (See page 422.)

Fort Findlay (war 1812), a small stockade about fifty
yards square, was on the south side of the "Blanehards
Forks1' on the west side of where Main Street of Findlay,
Ohio, crosses that river. At each corner was a blockhouse.
The soldiers' quarters and the palisades protecting thS*
other portions.

Fort Amanda ( war 1812 ) , a stockade, was on the west
bank of the Auglaize near the west line of Auglaize County,
Ohio, and on the site of an Ottawa Indian town.

Fort McArthur (war 1812) was on the Scioto River in
Hardin County not far from Kenton, Ohio.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 579

Fort Ball (war 1812), built by a detachment of Har
rison's army, was on the west bank of the Sandusky River,
now in the city of Tiffin, Ohio.

Fort Seneca (war 1812) was built by a force of Har
rison's army as a supply depot. It was a stockade includ
ing several acres and was on the right bank of the San-
dusky River about half way between Fort Stevenson and
Fort Ball.

Fort Wayne, first built in the fall of 1794, was located
at the head of the Maumee River at the bend of that river
just below the junction of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's
Rivers. It was completed by WTayne October 22, after his
retirement from the victory of Fallen Timbers. It was
rebuilt during the operations of 1812. Lossing says : "It
was not on the site of the old French stockade known as
Fort Miami, nor on that of the one which was occupied by
an English garrison, consisting of a captain's command, at
the time of Pontiacs conspiracy in 1763. At that time
the old Fort Miami was a ruin and the stockade to which
reference is here made was in perfect order. It was about
half a mile from the present bridge across the Maumee on
the east bank of the St. Josephs." The stockade was sit
uated near the St. Mary's and near the old canal aqueduct.

Fort Miami, pronounced the oldest fortification in
Ohio, was built by an expedition sent by Frontenac, gov
ernor of Canada in 1680, as a military trading post, It is
about fifteen miles from the mouth of the Maumee River
(referred to continually by McAfee as the Miami) and on
its west bank on the northern edge of Maumee. It was
occupied by Proctor during the war 1812, and his army
camp was just below the fort during the siege of Fort
Meigs.

Fort Defiance, occupied by Harrison and others dur
ing the war of 1812, was built by General Wayne's army in

580 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

August, 1794. It stood in the angle formed by the junction
of the Maumee and Auglaize Rivers at the city of Defiance.

Fort Meigs (war 1812) as will be seen by McAfee's
story, was one of the most important posts during this war.
The location on the right bank of the Mamnee (Miami)
River at the foot of the rapids, is just above the town of
Perrysburg in Wood County, Ohio. It comprised about
ten acres and the outlines of the fort on the bluff are still
plainly discernible.

Fort Harrison was located on the left bank of the
Wabash River about two miles from the central part of
Terre Haute, Indiana. It was completed October 28, 1911.

The Tippecanoe battle-ground is about seven miles in
a northerly direction from the town of Lafayette, Indiana,
on "Burnet's Creek."

The dangerous passes of Pine Creek are from fifteen to
twenty miles from its mouth. The blockhouse for the
stores for Harrison's troops was on the west bank of the
Vermillion, (Indiana), River.

Lossing says : "The place of the early rendezvou of the
Ohio volunteers was on the north side of the Mad River
two miles above Dayton.

Fort Mackinack "stood upon a bluff overlooking the
fine semi-circular harbor a mile in extent with an unin
terrupted view into Lake Huron to the northeast and Lake
Michigan on the west," says Lossing.

Frenchtown, referred to in several places in this vol
ume, is practically where is now the site of Monroe, Michi
gan.

In publishing this work the spelling used in the origi
nal copy is generally followed. Some names of indi
viduals as well as places are spelled two and occasionally
three different ways. Proctor is spelled both Proctor and
Procter, and what we know now as Wapakoneta is spelled

OPERATIONS
WAR OF 1812

582

HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

three different ways, and Colonel Findlay (Findley) is not
always spelled the same. In fact there is much dispute as
to the original spelling of this latter name. In a way
these differences lend a value to the work, as in many
cases at that period there was no doubt no established
rule for spelling names and places.

THE END.

INDEX

AMANDA, FORT, 170, 578.

AMERICAN COLONIES, Great
Britain's hope to regain, 9.

ARMSTRONG, SECY., his letter
to the president, 454.

BALL, COL., goes with Harrison
to Cleveland, 331.

BALL, FORT, news of Perry's
victory received, 382; location,
579.

BARBER, FORT, 170.

BARCLAY, CAPT., his surrender,
388.

BATTLES, of Tippecanoe, 38;
Success at River Raisin, 225;
Winchester's defeat and River
Raisin massacre, 231; Winches
ter's capture, 234; British re
port on River Raisin, 246; Siege
of Ft. Meigs, 283; Second siege
of Ft. Meigs, 341; Perry's vic
tory, 383; Mackinaw, 463; Mal
colm's Mill, 485; Horseshoe
Bend, 518; New Orleans, 558.

BRITISH (see Great Britain)
movement of Queen Charlotte,
79; Gen. Brock demands Hull's
surrender, 99; Attack Ft. De
troit, 102; Their connection
with Indians shown, 147; Reach
Ft. Defiance, 153; Muir plans to
meet Winchester, 153; English
officer captured in Wood Coun
ty, Ohio, 187; Defeat Winches
ter, 231; Proctor's inhumanity,
235; Prepare to attack Ft.
Meigs, 277; Appear at old Ft.
Miami, 280; Besiege Ft. Meigs,
283; Proctor's retreat, 296; Re
port on Dudley's defeat, 297;
Second attempt at Ft. Meigs,
341; Raise siege, 346; Attack
Ft. Stephenson, 350; Retreat in
disorder, 353; Proctor burns
Maiden, 401; Proctor's defeat at
Thames, 422; Show further ac

tivity, 439; Success at Prairie
du Chine, 475; Defeated at Mal
colm's Mill, 485; Intrigue with
Creek Indians, 497; Operations
at Mobile, 529; Col. Nichol's
famous proclamation, 531; Their
defeat at Mobile, 534; Fleet ap
pears at New Orleans, 544; Cap
ture flotilla, 545; Their over-
confidence, 552; Sir Edward
Packenham, commander at New
Orleans, 554; Crushing defeat
at New Orleans, 558; Unsuc
cessful attack on Ft. St. Phillip,
563; Retreat at New Orleans,
564; Peace announced with, 572.

CASS, GEN., at trial of Hull at
Albany, 438.

CLAY, GEN., arrival at Ft. Meigs,
285; His orders to Col. Dudley,
287; In command at Ft. Meigs,
300; Repairs Ft. Meigs, 326.

CLEVELAND, supplies deposited
at, 208; Depot for troops, 270;
Harrison protects boats building
and supplies there, 331; Harri
son builds small fort there, 332.

COCHRANE, ADMIRAL, British
naval commander at New Or
leans, his famous boast, 555.

CONGRESS lays embargo on ship
ping, 61.

CROGHAN, COL. GEORGE, as
major ordered to Lower Sandus-
ky, 327; Ordered by Harrison to
abandon Ft. Stephenson; His
reply, 348; Relieved and rein
stated in command, 349; His de
fense of Ft. Stephenson, 350;
Duly honored, 355; Resents or
ders of Secy. Armstrong, 450;
Writes Gen. Harrison, 452; His
letter to Gen. McArthur, 459;
His engagement at Mackinaw,
462; Letter to war department,
466.

583

584

HISTORY OP THE LATE WAR

DAYTON, rendezvous of Ohio
troops near, 580.

DEARBORN, FORT, 113.

DEFIANCE, FORT, 160, 579.

DETROIT, 71.

DUDLEY'S defeat, 291.

EDWARDS, Gov. of Illinois, 174.

ELLIOT, CAPT. JESSE D., his
part in battle of Lake Erie, 385.

FINDLAY, FORT, 68, 578.

FORTS: Letter written by Col.
McKee at Miami, 9; Miami
seized and rebuilt by British,
12; Fort Harrison, 29; Piqua,
37; Fort McArthur, 66; Fort
Necessity, 66; Fort Findlay, 68;
Fort Dearborn evacuated, 113;
Fort Wayne, 144; Winchester's
fortifications, 156; Col. Jen
nings builds blockhouses, 157;
Fort Defiance, 160; Upper San-
dusky, 160; Lower Sandusky
(Fremont), 161; St. Marys, 160;
Fort Winchester, 170; Fort
Barbee, 170; Fort Amanda, 170;
Fort Jennings, 170; "Camp"
Meigs built, 265; Small fort
built at Cleveland, 332; Fort
Stephenson finished, 332; Fort
Seneca built, 344; Fort Bell,
news of Perry's victory, 382;
Fort built at Portage (Port
Clinton), 434; Fort Shelby, 475.

FRANCE, her maritime orders,
16.

FRENCHTOWN (Monroe). 225;
Location, 580.

GIBSON, GEN., acting governor
of Indiana, 174.

GREAT BRITAIN (see British),
her connivance with the In
dians, 9; Letters showing con
duct, 13; Treaty with Jay, 15;
Continue their intercourse with
Indians, 15; Interfere with
maritime rights of neutrals, 16;
Orders regarding American ves
sels, 16; War declared against
by U. S. June 18, 1812, 17; Peace
announced with, 572.

HARDIN, COL., his massacre, 12.

HARMAR, GENERAL, campaign
ing against Miami Village, 10.

HARRISON, FORT, 29, 580.

HARRISON, WM. H. (see also
military campaigns), meets

Tecumseh, August, 1810, 21;
Another meeting, 25; First cam
paign against Indians, 27;
March up the Wabash, 27; Bat
tle of Tippecanoe, 38; Harri
son's narrow escape, 43; Return
to Vincennes, 46; Harrison
commended, 48; His letter on
Indian conditions, 53; Commis-
sined maj. general, 124; Begins
new campaign, 135; Appointed
brig, general, 136; Order show
ing his tactics, 141; Arrives at
Fort Wayne, 143; Transfers
command to Winchester, 149;
Proceeds to Piqua, 158; Given
command of Northwestern army,
158; Ordered to retake Detroit,
158; Plan of campaign, 159;
Orders road cut from Fort Jen
nings to Defiance, 163; Arrives
at Winchester's camp, 163; Ad
dresses troops, 164; Orders ar
rest of Gen. Tupper, 169; Goes
to Franklinton, 170; Address
to government on situation, 183 ;
Orders road opened from Lower
Sandusky (Fremont) to the
Rapids, 185; Commends troops
of Mississiniway campaign, 201;
Statement as to difficulties and
delays of campaign, 206; Given
free hand by government, 209;
Quarters at Upper Sandusky,
209; Visits Gov. Meigs at Chilli-
cothe, 210; Letter from Secy.
Monroe, 210; His reply as to
plans, 210; Advises control of
lake, 217; Dispatches Todd to
Winchester's camp, with orders,
219; Arrives at the Rapids, 228;
Earlier, orders support for Win
chester, 229; Receives news of
Winchester's movements, 230;
News of attack on Winchester
and his defeat, 231; Council
with his field officers, 257;
Burns block houses and aban
dons camp at the Rapids and re
tires to Portage River (now site
of Pemberville), 258; Returns
with reinforcements to the
Rapids, 260; Abandons proposed
advance on Maiden, 262; Orders
Col. Wood to build "Camp"
Meigs, 265; Letter to Gov. Shel-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY

585

by, 272; Visits Cincinnati, 274;
Returns to Fort Meigs, 278; Is
sues general order, 280; Report
to Gov. Shelby on Dudley, 299;
Leaves Clay in command at
Fort Meigs, 300; Goes to Lower
Sandusky and the interior, 300;
Returns from Franklinton, to
Lower Sandusky, 327; Prepares
to receive British, 327; holds
council with Indians, 328; From
Fort Meigs to Lower Sandusky,
again, 331; Apprised of second
siege of Fort Meigs, 343 ; Orders
Fort Seneca built, 341; Rein
forced by Col. Ball and others,
341; Carefully watches British
movements, 345; Holds council
of war, 347; Orders Croghan to
abandon Fort Stephenson, 348;
Croghan's reply, 348; Report on
Croghan's defense, 355; Letter
to Gov. Meigs, 357; Letter to
Gov. Shelby, 361; Shelby raises
troops, 362; Cannonading on
Lake Erie heard, 381; Perry's
victory dispatch, 382; Embarks
at mouth of Portage river (now
Port Clinton) for Maiden cam
paign, 393; Army at Put-in-
Bay, then Middle Sister, 394;
Reconnoiters Maiden, 395; His
general order to troops, 395;
Lands below Maiden, 400; En
camps at Maiden, 404; Pursuit
of Proctor, 411; Proctor makes
stand, 419; Battle of Thames,
422; Aftermath of Thames bat
tle, 428; Goes to Detroit, 432;
Armistice with the Indians,
432; At Erie and Buffalo and
Fort George, 437; Goes to Wash
ington, then Cincinnati, 438;
His resignation from army, 453;
His camp at Portage river, 577.

HOLMES, MAJ., receives orders
from Secy. Armstrong, 449;
Killed at Mackinaw, 463.

HOWARD, GOV., assigned com
mand Indiana, Illinois and Mis
souri territories, 274.

HULL, GEN. WM. (see also mili
tary campaigns), appointed
brig, gen., 62; Arrives at Day
ton, 62; Congratulates troops,
65; Receives confidential or

ders, probably of declaration of
war. 68; His army arrives at
Miami of the Lake (Maumee
river), 68; Orders baggage by
water from below Fort Miami
to Detroit, 69; Schooner cap
tured by British, 69; Arrives at
Detroit, 71; Informs troops of
declaration of war, 70; Reaches
Canada, 73; His famous procla
mation, 73; Detachment to river
Thames for provisions, 76; Mys
terious mission of Capt. Brown
to Maiden, 78; Hull distrusted
by his officers, 78; Gives a dis
reputable order, 79; leaves his
troops for Detroit, 82; suspends
operations in Canada, 84; Or
ders attack on Maiden, 89; Or
ders whole army to Detroit, 90;
Flag of truce sent to Sandwich,
95; Hull's officers ask Gov.
Meigs of Ohio to depose him, 96 ;
Hull's reply to demands for sur
render, 100; British attack De
troit fort, 102; The surrender,
103; His court-martial, 112;
Camp at Portage river, 577.
INDIANS, their hostility to west
ern settlements, 10; Harmar's
campaign against 1790, 10; St.
Clair's campaign against, 11;
Attitude of British government
with, 13 ; Little Turtle and Blue
Jacket, their attitude, 17; Sub
sidized by British, 18; Tecum-
seh, 17; The Prophet, 18; Pro
test of Miami's against the Pro
phet, 19; Supplied by Gov. Har
rison, 20; Receive supplies from
Maiden, 24; Villages at Tippe-
canoe destroyed, 45; Receive
their annuities at Fort Wayne,
48; Condition of, 53; Collected
at Maiden, 67; Massacre, Fort
Dearborn evacuators, 114; Fur
ther alliance with the British,
117; Council at Piqua, 127;
Logan, a Sawanoe half-blood,
139; Siege of Fort Wayne aban
doned, 143; Fort Wayne's im
portance to, 144; Their Wabash
towns destroyed, 145; Little
Turtle's rights respected, 148;
Attack party under Ensign Leg-
gett, 152; Collect again near

586

HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

Fort Wayne, 169; Attack Fort
Harrison, 171; Pigeon Root
massacre, 173; Depredations in
Missouri and Illinois, 174; Mes
sage of Round Head and Walk-
in-the- Water, 191; Tragedy of
Chief James Logan, 191 ; Indians
still hostile, 195; Winemac shot
by Logan, 193; Inform Maiden
of Winchester's position, 223;
Apprise Frenchtown (Monroe)
Indians of Winchester's ap
proach, 225; Their conduct at
River Raisin, 236; Capture dis
patch bearer to Maiden, 260;
Arrive for Fort Meigs attack,
280; at Fort Meigs, 293; Te-
cumseh's humanity, 294; Their
disposition after siege of Fort
Meigs, 304; Their operations in
Illinois and Missouri, 320; Their
forces at Maiden, 323; Harrison
holds council with, 328; British
intrigue again, 376; Join Harri
son at Fort Seneca, 392; Armis
tice with U. S.f 432; Renew
Greenville treaty, 472; Cam
paign against northern tribes,
479; Friendly Indians assist
Americans, 481; Creek Indian
campaign, 491; Seminoles de
feated, 494; Slaughter at Fort
Mims, 499; Creek country in
vaded, 501; Their slaughter,
503; Creek chiefs sue for peace,
523.

JACKSON, GEN. ANDREW, takes
command in Creek Indian cam
paign, 493; His invasion, 502;
Victory at Horseshoe Bend, 518 ;
His demands upon Spanish gov
ernor of Pensacola, 529; Opera
tions at Mobile, 529; Defence of
Mobile, 534; Victory at Pensa
cola, 536; Arrives at New Or
leans, 543; His address to New
Orleans people, 547; Attacks
British forces, 551; Fortifies his
defences, 553; His great victory,
558; Difficulty in maintaining
discipline, 566-570; Arrested and
fined by a civil judge, 572; citi
zens pay his fine, 573; Farewell
address to his troops, 574.

JENNINGS, FORT, 157, 170.

JOHNSON, COL. RICHARD M.,
raises mounted regiment, 307;
Personnel of officers, 316; Oper
ations of the forces, 317; Cele
brates fourth of July, 1813, at
Fort Stevenson, 332; His Troops
ordered west, 333; His remon
strance, 335; His troops called
again, 364; Arrives at Dayton,
375; Drills troops, 379; At Fort
Meigs, 391; Marches to River
Raisin and joins Harrison, 406;
Buries victims of River Raisin
massacre, 408; Wounded at the
Thames, 426; Returns to Ken
tucky, 435.

LOGAN, CAPTAIN JAMES, a
Shawanoe chief, his tragic end,
191.

LOWER SANDUSKY (Fremont),
161; Road ordered opened to
Rapids, 185; Stockade at, re
paired, 209, 577.

M' ARTHUR, FORT, 66, 578.

M' ARTHUR, GEN., in command
at Fort Meigs, 374; Supersedes
Harrison, 459 ; Campaign against
northern Indians, 479; Arrives
at River Raisin, 481; Changes
to relief of Fort Erie, 482; En
gagement at Malcolm's Mill,
485; Returns to Sandwich, 487.

M'AFEE, CAPT. ROBERT B.,
(writer of this work), 313; His
position in Col. Johnson's regi
ment, 316; Goes with Harrison
to Upper Sandusky, 331; His
command, 375, 377, 409, 425.

MACKINACK, FORT, surrender
of, 84; Engagement at, 463; Lo
cation of, 580.

MALDEN, reports from, 68; Re
connoitre of, 77; Hull orders
attack on, 89; Attempt to burn
British vessels at, 269; Harri
son's forces land below, 400;
Burnt by Proctor, 401; Harri
son's troops at, 404; Location
of, 578.

MEIGS, FORT, 265, 274, 277, 281r
283, 285, 289, 330, 341, 345, 346:
McArthur reduces size of forti
fications, 374; Location. 580.

MEIGS, GOV., 162: Consults with
Harrison, 210; Calls big force.

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY

587

356; Letter from Gen. Harrison,
357.

MIAMI, FORT, 9, 12, 579.

MIAMI OP THE LAKE (Maumee
river), rapids of, 577.

MILITARY CAMPAIGNS : 100,000
militia called out, 61; Ohio
troops ordered to Dayton, 61;
Gov. Meigs addresses troops,
62; Hull's address, 63; March
to Urbana, 64; Road cut to
Scioto, 65; Fort McArthur built,
66; Hull's order of march, 67;
Col. Findlay cuts road to Blan-
chard's Fork (Findlay), 66; Ar
rival Hull's army at Blanchard's
Fork, 68; Fort Findlay built,
68; Reports from Fort Maiden,
68; Col. Cass cuts road from
Fort Findlay to Rapids (Mau
mee river), 68; Hull's army ar
rives at Miami of the Lake
(Maumee river), 68; Encamp
ment below Fort Miami, 68;
Hull arrives at River Raisin,
69; At Detroit, 71; Hull pre
pares to invade Canada; Re
port of Col. Cass' reconnoitre
of Maiden, 77; Movement of
British vessel Queen Charlotte,
79; Maj. Denny's skirmish with
the Indians, 83; News of Fort
Mackinaw surrender, 84; Lieut.
Hank's report on same, 85; Maj.
Vanhorne meets force of British
and Indians near Brownstown,
88; Hull orders attack on Mai
den, 89; Orders whole army to
Detroit, 90; Attempt to open
communication with River Rais
in, 91; Gen. Brock demands
Hull's surrender, 99; Hull's re
ply, 100; British attack De
troit Fort, 102; Hull's sur
render, 103; British procla
mation, 110; Hull's court-
martial, 112; Capt Heald evacu
ates Fort Dearborn, 113; occu
pants massacred, 114; MoreU. S.
trooDs called, 117; News of
Hull's surrender received at
Newport, 121; Harrison takes
command, 124; 7,000 Kentuck-
ians loin service, 126; Gov.
Shelby, Kentucky, recommends
war board, 127; Shelby's letter

to war department 128; Secy.
Eustis' reply, 134; Harrison be
gins new campaign, 135; Troops
arrive at Dayton, 136; Piqua,
137; Relief of Fort Wayne, 137;
Reconnoitre Fort Defiance, 139;
Relief of Fort Wayne, 139; Har
rison arrives at Fort Wayne,
143; Wabash towns of Indians
invaded, 145; British-Indian
connection shown, 147; Gen.
Winchester arrives at Fort
Wayne, 148; British and Indians
in force reach Fort Defiance,
153; Maj. Muir, plans to battle
Winchester, 153; Muir retreats
down the Maumee, 154; Harri
son takes command of north
western army and ordered to
retake Detroit, 158; Plan of
campaign, 159; Troops at St.
Marys, 162; Troops ordered to
join Winchester, 162; Harrison
orders road cut from Fort Jen
nings to Defiance, 163; Gen.
Tupper ordered to the Rapids,
166; Tupper fails to obey orders,
167; Tupper goes to Urbana,
168; Capt. Tayler defends Fort
Harrison, 171; Tayler promoted
to major, 172; Pigeon Root mas
sacre, 173; Encampments above
St. Louis and on Illinois river,
174; Gov. Shelby asks for more
troops, 175; They arrive at Vin-
cennes, 175; Movement towards
Illinois river, Indians 177;
Charges against Gen. Hopkins
for its failure, 178; Another ex
pedition destroys Prophets and
other towns, 180; Return to
Vincennes, 181; Successful ex
pedition by Gov. Edwards and
Col. Russell above Peoria, 181;
The right, center and left wing
of the northwestern army, 182;
Forwarding supplies, 183; Har
rison addresses government on
situation, 183; Orders road
opened from Lower Sandusky to
the Rapids, 185; Difficulties of
transportation, 186; Tupper's
srties reconnoitre the Rapids,
187: British officer Captain
Clarke captured (in now Wood
county), 187; Tupper's expedi-

588

HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

tion to the Rapids, 188; Arrives
at Portage river (town of Port
age), 188; Result of Expedition,
189; Expedition against Missis-
siniway, 196; Return to Green
ville, 200; Kentucky ladies
clothing for troops, 202; Troops
sickly and destitute, 202; Diffi
culties in transportation of sup
plies, 204; Stockade at Lower
Sandusky repaired, 209; Penn
sylvania troops reach Upper
Sandusky with artillery, 209;
Winchester selects camp near
head of Rapids (on the Mau-
mee), 221; Winchester's ad
vance to River Raisin, 224;
Troops arrive at Frenchtown
(Monroe), 225; Success of first
troops, 225; Winchester's de
feat and the massacre, 231;
Proctor's inhumanity, 235;
Prisoners taken to Amherst-
burg, 242; Reflections on River
Raisin, 248; Harrison retreats
to Portage River (now Pember-
ville), 258; Returns to Rapids,
260; Abandons proposed ad
vance, 262; News of Winches
ter's disaster reaches Kentucky,
268; Langhane's attempt to burn
British vessels at Maiden, 269;
Prepare to defend Fort Meigs,
274; Reprehensible conduct of
Leftwich, 276; British prepare
for attack on Fort Meigs, 277;
Troops arrive over old Hull
trace, 279; British appear at old
Fort Miami, 280; Col. Wood
strengthens defences of fort,
281; Wood's great strategic
work, 283; British open their
batteries, 283; Arrival of Gen.
Clay, 285; Clay's orders to Col.
Dudley, 287; Indians attempt to
cut off advance to fort, defeated,
289; Dudley's success and final
defeat, 291; Proctor's retreat,
296; British report on Dudley's
defeat, 297; Harrison's letter to
Gov. Shelby on Dudley, 298;
More Ohio troops called out,
302; Col. R. M. Johnson organ
izes mounted regiment, 307;
Johnson's operations, 317; In
dian troubles in Illinois and

Missouri, 320; Indian forces at
Maiden, 323; British prepare an
other demonstration, 327; Fort
Meigs re-enforced, 330; Fourth
of July, 1813, celebrated at Fort
Stephenson, 332; Col. Johnson
ordered west, 333; His letter of
remonstrance, 335; Second siege
of Fort Meigs, 341; British and
Indians attempt to draw forces
from Fort Meigs by sham battle,
345; Second siege of Fort Meigs
raised, British and Indian forces
there, 346; Harrison orders
Croghan to abandon Fort
Stephenson, Croghan's reply,
348; Croghan relieved and re
instated in command, 349;
British attack on Fort Stephen-
son, 350; Croghan's victory,
352; British disorderly retreat,
353; Harrison's report, 355;
Croghan honored, 355; Ohio
militia criticize Harrison, 358;
Croghan's explanation, 358; pre
parations against Maiden, 360;
Col. Johnson's mounted troops
called again, 364; Shelby's let
ter to war department, 365; Mc-
Arthur commands Fort Meigs,
374; Cannonading on lake heard,
381; Fence across isthmus from
Portage river (at now Port Clin
ton) to Sandusky river to en
close horses, 392; Harrison's
troops embark at mouth of
Portage for Canadian expedi
tion, 393; At Put-in-Bay and
Middle Sister, 394; General or
der to troops, 395; Land below
Maiden, 400; Proctor burns Mai
den and retreats up the Thames,
401 ; Harrison's troops encamp
at Maiden, 404; Pursuit of Proc
tor, 411; Order of battle at the
Thames, 421; The battle and
Proctor's defeat, 422; Proctor
escapes, 423; Death of Tecum-
seh, 426; Aftermath of battle,
428; Credit given Kentucky,
430; Command left to Shelby,
432; Troops return to mouth of
Portage via Maiden and shore
of lake, 433; Skeletons of River
Raisin victims reburied, 433;
Horses collected again at penin-

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY

589

sula, 434; Proposed expedition
to Mackinaw abandoned, 436;
Failure of Armstrong, Mekin-
son and Hampton, 438; British
show more activity, 439; Re
taliation with Indians against
British threatened, 440; Expedi
tion of Capt Holmes, 444; Mc-
Arthur supersedes Harrison,
459; Engagement at Mackinaw,
463; Col. Holmes killed, 463;
Croghan's letter to war depart
ment, 466; Close of Upper lakes
campaign, 472; Renewal of
Greenville treaty, 472; Fort
Shelby, 475; British successful
at Prairie du Chine, 475; Cam
paign against northern Indians,
479; McArthur arrives at River
Raisin, 481; Changes to Relieve
Fort Erie, 482; McArthur at
tacks Malcolm's Mill, 485; Re
turns to Sandwich, 481; Creek
Indian campaign, 491; Tennes
see orders out 10,000 militia,
492; Gen. Andrew Jackson takes
command, 493; Plan to occupy
Mobile, 494; Trouble with Spain,
494; Laxity of settlers' defense,
498; Slaughter at Fort Mims by
Indians, 499; Georgia and Ten
nessee troops invade Creek
country, 501; Indian forces des
troyed, 503-518; Victory over
Creeks at Horseshoe Bend, 518;
Creeks sue for peace, 523; Oper
ations at Mobile, 529; Col.
Nichols' (British) famous proc
lamation, 531; Jackson's defense
of Mobile, 534; Jackson's vic
tory at Pensacola, 536; Prepara
tions for defense of New Or
leans, 540; Jackson arrives at
New Orleans, 543; British cap
ture flotilla under Lieutenant
Jones, 545; British forces at
tacked, 551; Gen. Kean's (Brit
ish) confidence shaken, 552;
Jackson fortifies defences, 553;
First British land attack, 554;
the great battle, 558; British re
treat, 564; Jackson maintains
discipline in New Orleans, 566;
British plundering in Georgia,
568; captured papers show Brit
ish rapaciousness, 568; British

invest Fort Bowyer, 569; Win
chester resigns from army and
command at Mobile, 569; Jack
son's difficulty at New Orleans,
570; Peace announced, 572.

NAVAL CAMPAIGNS, prepare to
build fleet at Presque Isle
(Erie), 270; Lake naval pre
parations proceed, Perry placed
in command, 304; Perry takes
charge of building fleet at Erie,
305; Slow progress, 360; Cam
paign begins, 369; British fleet
menaces Erie, 370; Perry
launches fleet, 370; Sails toward
Maiden, 372; Strength of the
two fleets, 373; Perry's victory
dispatch to Gen. Harrison, 382;
Story of Perry's victory, 383;
Burial of the fallen, 388; Con
gress thanks Perry, 389; British
fleet taken to Put-in-Bay, 390;
Prisoners landed at mouth of
Portage (Port Clinton), 390;
Commodore Sinclair's campaign,
456; Secy. Armstrong's letter,
457; Fleet in Lake Huron and
Gloucester bay, 460; Fleet at
Mackinaw, 461; Croghan's en
gagement at Mackinaw, 462;
Fleet at Fort Gratoit, 469;
British capture gun-boats, 470;
Naval participation at New Or
leans (see military campaigns) ;
place of Perry's mobilization,
578.

NECESSITY, FORT, 66.

NEW ORLEANS, Gen. Jackson's
arrival at, 543; British capture
flotilla, 545; Jackson attacks
British forces, 551; Jackson
fortifies defense, 553; First
British land attack, 554; The
great battle, 558; British re
treat, 564.

PACKENHAM, SIR EDWARD,
British commander at New Or
leans, 554.

PERRY, CAPT., appointed to com
mand lake fleet, 304; Goes to
Erie, 305; Launches fleet, 370;
Appears off Maiden, 372; Dis
patch to Harrison, 382; Story of
his victory, 383: Dispatch to
naval secretary, 387; Thanks of
congress, 389.

590

HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR

PINE CREEK, passage, 580.

PIRATES OF BARRATARIA,
their loyalty to America, 567.

PORTAGE RIVER, mouth of,
place of embarkation of Harri
son's army, 392, 578; Fort at,
578.

PRESQUE ISLE, provisions de
posited at, 208.

PROCTOR, his conduct and in
humanity, 235; His proclama
tion to Michigan, 245; Demands
surrender of Fort Meigs, 295;
Promise to the Prophet and Te-
cumseh, 295; Burns Maiden and
retreats up the Thames, 401;
Tecumseh's speech to, 402;
Makes stand on river Thames,
419.

PROPHET, the Indian, proclaims
his power, 18; Removed to the
Wabash, 1808, 19; His conduct
at battle of Tippecanoe, 41.

SENECA, FORT, 344; Blockhouses
commenced, 382; Location, 579.

SHELBY, GOV. ISAAC, recom
mends war board, 127; Letter
to war department, 128; Asks
for more troops, 175; Letter to
Gen. Harrison, 366; Harrison's
reply, 368.

SINCLAIR, COMMODORE, move
ment up the lakes, 454; At
Mackinaw, 461.

SPANISH, intrigue with Indians,
496; Jackson's victory at Pensa-
cola, 536.

SPRINGFIELD, Col. Johnson's
troops at, 380.

ST. CLAIR, GEN. ARTHUR, his
Indian campaign, 10.

STEPHENSON, FORT, 161, 332,
348, 350, 352, 577.

ST. MARYS, depot for army pro
visions, 160.

TAYLER, CAPT. ZACHARY, de
fends Fort Harrison, 171; Pro
moted to major, 172.

TECUMSEH, advocated Indian
confederacy, 17; His growth in
power, 21; Meets Gov. Harrison.
21; Continues his campaign, 23;
Second meeting with Harrison,
25; Visit to Fort Wayne, 50;
Occupie8 Tippecanoe, 51; Ap
pointed brig. gen. by British, 81 ;

At Dudley's defeat, 293; His
humanity, 294; Feint against
Fort Winchester, 343 ; Speech to
Proctor, 402; Death at the
Thames, 426.

TREATIES, Greenville 1794; Jay
with British govt., 15; Fort
Wayne, with Indians 1809; Re
newal of Greenville treaty, 472;
Ghent, 569.

TUPPER, BRIG. GEN., 162; Or
dered to the Rapids, 166; Dis
obeys orders, 167; Goes to Ur-
bana, 168; Charged with Mis
conduct, but acquitted, 169; His
spies reconnoitre the Rapids,
187.

THAMES, battle of, 422; Location
of, 578.

TIPPECANOE, battle of, 38; Loca
tion, 580.

UPPER SANDUSKY, depot for
military and artillery supplies,
160.

VINCENNES, interview of Harri
son and Tecumseh, 21; Troops
arrive at, 176.

WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, ne
gotiations with the English, 10;
Authorizes expeditions on the
Wabash; Col. Hardin's negotia
tions, 12.

WAR, declared by U. S. June 18,
1812, 17; Active campaign be
gins, 61.

WAYNE, GEN. ANTHONY, his
campaign, 12; Victory at Fal
len Timbers, Aug. 20, 1794;
Treaty at Greenville, 15.

WINCHESTER, FORT, 156, 170,
578.

WINCHESTER, GEN. JAMES
(see also military campaigns),
arrives at Fort Wayne, 148;
Takes charge of troops, 149;
Marches toward Fort Defiance,
150; His tactics, 151; Prepares
to meet British under Maj. Muir,
154; Takes command of left
wing, 165; Marches to Rapids,
220; Disregards Harrison's ad
vice, 221; His camp at the Rap
ids, 221; Blunders in forward
ing dispatch to Harrison, 222;
Builds storehouse, 223; Orders
advance troops to River Raisin

IN THE WESTERN COUNTRY 591

(near now Monroe), 224; Troops Maiden, 259; In command at

first score success, 225; Win- Mobile, 568; Resigns his com-

chester arrives at River Raisin, mand, 569; His camp on Mau-

228; His defeat and the mas- mee river, 577.
sacre, 231; His capture, 234; At

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